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Landmarks in tea industry:More recent developments

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by ACB Pethiyagoda

(continued from last week)

The Tea Propaganda Board was established in 1932 with participation by Government to plan and market teas rather than purely effect sales. All interested parties such as producers, traders, brokers etc. contributed generously in cash and with their expertise to assist the Board to achieve its objectives.

Mention has been made earlier of the Planters Association of Ceylon (PA) but a few significant stages of its development over the years must necessarily be mentioned.

The inaugural meeting of the Association was held on March 13, 1854 (also recorded as February 17, 1854) at which Captain Keith Jolly (ex Merchant Navy) was elected Chairman with headquarters in Kandy. Some of the early problems, which received the Association’s attention, were recruitment of South Indian labour, transport of produce (estimated at about 79,000 cartloads in one year from Kandy to Colombo) marketing, determination of Planting Districts etc.

Due to long distances planters had to travel, especially from Uva, Dimbulla and Sabaragamuwa attendance at meetings was poor even though some meetings were later held in Nuwara Eliya to correct this situation. Even so, at times the Association was nearly folding up. However, in gradual stages it stabilized itself with improved participation of its members in its deliberations and a permanent headquarters in Kandy was opened in 1900.

After about 40 years from then major structural defects surfaced, the building was demolished and its business was carried out from a temporary office in Kandy. The Association then moved to Colombo in 1947 and into its own building, in Galle Road, Kollupitiya in 1948. Following the nationalization of estates this building was taken over by Government and the Association moved to its present location at Vajira Road, Bambalapitiya.

With London being the predominant market and most owning companies based there, the PA decided to have its own Agent in London and in 1861 E.R. Power was appointed to the post on a fee of 50 pounds a year and expenses. About 1888 this position developed into the powerful Ceylon Association in London and around that time a member of the local Association gained a seat in Ceylon’s Legislative Council.

Other organization that came into being through the commendable efforts of the PA were the Ceylon Estate Agents Association in 1913 and later the Ceylon Estates Propriety Association, which also had a seat in the Legislative Council. Another such organization which owed its origins to the PA was the Ceylon Estate Employers’ Federation now the Employers’ Federation of Ceylon.

With a decline in the numbers of propriety planters, Superintendents and their Assistants felt the need for a body to safeguard and promote their interests resulting in the formation of the Ceylon Planters’ Society in 1936. Its main objectives were the promotion of their professional and personal interests while ensuring the interests of the proprietors.

Up to this the record is of the early proprietors and Superintendents of tea estates and their contribution to the development of the industry. Another highly significant contribution was made mainly by the labour recruited in South India whose trials and tribulations in their journey to their new homes and of life in the estates merits recording.

The first manual workers on plantations were the Sinhalese who were good at contractual tasks such as felling jungle, sawing timber, constructing buildings, turning out tools and implements etc. but who had no stomach for land preparation, planting and harvesting and living in estates. They, by and large, preferred to cultivate their own paddy and highlands in their villages free of regimentation by alien men. Hence, with the fast expansion and proliferation of plantations the obvious answer to much needed field workers was to draw from readily available sources in South India as other countries in the East and South Africa etc. had done before.

The Dutch were the first to bring in hired labour from South India to Ceylon for cultivation of cinnamon followed by first British Governor Fredrick North for the many public works he initiated.

Estimates indicate that there were about 4,000 Indian workers in 1841, which by 1848 had grown to about 32,000. Lt. Col. H.C. Bryde of Black Forest, Pussellawa is said to have claimed to be the first British planter to have brought in Indian labour for work in his plantation. This may have been around 1839.

Men and women who undertook the journey from their dry and barren South Indian villages to Ceylon may never had done so if they knew how arduous, dangerous and long it would be. They were escorted by Sub Kanganies, who were paid for their efforts by the planters, in small boats from Dhanushkodi to Talaimannar or from Tuticorin and other ports to Colombo. The rest of the journey to the Upcountry was on foot through dense, animal and reptile infested jungles.

The numbers who died on the way of malaria, dysentery, lack of food and water, accidents etc. during the 15 to 30 day march were not accounted for. On arrival at the plantations they were provided with manna grass or cadjan roofed houses, (better described as hovels), where they barely withstood the rigours of heavy rain, mist, cold, soggy walls and floors having lived all their lives in hot, drought scourged villages.

Under these appalling conditions they worked from dawn to dusk for a daily wage of around 30 cents for men and 25 cents for women. Of these wages the head kangany collected two cents per worker per work day while one of his many sub kanganies who was directly in charge of the gang of workers brought by him to the country drew ‘pence money’ (whatever that meant), of four cents per worker for each day worked. He was also paid daily wages by the superintendent.

Many head kanganies owned boutiques on the plantations from which they sold at exorbitant prices essentials required by the workers. They also lent money on compound interest rates leaving workers in eternal debt and in obligation to them. Generations of these men virtually lived on the sweat, toil and tears of the exploited workers and their progeny in later years did well for themselves financially. The system mercifully faded away in the late 1930s with the recognition of workers’ trade unions by the government of the day.

On January 1, 1929 the Minimum Wage Ordinance for Immigrant Indian Labour, came into force. Incidentally it was in this year that HRH the Duke of Gloucester visited the country and the Stanley Power Station was opened to provide electricity to Colombo.

The wages provided by the ordinance for men over 16 years was 54 cents, women over 15 years 43 cents and children over 10 years 32 cents per working day. Each worker was also entitled to receive a free issue of rice of a quality valued at not exceeding Rs. 6.40 a bushel at the rate of seven to eight bushels for men, three to four bushels for women and five to eight bushels for children per month.

Trade Unions representing estate workers’ interests were, as to be expected, treated with suspicion and hostility by all those who had a stake in the industry. General unrest on many estates encouraged by leftist political parties, came to a head on April 17, 1939 with the first labour strike at Kotiyagala Estate, Bogawantalawa. The workers demand was to organize a temperance movement which the Superintendent refused to allow perhaps correctly suspecting that what would follow would adversely affect discipline and consequently profitability.

Soon thereafter the second strike took place on January 1, 1940 on Mooloya Estate, Hewaheta during which Govindan, a worker, was shot dead by Police Constable D.G. Suraweera on the orders of Assistant Superintendent of Police, Robin of the Kandy Police. This incident almost led to a constitutional crisis, with the British Inspector General of Police P.N. Banks in the center of things as it were, but was averted by the able handling of the situation by Mr. D.S. Senanayake in the State Council.

The strike on Mooloya like the numerous others which followed in the years to come was on account of demand for higher wages and better living conditions. Since then many improvements have been regularly and consistently carried out with regard to housing and allied amenities throughout the country’s plantations. Unfortunately some villages in the borders of upcountry estates especially, lack the most basic amenities which are freely available on estates. This deplorable situation is mainly due to lack of organized representation on behalf of these villagers from whose very ancestors these estate lands had been arbitrarily taken over by the early British.

After Ceylon gained Independence in 1948 and particularly after the General Elections in 1956 when the SLFP came into power, the number of European planters declined making way for more Sri Lankan Assistants being promoted to positions as Superintendents and recruitment of Assistants locally. Agency Houses in Colombo gave preference to young men from the better known schools with impressive records in sports and leadership qualities.

The appointees followed the traditions and norms observed by their European predecessors in their working and social lives and the transition was smooth. With the rapid increase in competition in the world market the working lives of these planters were harder than that of their predecessors to retain the estates ‘mark’ with a quality product and to effect economies in any possible area to meet ever increasing costs, mainly labour wages.

These challenges were met with admirable results by the majority and their efforts in 1965 resulted in the country achieving the highest ever production and exports and also it became the largest exporter of tea in the world. Of the several reasons for this spectacular performance some of the most important were higher application of inorganic fertilizer, improved cultural practices recommended by the Tea Research Institute, vegetatively propagated (VP) tea coming into bearing, increase in small holdings and their production coupled with close supervision at all levels of management.

This happy situation came to an end following the Land Reform Law of 1972 and the consequent nationalization of the plantations. This event brought about a near total loss of planters’ initiative and enthusiasm on account of the reduction of their salaries and perquisites after the formation of the two organizations set up to manage the plantations – the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation and Janatha Estates Development Board.

Superintendents and Assistants who had previously administered their estates in the best interests of their properties were compelled to adhere to controls seeping down from bureaucrats in Colombo, many of whom had no experience in estate management or for that matter any business enterprise. Political influence from the highest to the lowest levels of the administration of estates became a common feature with labour union leaders often dictating terms. Appointments to executive and staff positions influenced by politicians resulted in wrong choices to the detriment of discipline which was of the highest importance earlier and instances of alleged bribery and dishonesty were not unknown.

The result was that by the late 1980s Government realized that to halt the deterioration, management of estates need to be privatized and grouped in 1992 the 450 odd estates into 22 management companies. Within a year or two a marked improvement in production both in terms of quality and volume was seen.

Now a century and a third after the first commercial planting of 19 acres in tea at Loolcondera, the country can be proud of 180,000 hectares of productive tea lands. The major portion of this comprises of large plantations and a lesser extent in small holdings. However, the yield per unit of land of the small holdings surpasses that of the estates and their combined production is around 283 million kilograms a year. By far the larger portion of this is marketed around the world in bulk form with a small portion as value added teas.

The industry employed directly and indirectly around one million men and women and bring in much needed foreign exchange with relatively insignificant outgoings of exchange on inputs. However, the industry’s anathema is that productivity is lower by far than practically all other tea growing countries.

The pioneers, those who followed them and those who contributed with numerous support services to develop the industry to its present status merit our admiration for their initiative, courage and dedication. Those men and women in the industry today and those who will follow it themselves have the best wishes of the country to better the achievements of their predecessors and perpetuate the once popular slogan ‘Ceylon For Good Tea’.

((First published in 2000. The late author was a tea planter who also worked for the Tea Research Institute early in his career. He ended his working life handling agricultural projects for the Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.)



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result for this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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