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Last Chance for Presidential and Political Reforms

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President Ranil Wickremesinghe speaking during a meeting at the Presidential Secretariat where he met Provincial Governors and Chief Secretaries on Thursday (17) to deliberate on the forthcoming administrative procedures associated with the provincial council system.

by Rajan Philips

This is a sequel to what I wrote last week concerning President Wickremasinghe’s options and the country’s counter options. I will take one more kick at the can to say why now is the time for presidential political reforms, and why the opportunity should not be missed. As potential reforms go, presidential reform is the centerpiece, but there are also other reform tasks targeting the electoral system, devolution and the provinces, and the administrative system to provide public service independent of political preferences. Hence the rubric of political reforms.

Also, I use the term presidential reform advisedly, to emphasize that reforming the presidency is not abolishing the presidency. There will have to be a president, but one that is somewhere between the old Governor General and the current Executive President. Fundamentally, a future president, as Head of State, should not be directly elected by the people at large. Nor should she/he be left to be appointed by a prime minister, as Head of Government. The task of reform would be to find a middle way to have future presidents elected by representatives who are directly elected by the people in their constituencies.

The powers of future presidents should also be different. Significantly less than what is provided now, but sensibly more than the ceremonial powers of the past. The Head of State should not be the Head of Government or Head of Cabinet, but could provide a firewall against government interference in the independent functioning of the electoral process, appointment of judges and their independence, and the independent functioning of public servants in implementing government policy.

The Missing Middle

Most of all, presidential powers could be modified to address the implications of the 13th Amendment and the Provincial Council system it created, which have been the principal constitutional change since the presidential system was adopted in 1978. In fact, 13A could be seen as a paradigm shift since constitutional government began in Sri Lanka under colonial rule as well as after it. While debates have been raging for and against the presidential system, on the one hand, and the provincial council system, on the other, the missing middle is the concerted effort to synthesize the two and to reinforce their strengths and restrict their shortcomings.

Sri Lanka still has a few old school legal experts left to do this and more, but the political leadership is woefully wanting in the capacity to realize what is missing and the wisdom to appreciate where help can be found and to get it done forthwith.

President Wickremesinghe thinks and acts like the know-it-all.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on the other hand, nationalized native ignorance when he appointed a constitutional committee of so called experts to produce a whole draft for a new constitution without public consultation or parliamentary input. Whatever draft that the now defunct committee produced deservedly ended up defunct as well. So, everyone thought. Now there are attempts to resurrect it. The same sinister forces who got Gota to do every crazy thing they wanted, and then went quiet and hid themselves as Gota’s presidency spectacularly unraveled, are now back at it again. They want the rejected committee report resurrected.

They have found an opening, rather many openings, in all the presidential meanderings of Ranil Wickremesinghe, to peddle their politics; and they have found patronizing media outlets to publicize their petitions. President Wickremesinghe must take almost all the blame for the new turn of events. He has not solicited or secured principled support in parliament, only an opportunistic voting bloc. He handsomely admits that he is not popular as a politician, but does everything possible to alienate the people at every turn. His 13A adventure may turn out to be a misadventure. Rather than building support for incrementally and systematically implementing 13A, he is providing opportunities for its detractors to call for its wholesale rejection.

What is the 13A implementation that the President is trying to achieve on paper when the provincial councils are not functioning and have been in a state of dissolution for nearly five years? Where is the spirit of devolution and how is its purpose being served, when the President relies solely on his executive powers to implement the provincial council system when there is no provincial council anywhere? Doesn’t he want to know what live and functioning Provincial Councils have to say about the implementation of their own system? Or does he know it all?

For good measure the President keeps lecturing MPs that parliament should act responsibly to implement the 13A the way he sees it. At the same time, he dismisses calls by opposition political parties to hold elections, not only provincial elections, but also local government and parliamentary elections. Without elected provincial councils there is no meaningful ‘implementation’ of the provincial council system. Additionally, how can the president expect political parties to support him to implement the provincial council system, when he summarily spurns their calls to implement it by holding elections in the first place? Not to mention the government trying to strong arm the judiciary to stop it from reviewing an apparently privileged but really superfluous parliamentary resolution on domestic debt restructuring.

Or take police reform. No one taking sides in the brouhaha over provincial police powers is showing any concern for the dysfunctional state of affairs in the national police service. In the Sunday Island last week (August 13), the retired DIG Kingsley Wickremasuriya lists the opportunities lost by successive governments for implementing police reform. And he asserts that the current “dilly-dallying with the appointment of a successor to take over, apparently for reasons of political expediency … is the first time in the known history of the Department that the Police had to face such a situation.”

In this state of national police mess, how is a Provincial Council going to handle police powers? It will not be a case of devolving powers, but distributing a national mess. Put another way, nothing can be done provincially unless everything is reformed nationally. There is no piecemeal way to devolving powers without comprehensive political reforms. That does not mean that you consign provincial councils to cold storage without elections, but prioritize and carry out reform tasks systematically and consistently.

The Last Chance

As I noted last week circumstances have brought Ranil Wickremesinghe to his current position of power. The same circumstances have also a created a vacuum of presidential aspirants. There are no strong presidential candidates with formidable political alliances as in the past. That creates the potential and the space for political and presidential reform independent of presidential elections. The situation in parliament is also conducive to building support among both government and opposition MPs to implement a principled reform agenda.

It is the convergence of the three developments – Ranil Wickremesinghe as caretaker president, absence of strong presidential contenders, and the ‘hung situation’ in parliament – that has created the current unique situation for implementing political reform. It is unlikely that a similar convergence will occur any time in the near future. It is an ideal opportunity that should not be missed.

And it can be seized only if President Wickremesinghe were to declare that he will not be seeking a new term as elected president, and disinterestedly invite parliamentarians to join him on a reform agenda that could be undertaken by the current parliament in short order, along with local, provincial and parliamentary elections. He cannot expect and he will not get the requisite support in parliament for any reform if he were to continue maneuvering to be a presidential candidate.

As I also argued last week, any and all reform prospects will be ruined if President Wickremesinghe were to go ahead with his current plans to be a presidential candidate and find way to call an early presidential election at the time of his choosing. There is also the ominous side to Ranil Wickremesinghe and what it could be with him at the helm as an elected president.

And it would be anti-reformative for any political party to let President Wickremesinghe go ahead with his candidacy plans in the hope of being able to defeat him in his own game. Even if he were to be defeated, it will be a pyrrhic victory as far as political reforms are concerned. For there will be no reform as long as there is an elected president, no matter whoever it might be. And if the current opportunity for stopping presidential elections were to be lost, it may not be possible to stop them from continuing for the foreseeable future.

The big question is, what is there to stop President Wickremesinghe going ahead with his candidacy plans? For starters, as caretaker president he cannot call an early presidential election under the Third Amendment. Any attempt to circumvent that restriction or get a favourable court ruling to pre-empt it should be resisted. That resistance will also send him the clear message that the harder he tries to be a candidate, the more unpopular he will become to win an election. But stopping him from being a candidate will not be enough to usher in reforms.

The more positive question, what is there to make President Wickremesinghe to become a catalyst for reform and not a candidate for its ruin. The short answer is Aragalaya Version 2. If that were ever possible. The opposition political parties could take the lead, but so far they have shown a tendency to oppose President Wickremesinghe by following him, rather than forestalling him. For starters, they may try a parliamentary resolution on political reform. If passed, the Speaker could be asked to declare it out bounds for the judiciary.



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US foreign policy-making enters critical phase as fascist threat heightens globally

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Greater rapport: President Trump in conversation with President Putin. /The New York Times

It could be quite premature to claim that the US has closed ranks completely with the world’s foremost fascist states: Russia, China and North Korea. But there is no denying that the US is breaking with tradition and perceiving commonality of policy orientation with the mentioned authoritarian states of the East rather than with Europe and its major democracies at present.

Increasingly, it is seemingly becoming evident that the common characterization of the US as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’, could be a gross misnomer. Moreover, the simple fact that the US is refraining from naming Russia as the aggressor in the Russia-Ukraine conflict and its refusal to perceive Ukraine’s sovereignty as having been violated by Russia, proves that US foreign policy is undergoing a substantive overhaul, as it were. In fact, one could not be faulted, given this backdrop, for seeing the US under President Donald Trump as compromising its democratic credentials very substantially.

Yet, it could be far too early to state that in the traditional East-West polarity in world politics, that the US is now squarely and conclusively with the Eastern camp that comprises in the main, China and Russia. At present, the US is adopting an arguably more nuanced approach to foreign policy formulation and the most recent UN Security Council resolution on Ukraine bears this out to a degree. For instance, the UN resolution in question reportedly ‘calls for a rapid end to the war without naming Russia as the aggressor.’

That is, the onus is being placed on only Ukraine to facilitate an end to the war, whereas Russia too has an obligation to do likewise. But it is plain that the US is reflecting an eagerness in such pronouncements to see an end to the Ukraine conflict. It is clearly not for a prolongation of the wasting war. It could be argued that a negotiated settlement is being given a try, despite current international polarizations.

However, the US could act constructively in the crisis by urging Russia as well to ensure an end to the conflict, now that there is some seemingly friendly rapport between Trump and Putin.

However, more fundamentally, if the US does not see Ukraine’s sovereignty as having been violated by Russia as a result of the latter’s invasion, we are having a situation wherein the fundamental tenets of International Law are going unrecognized by the US. That is, international disorder and lawlessness are being winked at by the US.

It follows that, right now, the US is in cahoots with those powers that are acting autocratically and arbitrarily in international politics rather than with the most democratically vibrant states of the West, although a facile lumping together of the US, Russia and China, is yet not possible.

It is primarily up to the US voting public to take clear cognizance of these developments, draw the necessary inferences and to act on them. Right now, nothing substantive could be done by the US voter to put things right, so to speak, since mid-term US elections are due only next year. But there is ample time for the voting public to put the correct perspective on these fast-breaking developments, internationally and domestically, and to put their vote to good use in upcoming polls and such like democratic exercises. They would be acting in the interest of democracy worldwide by doing so.

More specifically it is up to Donald Trump’s Republican voter base to see the damage that is being done by the present administration to the US’ standing as the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’. They need to bring pressure on Trump and his ‘inner cabinet’ to change course and restore the reputation of their country as the foremost democracy. In the absence of such action it is the US citizenry that would face the consequences of Trump’s policy indiscretions.

Meanwhile, the political Opposition in the US too needs to get its act together, so to speak, and pressure the Trump administration into doing what is needed to get the US back to the relevant policy track. Needless to say, the Democratic Party would need to lead from the front in these efforts.

While, in the foreign policy field the US under President Trump could be said to be acting with a degree of ambivalence and ambiguity currently, in the area of domestic policy it is making it all to plain that it intends to traverse a fascistic course. As has been proved over the past two months, white supremacy is being made the cardinal principle of domestic governance.

Trump has made it clear, for example, that his administration would be close to ethnic chauvinists, such as the controversial Ku Klux Klan, and religious extremists. By unceremoniously rolling back the ‘diversity programs’ that have hitherto helped define the political culture of the US, the Trump administration is making no bones of the fact that ethnic reconciliation would not be among the government’s priorities. The steady undermining of USAID and its main programs worldwide is sufficient proof of this. Thus the basis has been adequately established for the flourishing of fascism and authoritarianism.

Yet, the US currently reflects a complex awareness of foreign policy questions despite having the international community wondering whether it is sealing a permanent alliance with the main powers of the East. For instance, President Trump is currently in conversation on matters in the external relations sphere that are proving vital with the West’s principal leaders. For example, he has spoken to President Emmanuel Macron of France and is due to meet Prime Minister Keir Starmer of the UK.

Obviously, the US is aware that it cannot ‘go it alone’ in resolving currently outstanding issues in external relations, such as the Ukraine question. There is a clear recognition that the latter and many more issues require a collaborative approach.

Besides, the Trump administration realizes that it cannot pose as a ‘first among equals’, given the complexities at ground level. It sees that given the collective strength of the rest of the West that a joint approach to problem solving cannot be avoided. This is particularly so in the case of Ukraine.

The most major powers of the West are no ‘pushovers’ and Germany, under a possibly Christian Democratic Union-led alliance in the future, has indicated as much. It has already implied that it would not be playing second fiddle to the US. Accordingly, the US is likely to steer clear of simplistic thinking in the formulation of foreign policy, going forward.

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Clean Sri Lanka – hiccups and remedies

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President AKD launching Clean Sri Lanka programme

by Upali Gamakumara,
Upali.gamakumara@gmail.com

The Clean Sri Lanka (CSL) is a project for the true renaissance the NPP government launched, the success of which would gain world recognition. It is about more than just cleaning up places. Its broader objectives are to make places attractive and happy for people who visit or use services in the country, focusing more on the services in public institutions and organisations like the SLTB. Unfortunately, these broader objectives are not apparent in its theme, “Clean Sri Lanka,” and therefore there is a misconception that keeping the environment clean is the main focus.

People who realise the said broader objectives are excited about a cleaner Sri Lanka, hoping the President and the government will tackle this, the way they are planning to solve other big problems like the economy and poverty. However, they do not see themselves as part of the solution.

From the management perspective, the CSL has a strategic plan that is not declared in that manner. When looking at the government policies, one can perceive its presence, the vision being “A Prosperous Nation and a Beautiful Life,” the mission “Clean Sri Lanka” and the broader objectives “a disciplined society, effective services, and a cleaner environment.” If the government published these as the strategy, there would have been a better understanding.

Retaining the spirit and expectations and continuing the ‘Clean Sri Lanka’ project is equally important as much as understanding its deep idea. For this, it needs to motivate people, which differs from those motivators that people push to achieve selfish targets. The motivation we need here is to evolve something involuntarily, known as Drivers. Drivers push for the survival of the evolution or development of any entity. We see the absence of apparent Drivers in the CSL project as a weakness that leads to sporadic hiccups and free flow.

Drivers of Evolution

Drivers vary according to the nature of envisaged evolution for progress. However, we suggest that ‘the force that pushes anything to evolve’ would fit all evolutions. Some examples are: ‘Fitting to survival’ was the driver of the evolution of life. Magnetism is a driver for the unprecedented development of physics – young Einstein was driven to enquire about the ‘attraction’ of magnets, eventually making him the greatest scientist of the 20th century.

Leadership is a Driver. It is essential but do not push an evolution continually as they are not sprung within a system involuntarily. This is one of the reasons why CSL has lost the vigour it had at its inception.

CSL is a teamwork. It needs ‘Drives’ for cohesion and to push forward continually, like the Quality Improvement Project of the National Health Service (NHS) in England. Their drivers are outlined differently keeping Aims as their top driver and saying: Aims should be specific and measurable, not merely to “improve” or “reduce,” engage stakeholders to define the aim of the improvement project and a clear aim to identify outcome measures.

So, we think that CSL needs Aims as defined by NHS, built by stakeholder participation to help refine the project for continuous evolution. This approach is similar to Deming’s Cycle for continual improvement. Further, two more important drivers are needed for the CSL project. That is Attitudinal Change and Punishment. We shall discuss these in detail under Psychoactive Environment (pSE) below.

Aside from the above, Competition is another driver in the business world. This helps achieve CSL objectives in the private sector. We can see how this Driver pushes, with the spread of the Supermarket chains, the evolution of small and medium retail shops to supermarket level, and in the private banks and hospitals, achieving broader objectives of CSL; a cleaner environment, disciplined behaviuor, efficient service, and the instillation of ethics.

The readers can now understand the importance of Drivers pushing any project.

Three Types of Entities and Their Drives

We understand, that to do the transformation that CSL expects, we need to identify or adopt the drivers separately to suit the three types of entities we have in the country.

Type I entities are the independent entities that struggle for their existence and force them to adopt drivers involuntarily. They are private sector entities, and their drivers are the commitment of leadership and competition. These drivers spring up involuntarily within the entity.

Type II are the dependent entities. To spring up drivers of these entities commitment of an appointed trustee is a must. Mostly in state-owned entities, categorized as Boards, Authorities, Cooperations, and the like. Their drivers do not spring up within or involuntarily unless the leader initiates. The Government of a country also falls into this type and the emergence of drivers depends on the leader.

Type III entities have neither independent nor dependent immediate leader or trustee. They are mostly the so-called ‘Public’ places like public-toilets, public-playgrounds, and public-beaches. No team can be formed as these places are open to any, like no-man-land. Achieving CSL objectives at these entities depends on the discipline of the public or the users.

Clean Sri Lanka suffers the absence of drivers in the second and third types of entities, as the appointed persons are not trustees but temporary custodians.

The writer proposes a remedy to the last two types of entities based on the theory of pSE explained below.

Psychoactive Environment (pSE) –
The Power of Customer Attraction

Research by the writer introduced the Psychoactive Environment (pSE) concept to explain why some businesses attract more customers than others who provide the same service. Presented at the 5th Global Conference on Business and Economics at Cambridge University in 2006, the study revealed that a “vibe” influences customer attraction. This vibe, termed pSE, depends on Three Distinct Elements, which can either attract or repel customers. A positive pSE makes a business more attractive and welcoming. This concept can help develop Drivers for Type II and III entities.

pSE is not an all-inclusive solution for CSL, but it lays the foundation for building Drivers and motivating entities to keep entrants attractive and contented.

The structure of the pSE

The three distinct Elements are the Occupants, Systems, and Environment responsible for making a pSE attractive to any entity, be it a person, institution, organization, or county. Each of these elements bears three qualities named Captivators. These captivators are, in simple terms, Intelligent, Nice, and Active in their adjective forms.

pSE theorizes that if any element fails to captivate the entrant’s mood by not being Intelligent, Nice, or Active, the pSE becomes negative, repelling the entrant (customer). Conversely, the positive pSE attracts the entrants if the elements are Intelligent, Nice, and Active.

For example, think person who comes to a Government Office for some service. He sees that the employees, service, and environment are intelligent, nice, and active, and he will be delighted and contented. He will not get frustrated or have any deterioration in national productivity.

The Significance of pSE in CSL

The Elements and the Captivators are universal for any entity. Any entity can easily find its path to Evolution or Progress determined by these elements and captivators. The intangible broader objectives can be downsised to manageable targets by pSE. Achievements of these targets make the entrants happy and enhance productivity – the expectation of Clean Sri Lanka (CSL).

From the perspective of pSE, now we can redefine the Clean Sri Lanka project thus:

To make the Elements of every entity in Sri Lanka: intelligent, Nice, and Active.

How Would the pSE be A Remedy for The Sporadic Hiccups?

We have seen two possible reasons for sporadic setbacks and the discontinuity of some projects launched by the CSL. They are:

The absence of involuntary Drivers for evolvement or progress

Poor attitudes and behaviors of people and leaders

Remedy for the Absence of Drivers

Setting up a system to measure customer or beneficiary satisfaction, and setting aims can build Drivers. The East London NHS principles help build the Aims that drive type II & II entities. The system must be designed to ensure continual improvement following the Deming Cycle. This strategy will create Drivers for Type I & II entities.

This process is too long to explain here therefore we refrain from detailing.

Attitudinal Change

The most difficult task is the attitudinal and behavioural change. Yet it cannot be postponed.

Punishment as a strategy

In developed countries, we see that people are much more disciplined than in the developing countries. We in developing countries, give credit to their superior culture, mitigating ours as rudimental. The long experience and looking at this affair from a vantage point, one will understand it is not the absolute truth. Their ruthless wars in the past, rules, and severe punishment are the reasons behind this discipline. For example, anyone who fails to wear a car seatbelt properly will be fined 400 AUD, nearly 80,000 LKR!

The lesson we can learn is, that in Sri Lanka, we need strong laws and strict punishment together with a type of strategic education as follows.

Psychological Approach as a Strategy

The psychological theory of attitude formation can be used successfully if some good programmes can be designed.

All attitude formations start with life experience. Formed wrong or negative attitudes can be reversed or instilled with correct attitudes by exposure to designed life experiences. The programmes have been developed using the concepts of Hoshin Kanri, Brainstorming, Cause-and-Effect analysis, and Teamwork, in addition to London NTS Quality Improvement strategies.

The experience and good responses we received for our pSE programs conducted at several institutions prove and have built confidence in our approach. However, it was a time, when governments or organisations did not pay much attention to cultural change as CSL expects in the country.

Therefore, we believe this is a golden opportunity to take the CSL supported by the pSE concept.

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Visually impaired but ready to do it their way

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The visually impaired artistes. From Left: Theekshana (rhythm guitar and vocals), Sadun (vocals and keyboards) Akila, (keyboards and vocals), Navoda (drums), Samudra (compere and vocals), Randi (violin and vocals), Sethini (keyboards and vocals), Rashini (keyboards and vocals), Dinesh (percussion and vocals), Tharidu (lead guitar and vocals) and Jonathan (bass guitar and vocals), with Melantha Perera (behind – centre)

Although they are visually impaired youngsters, under the guidance of renowned musician Melantha Perera, these talented individuals do shine bright … hence the name Bright Light.

Says Melantha: “My primary mission is to nurture their talent and ensure their sustainable growth in music, and I’m thrilled to announce that Bright Light’s first public performance is scheduled for 7th June, 2025. The venue will be the MJF Centre Auditorium in Katubadda, Moratuwa.”

Melantha went on to say that two years of teaching, online, visually impaired youngsters, from various parts of the island, wasn’t an easy ride.

There were many ups and downs but Melantha’s determination has paid off with the forming of Bright Light, and now they are gearing up to go on stage.

According to Melantha, they have come a long way in music.

“For the past few months, we have been meeting, physically, where I guide them to play as a band and now they show a very keen interest as they are getting to the depth of it. They were not exposed to English songs, but I’ve added a few English songs to widen their repertoire.

Melantha Perera: Invented a notation
system for the guitar

“On 7th June, we are opening up for the public to come and witness their talents, and I want to take this product island-wide, giving the message that we can do it, and I’m hoping to create a database so there will be a following. Initially, we would like your support by attending the show.”

Melantha says he didn’t know what he was getting into but he had confidence teaching anyone music since he has been in the scene for the past 45 years. He began teaching in 2015,

“When I opened my music school, Riversheen School of Music, the most challenging part of teaching was correcting tone deaf which is the theoretical term for those who can’t pitch a note, and also teaching students to keep timing while they sang and played.”

Melantha has even invented a notation system for the guitar which he has named ‘MelaNota’. He has received copyrights from the USA and ISO from Australia, but is yet to be recognised in Sri Lanka.

During Covid-19, Melantha showcased MelaNota online and then it was officially launched with the late Desmond De Silva playing one of his tunes, using MelaNota.

Melantha says that anyone, including the visually impaired, can play a simple melody on a guitar, within five minutes, using his notation system.

“I’ve completed the system and I’m now finalising the syllabus for the notation system.”

Melantha has written not only for the guitar, but also for drums, keyboards, and wind instruments.

For any queries, or additional information, you could contact Melantha at 071 454 4092 or via email at thebandbrightlight@gmail.com.

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