Features
Larung Gar; The World’s Biggest Buddhist Monastery
by Bhante S. Dhammika
of Australia
Monasticism has been an integral part of Buddhism and Jainism, Christianity, Hinduism and Taoism for centuries. But in the last 100 years its appeal has gone into dramatic decline. Catholicism, which had a rich and important monastic tradition, today has a serious problem attracting new monks and nuns and even of keeping those who have taken monastic vows. Even in Sri Lanka, significant numbers of Buddhist monks, especially young ones, are casting aside the yellow robe for the opportunities the lay life offers.
The only country where monasticism is not just growing but actually undergoing a major revival is Tibet. Until the 1950s Tibet had the largest population of monks and nuns of any country in the world. The three great monasteries in Lhasa, the Tibetan capital, had a combined monastic population of about 20,000 with perhaps another 60,000 in the rest of the country.
Of course it could be argued that having such a huge number of Buddhist monastics was unnecessary, even a burden on the society. But monks were writers and educators, artists, even government ministers and of course contemplatives too. And as in Burma, Thailand and Sri Lanka, monks were the guardians of the country’s culture – they made Tibetan civilization almost completely Buddhist.
When China invaded Tibet in 1950 the first sign of a serious threat to this tradition became only too apparent. Communism is implacably opposed to religion and even more so of religious professionals. For nine years the Chinese pretended to respect Tibet’s traditions all the while quietly undermining it. In 1959 when the Tibetan people finally rebelled all pretense at tolerance was abandoned and the attack on Buddhism became open and brutal. Over the next 30 years Chinese colonial policy resolutely suppressed every expressions of Buddhism. Most monasteries were closed or demolished, all monks were either murdered, forced to disrobed and then ‘re-educated’ or driven into exile.
By the early 1990s the Chinese realized that far from ‘winning hearts and minds for Mao’ their Tibet policy had made the Tibetan people hate him and them, the Tibetans saw other Asian nations free themselves from the colonial yoke just as the fell prey to it. Under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin permission was given for former monks to put on their robes again, a limited number of new monks and nuns were given permission to ordain and even state funds were allotted to rebuilt and repair some monasteries.
Amongst Tibetans there was a cautious optimism that the Chinese had changed. After all, their ‘communism’ had taken on a distinctly ‘capitalist’ form so perhaps their attitude to Buddhism had changed too. But then between 1987 and 1989 there were a series of small pro-independence demonstrations in Lhasa and finally in March 2013 widespread riots throughout the country. These demonstrations were swiftly and violently put down and the more open tolerant policy was reversed. When Xi Jinping became president in 2013 he initiated what he called a ‘Strike Hard’ policy and since then more and more monasteries have been closed, monks disrobed and one has to apply for permission to ordain.
In the early 1980s a monk named Jigme Phuntsok built himself a small hermitage in the remote and sparsely populated Kham region of north-west Tibet. The people of the region, starved of contact with the Dhamma, started coming first in small numbers, and then in crowds. Venerable Phuntsok was a charismatic teacher who occasionally manifested psychic powers (iddhi) and within ten years a monastery called Larung Gar had developed around his hermitage, housing 10,000 monks and nuns. That so many people could be attracted to Larung Gar in such a short time was more than just a testament to Ven. Phuntsok profound spiritual attainments, it also demonstrated people’s rejection of China’s sterile and hollow ‘state ideology’ and their desire for something more profound. In a way it was also a silent protest against Chinese domination.
Larung Gar presents a truly amazing sight to the visitor. Compactly spread over several undulating hills are literally thousands of small kutis all of basically the same design and color. Set in the middle of them is the main temple with its golden roof which glitters in the early morning sun. Around it are a lecture hall, a library and administrative buildings, and beyond this is the treeless grassy countryside of Kham.
By 2001 the Chinese had become alarmed by the growth of Larung Gar and even more so because it was even attracting people from China, Taiwan, Singapore and even the West. So sighting ‘health concerns’, ‘building regulations’ and other excuses, the Chinese started demolishing some 2,000 of the small kutis the monastics were living in. Those who protested were labeled ‘anti-state elements’, arrested and disappeared into China’s vast network of prison camps. Despite this, devotees kept coming and when the authorities were preoccupied with other matters the kutis were rebuilt.
In 2004 Venerable Jigme Phuntsok had a heart attack and was taken to the Chengdu’s Military Hospital where he died eight days later. It is widely believed that the authorities had deliberately delayed his treatment in the hope that this would happen. Despite the absence of this revered teacher, this did not stop religious activities or pilgrims coming to Larung Gar. Then in January 2014 a fire swept through the monastery destroying about a third of it and Tibetans have grave suspicions that this was no accident. What has happened at Larung Gar today is uncertain. Being in a remote area the authorities are easily able to prevent outsiders getting there.
While Larung Gar is by far the biggest monastery in Tibet, in fact the biggest in the world, it is not the only one. All over the country devote Buddhists, lay people and monastics, are finding ways to get around the irksome regulations and restrictions specifically meant to restrict their religion; they are building or repairing shrines, stupas hermitages and monasteries as fast as the Chinese destroy them. China’s leaders would do well to remember Stalin’s 1928 comment; “Religion is like a nail. The harder you hit it the further in it goes.” What will happen to Buddhism in Tibet in the future is hard to say, but one thing is certain – but Buddhism is 2,500 years old; the Chinese Communist Party is only 97 years old.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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