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KACHCHATIVU: ENIGMA OF A BARREN ISLAND

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PATHFINDER ALERT

Pathfinder Foundation renews call for establishing a marine research station

Now and then, Kachchativu island, lying halfway between the islands of Rameswaram (India) and Delft (Neduntheevu -Sri Lanka), has been hitting the news headlines. Mainly, such interests are evinced when several of the hundreds of Indian trawlers that cross the International Boundary Line (IMBL) three times a week and engage in bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters get arrested for a variety of offences, including illegal entry into Sri Lankan waters, engaging in fishing without licenses and practising bottom trawling, which is an offence in Sri Lanka.

Compared with the regularity of these infractions, arrests are few and far between, and those arrested are released within weeks, if not days after court cases are completed in keeping with the country’s laws. Yet, egged by the fishing interests, Tamil Nadu politicians have made it a fine art to complain against arrests to New Delhi, demanding retrieval of Kachchativu, as if it would address the problem. While the eye of the storm remains on the island, the Indian public appears to be unaware that illegal fishing by Tamil Nadu fishermen covers a wide ark from Chilaw in the northwest of Sri Lanka to Mullaitivu in the east of the island, hundreds of kilometres away from Kachchativu. Nobody in India, either in New Delhi or Tamil Nadu, wishes to address the larger problem of illegal entry of Tamil Nadu fishermen into a foreign country, carrying out unlicensed fishing, and, in the process, damaging the fragile marine ecology by resorting to bottom trawling within Sri Lankan waters. Ironically, the Indian side, while demanding humanitarian treatment of its fishermen, seems to be oblivious to the denial of a decent livelihood to Sri Lankan fishermen in the north and the east of Sri Lanka, who are warned by their Indian counterparts not to venture into Sri Lankan waters three times a week, when they pillage their marine resources at will. Sri Lankan Tamil fishermen in the north and the east, being the real victims of the tragedy, ask in unison whether the continuation of this illegal practice for many decades is because New Delhi finds it easier to manipulate the Sri Lankan government than making Tamil Nadu fishermen comply with the bilateral and international agreements?

A new Indian RTI report on Kachchativu

The latest round of the controversy over Kachchativu started with a tweet by the Indian prime minister on March 31 referring to an RTI report provided to the BJP president of Tamil Nadu, which reportedly claimed that the Congress Party “callously gave away” the island of Kachchativu in 1974. Indian External Affairs minister followed up on the matter and said that when drawing the maritime boundary in June 1974, “Kachchativu was put on the Sri Lankan side.” Quoting relevant Articles of the agreement and a statement made by Minister of External Affairs Sardar Swaran Singh on July 23, 1974, he added that the exchange of letters between the two foreign secretaries on March 23, 1976, ensured that fishing vessels and fishermen of India and Sri Lanka would not engage in fishing in the historic waters, the territorial sea and the exclusive zones of the two countries without the express permission of the two countries.

He referred to continuous arrests of Indian fishermen and detention of their fishing vessels by Sri Lanka over the years, over which Chief Ministers of Tamil Nadu had repeatedly protested to New Delhi. It was evident that he was not making a case for reclaiming the island but striving to restore fishing rights “around the waters of Kachchativu.” To strengthen his case, he quoted the legal opinions of former Indian Attorney General M C Setalvad (1958) and the Legal Advisor of the External Affairs Ministry, Dr. K Rao (1960), citing customary rights for Indians to fish around Kachchativu. However, what was not figured in the interview was that thousands of Tamil Nadu trawlers cross the IMBL and engage in fishing over a wide arc from Chilaw in the West to Mullaitivu in the East, covering more than 450 kilometres of Sri Lankan coastline!

Even if Sri Lanka were to concede fishing rights around the Kachchativu island as demanded, how India would prevent the pillage of natural resources by Indian fishermen beyond the shores of Kachchativu of its economically debilitated neighbour covering a vast stretch of coastline was not made clear. It is noteworthy that at least for the last twenty-five years, India has been pressing Sri Lanka for licensed fishing in these waters to facilitate the majority of its 4000-strong trawler fleet to continue bottom trawling in Sri Lankan waters, ignoring the illegality of that practice according to Sri Lankan law.

It may be recalled that in June 2011, the TN government led by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Jayalalithaa filed a petition in the Supreme Court of India seeking to declare the 1974 and 1976 agreements unconstitutional. However, the Indian government objected to the TN government’s arguments, stating that “No territory belonging to India was ceded, nor sovereignty relinquished, since the area was in dispute and had never been demarcated” and that the dispute on the status of the island was settled in 1974 by an agreement. Both countries considered historical evidence and legal aspects when arriving at the decision. The legality of the two agreements was confirmed in August 2014 by the Indian Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi, who represented the Centre. He told the Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice of India R M Lodha, “If you want Kachchatheevu back, you will have to go to war to get it back.”

When a previous RTI report was made public in 2015, the Indian side adopted the same position in 2011, that the two agreements did not involve acquiring or ceding territory belonging to India since the area in question had never been demarcated. Against this backdrop, it is not a surprise that three highly respected former Indian High Commissioners of India in Sri Lanka, Shivshankar Menon Nirupama Rao and Ashok Kantha, two of whom later functioned as foreign secretaries, came out publicly against the latest Indian claim over Kachchativu.

Pathfinder is aware that elections in Tamil Nadu at the state or national level are occasions when the issue of Kachchativu receives undue prominence, as happened in March when a report under RTI was released to Tamil Nadu BJP President K Annamalai regarding the 1974 decision of the Indira Gandhi government to “hand over” the territory in the Palk Strait to Sri Lanka.

From a legal perspective, India did not “hand over” Kachchativu to Sri Lanka as claimed by the Indian side, simply because the island concerned was not a territory owned by India. Both countries claimed the island, and Sri Lanka established that historically, cartographically, and legally, the island had been administered by Sri Lanka since the Portuguese period, going back to 1615.

Indian claims to Kachchativu rebuffed during the colonial period

It has been recorded that even during the colonial period, India made claims over Kachchativu. It will be recalled that an Indian delegation visited Sri Lanka in October 1921 to discuss the fisheries line between the two countries. At the meeting, the Indian side made a vain attempt to establish the fisheries line one mile east of Kachchativu so that the island would be located within India’s waters. B. Horsburgh, the Principal Collector of Customs, who had also been the Government Agent of the Northern Province of Sri Lanka and therefore thoroughly knowledgeable on the subject, threatened not to proceed with the conference if the Madras officials led by C W E Cotton continued disputing Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over Kachchativu seeking to stake a claim over the island. Eventually, both sides agreed to set the fisheries line three miles west of Kachchativu, thus bringing the island firmly under Sri Lanka’s control.

Pathfinder is aware that records confirm that even after the independence of the two countries, India used to seek the approval of Sri Lanka to use the island as a bombardment target. In response to a request made by Indian High Commissioner V. V. Giri in August 1949, his Sri Lankan counterpart Kanthiah Vaithianathan responded that the suggestion made by the Indian side to the effect that Kachchativu was situated outside the territorial limits of Ceylon was not correct and that “should the Royal Indian Navy desire to conduct fleet exercises as proposed, it will be necessary to obtain the permission of Ceylon Government to do so,” which response effectively ended the Indian request. Further, except for the claim made at the 1921 conference by the colonial officials of Madras, no other claim had been made by the Government of India until the mid-1950s. Therefore, it can be maintained that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty over the island was based on specific historical documentation, the consistent exercise of jurisdiction and physical control over the island.

The 1974 agreement was concluded after painstaking negotiations spanning the administrations of two Sri Lankan prime ministers, Dudley Senanayake (1965-1970) and Mrs. Sirima Bandaranaike (1970- 1977), during the tenure of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

It is clear that the RTI episode was election-related propaganda activity, and the Indian side had decided to use the opportunity to obtain approval for licensed fishing in Sri Lankan waters. Against this backdrop, Sri Lanka must prepare itself to respond to future pressures and pleas from the Indian side for licensed fishing.

Establish a fisheries research station on Kachchativu

Meanwhile, Sri Lankan authorities should know that they have been idling for exactly half a century after Colombo established its sovereignty over Kachchativu. The island may be a barren piece of real estate in the eyes of Sri Lankan authorities. However, it is a strategically located island that can be put to productive use, considering that its vicinity is famous for fisheries resources. Overfishing and damaging the sea bed due to continuous bottom trawling could destroy the area’s marine environment, depleting the fish stock, mussels, sea cucumbers, and other aquatic organisms that need to be protected. Sri Lanka is yet to understand how it lost its centuries-old lucrative pearl fisheries breeding grounds in Mannar, for which the island was known for many centuries. Against this backdrop, authorities concerned, including the Ministry of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources, the National Aquatic Resources Research & Development Agency (NARA), and other relevant institutions, should come up with ideas on how to use the island by establishing a permanent marine research station on the island, a proposal made by the Pathfinder Foundation way back in 2017.

Meanwhile, Indian authorities and opinion makers should bear in mind that the fly in the ointment affecting cordial India-Sri Lanka relations is not Kachchativu, an issue that was conclusively resolved half a century ago, but the relentless attacks on the fisheries resources in the northeastern sea by Indian trawlers. New Delhi should take proactive measures to address the decades-long issue and not expect the problem to disappear on its own or, eventually, expect Sri Lanka to accept the inevitable, which will come at a considerable economic and political cost to the state. This certainly is not how bilateral relations between India and its neighbours should be conducted, particularly during an enlightened era when Indian leaders do their utmost to stabilize its neighbourhood and see them developing along with resurgent India.

This is a PATHFINDER ALERT of the Pathfinder Foundation. Readers’ comments are welcome at 

www.pathfinderfoundation.org



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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

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President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

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What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

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Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

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Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).

In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.

Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.

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