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Jaffna cricket stadium, sportive nationalism and democratisation of sports

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayake recently launched the construction of the Jaffna International Cricket Stadium, part of a plan to develop a world-class Sports City. The 40,000-seat venue will host international matches

The launch of a cricket stadium in Jaffna, in early September, according to the government is a significant moment for cricket in Sri Lanka, regional development in Jaffna, as well as ethnic reconciliation.President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who was at the ceremony, pointed out that it was a major investment, not only in cricket, but for regional development through tourism, positioning Jaffna as a tourist destination.

The SLC (Sri Lanka Cricket) treasurer shared how the Jaffna Sports City project had been considered a much-needed investment to generate revenues, as the SLC faced declining revenues from media rights and ICC (International Cricket Council) and ACC (Asian Cricket Council) membership disbursements. So, this is mainly about profits rather than the development of sports in local communities.

Sports stadiums as regional development

The argument for stadiums is that it can generate jobs and increase tourism. It is also considered community asset (a public good) that can be used for various events beyond sports, such as musical concerts, religious gatherings, or political events.

While construction phase can sometimes result in a temporary boost to the local economy, underutilised sports stadiums are a common feature in most countries in the Global South. The international standard Sugathadasa swimming complex is an example of this underutilisation. Most cricket stadiums in Sri Lanka are underutilised, because the local communities cannot afford the costs. Moreover, cricket stadiums are specific playing fields, which are difficult to convert to multi-sport venues due to their large, non-rectangular field dimensions.

Nevertheless, the Jaffna cricket stadium project in Mandaitivu Island also includes plans for a multi sports complex, with other sports facilities as well as a sports academy, apartments, hotels, hostels and other facilities. Since this will be administered by SLC, it will seek profits from the use of facilities.

Contrary to the depiction of Mandaitivu Island as a ‘wasteland’, this area consists of a high-value mangrove ecosystem, along with flora and fauna, including numerous migratory bird species and butterflies and moths. Efforts towards sustainable ecotourism and conservation are ongoing, but this cricket stadium is considered a serious threat to this fragile ecosystem. So, the notion of an international cricket stadium as a trigger for regional ‘development’ is a spurious rationale, which links with an “evangelical sports” discourse.

Evangelical sports discourse

The dominant sports ideology is one of “evangelical sports”, which assume an inherent goodness of sports. It locates sports as a sacred, cultural activity, external to the profanity of everyday life itself. Somewhat similar to religion, sports provide means of escape, a sense of community and belonging, involving rituals and devotion, while fostering heroic (divine) figures and symbolic relics.

Evangelical sports discourse represents sports as a carrier of “good news,” with promises of salvation, redemption and liberation.

President Dissanayake highlighted that cricket was the only “good news” provider, when most of the international news about the country was about the civil war, the economic collapse and corruption.

A minor omission in this statement is that the SLC is also implicated, at various times, of corruption, financial mismanagement and match-fixing allegations. In August 2023, with the revelation of SLC corruption, spending SLC funds on family and friends to watch the T20 World Cup in Australia, it was Anura Kumara who said, “What we need is an audit on the SLC board. The SLC board today is occupied by a bunch of arrogant persons who are beyond the control of all known regulatory mechanisms.” Fast forward to 2025, those same “arrogant persons” are still in charge.

The framing of sports as a carrier of “good news”, illustrates the “common sense” ideology of “evangelical sports” reproduced by a range of actors across globally connected sports markets, such as corporations, governments, media, global institutions of sports governance, national sports associations, and civil society organisations. Most sports workers (athletes, coaches, trainers, officials) have internalised this evangelical ideology, which tolerates and often propagate the contradictions of sports.

Of course, there is some element of truth in the “goodness” of sports. However, what is missing is under what conditions (institutional, structural, communal and individual conditions) can we nurture these progressive, life enhancing features of sports.

When sports are driven by interests of profits and authoritarian (heterosexist and ethno-nationalist) patriarchal men in power can sports contribute to cultural flourishing? By engaging in these romanticised sporting pleasures, how are we complicit in reproducing undemocratic sports cultures, that foster all the corruption, bullying, abuse, exploitation and violence within sports.

Stadium as a symbol of sportive nationalism

The stadium is a symbol of “sportive nationalism, a social phenomenon, that fosters a sense of belonging to an “imagined community” of fellow citizens who are bound by shared national symbols and stories. The production of desire within “sportive nationalism” links personal enjoyment in sportive rituals to a national identity, which is often based on an invented national community.

The production of an idealised sense of collective belonging through sports is central for sporting mega events, such as the cricket world cup, which is mainly about profits. Driven by an oligopoly of global media, and techno-feudal internet landlords, this branding of “nation”, amplify narratives of sacrifice and achievement that combine with notion of national identity, unity and harmony.

These fleeting moments of ‘collective effervescence’ depend on a process of mystification and a misrecognition of the underlying reality of sports, as well as the actual struggle for nationhood within multi-ethnic and multi-religious communities.

Most athletes are engaged in forms of bonded labour, sustained by a paternalistic authoritarian culture. These cultures of domination and submission are often rationalised within a myth of sacred Guru-Shishya cultures.

The dominant sports culture is hostile towards any sense of athlete’s rights. This lack of dignity illustrates an oppressive sports culture, which also contributes to a high turnover of athletes as well as the exclusion of a majority of young people from participating in sports. Meanwhile, girls and women athletes are engaged in on-going struggles against patriarchal structures of sexual harassment, abuse and exploitation.

Sportive nationalism not only ignores these internal inequalities, oppressions and marginalisations, but also the integration of local sports with other nation-states. The 1996 World Cup Winning Sri Lankan cricket team was coached by an Australian (with Sri Lankan links). A key actor in the reproduction of sportive nationalism is the sports media.

Sports media

The sports media plays a key role this market driven sports culture. The SLC ‘s profits are mainly through media sponsorship contracts. In 2022, SLC’s total income was Rs. 17.5 billion, with a net profit of Rs. 6.3 billion, and in 2023, the net profit doubled to Rs. 12.1 billion. Media sponsorship is a segment within their overall revenue, which also includes ICC disbursements (Rs 5.85 billion in 2023).* The budget for the Ministry of Sports in 2023 was Rs. 4.2 billion, the allocation in 2025 was around 12 billion.

Most journalist suppress negative sports stories, such as corruption, sexual harassment, and violence, because of retaliation, such as losing access to reporting. Censorship and self-censorship, are at the core of sports journalism. The suffering of sports producers and spectators are less important than the reporting of results and evangelical stories.

For instance, The Papare is a content arm and media network owned by Dialog Axiata PLC, which is a major telecommunications and media Transnational corporation based in Malaysia. Dialogue is a major sponsor of sports as well as key manufacturer of sportive nationalism and evangelical sports narratives. Meanwhile, it is important to recognise how the “sportive nationalism” is also entrenched with the military.

Sports and military

The military not only provides security at major sporting venues, but is the main source of employment for most elite athletes, as well as, an active participant in sports, such as cricket, athletics, basketball, volleyball, boxing, and rugby. There are also military officials who are heading sports bodies. Jaffna Security Forces Commander Major General Manada Yahampath is also the president of the Sri Lanka Aquatic Sports Union (SLASU).

This link between military and sports also fosters authoritarian hyper-masculine sports cultures that reinforce master-servant (command and obey) relations, which enable multiple forms of corruption, abuse, harassment, and violence.

Sports associations coordinating various sports thrive not on transparency, accountability or democracy, but on relationships of patronage. These associations, linked with regional and global institutions, are sustained by oligarchies, and mutually protecting networks of (mostly) men in power.

The presence of the military is a major concern for the Tamil and Muslim communities in Jaffna. Meanwhile, just a few kilometres away from the cricket stadium is the Chemmani mass grave site. Recognising the military-sports dynamic is often missed in the dominant sports narrative that maintains authoritarian as well as mediocre sports cultures.

Democratisation of sports

In August 2025, the Sports Minister dissolved the governing bodies of three major sports, athletics, table tennis and gymnastics. These association are to make necessary constitutional reforms and hold new elections. The intervention through “interim committees” is an on-going process of sports “reforms”, that reproduce sports oligarchies with little impact on actual structures of the sports institutions.

Despite the evangelic sports rhetoric of the NPP at the opening the Jaffna cricket stadium, there is a real need to encourage a conversation on transforming authoritarian masculine (boys club) sports cultures, entrenched in nepotism, waste and corruption.

Sports development through cricket stadiums must accompany changes in sports governance. Who gets to participate in the decision-making process regarding sports?

The democratisation of sports associations based on transparency and accountability as key principles is about re-imagining a public-driven sports culture. This demands critical debates in multiple forums, foregrounding how to transform entrenched patriarchal (heterosexist) ethno-nationalist authoritarian tendencies towards more egalitarian democratic sports cultures.

*https://www.sundaytimes.lk/240901/sports/slc-endure-mixed-fortunes-in-finances-during-2023-569953.html

by Janaka Biyanwila
(1996 Atlanta Olympics Springboard diver;
Author of Sports in the Global South,
Work, Play and Resistance, (2010) Springer, UK)



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Opinion

Sri Lanka Cricket needs a bitter pill

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A systemic diagnosis of a fading legacy

The outcome of the 2026 T20 World Cup, coupled with the trajectory of the sport in recent years, provides harrowing evidence that Sri Lankan cricket is suffering from a terminal malignancy.The Doomsday clock for Sri Lankan cricket has not just started ticking—it has reached its final hour.

Therefore this note is written to call the attention of the cricketing elite who love the sport.

The current state of affairs suggests a pathology so deep-seated that conventional remedies—be it revolving-door coaching changes or fleeting, opportunistic victories—can no longer arrest its spread.

What we are witnessing is not a mere slump in form or a temporary lapse in rhythm; it is a profound systemic collapse that threatens the very foundation of our national pastime.

The Illusion of Recovery: The “Sanath Factor” as Palliative Care:

Since late 2024, the appointment of Sanath Jayasuriya as Head Coach injected a much-needed surge of adrenaline into the national side.

Statistically, the highlights were historic: a first ODI series win against India in 27 years, a Test victory at The Oval after a decade, and a clinical 2-0 whitewash of New Zealand.

However, a data-driven autopsy reveals that these will be “palliative” successes rather than a cure.

Under Jayasuriya’s tenure, the team maintained a win rate of approximately 50 percent (29 wins in 60 matches).

While analysts optimistically labeled this a “transitional phase,” the recent T20 series against England and Pakistan exposed the raw truth: in high-pressure “crunch” moments, the team’s performance metrics—specifically Strike Rate (SR) and Fielding Efficiency—regress to amateur levels.

We are not transitioning; we are stagnating in a professional abyss.

The Scientific Gap:

Why India and Australia Lead

The disparity between Sri Lanka and global giants such as the BCCI and Cricket Australia (CA) is now rooted in High-Performance Science and Algorithmic Management.

Predictive Analytics & Biometrics

In Australia, fast bowlers utilise wearable sensors to monitor workload and biomechanical stress.

AI models analyse this data to predict stress fractures before they occur.

Sri Lanka, conversely, continues to cycle through injured pacemen with no predictive oversight.

Virtual Reality (VR) Training

While Australian batters use VR to simulate the trajectories of elite global bowlers, Sri Lankan players remain tethered to traditional net sessions on deteriorating domestic tracks.

Data-Driven Talent Identification:

India’s “transmission system” utilises automated data analysis across thousands of domestic matches to identify players who thrive under specific pressure indices.

In Sri Lanka, 85 percent of national talent still originates from just four districts—a statistical failure in talent scouting and geographic expansion.

Infrastructure vs. Intellect:

A Misallocation of Capital

Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) boasts massive reserves, yet its investment strategy is fundamentally flawed.

Capital is funneled into “bricks and mortar”—grand stadiums and administrative buildings—rather than the human capital of the sport.

We build colosseums but fail to train the gladiators.

The domestic structure remains a “spin trap.”

By producing “rank turners” to suit club politics, we have effectively de-skilled our batters against elite pace and rendered our spinners ineffective on the flat, true wickets required for international success.

The Leadership Deficit:

A Failure of Succession Planning

The crisis of leadership post-Sangakkara and Mahela is a byproduct of poor “Succession Science.”

Australia maintains a “Culture of Continuity,” backing leadership even through lean periods to ensure stability.

India employs a rigid “Succession Roadmap,” ensuring the next generation is integrated into the system long before the veterans depart.

In contrast, SLC operates on a “carousel of convenience,” changing captains and coaches to distract from administrative failures.

This lack of imaginative management stems from a low literacy in modern Sports Governance.

From a philosophical perspective, our established cricketing traditions have failed to absorb the antithesis of the modern, hyper-professionalized global game.

As a result, a truly modern Sri Lankan brand of cricket has failed to materialise.

Instead, we are trapped in what is called a “Static Synthesis,” where the administration clings to the glories of 1996 and 2014 as a shield against the necessity of change.

This is not a transition; it is a refusal to evolve

We are witnessing the alienation of the sport from its people, where the “Master” (the administration) has become detached from the “Slave” (the grassroots talent and the fans).

The Verdict:

A National Emergency

The “cancer” in Sri Lankan cricket is a trifecta of political interference, irrational management, and a refusal to embrace the Fourth Industrial Revolution (AI, VR, and Big Data).

As someone who contributed to the formation of the Sri Lankan Professional Cricketers’ Association, I see the current trajectory as a betrayal of the players’ potential and the nation’s heritage.

Sri Lanka Cricket does not need another “review committee” or a new coach to act as a human shield for the board.

It needs a “Bitter Pill”—an aggressive, independent restructuring that prioritises scientific professionalisation over cronyism.

Without this, our cricket will remain at the bottom of the well, looking up at a world that has moved light-years ahead.

Shiral Lakthilaka

LLB, LLM/MA
Attorney-at-Law
Former Advisor to H.E. the President of Sri Lanka
Former Member of the Western Provincial Council
Executive Committee member of the Asian Social Democratic Political Parities

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Opinion

Unable to forget the dead

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A church damaged by the Easter Sunday terror attacks

The present government was elected on a commitment to prioritise truth, justice, and accountability to which it is being held by the Catholic Church in particular. This may account for the renewed momentum in investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday bombings which was one of the gravest acts of violence in Sri Lanka’s recent history. A story on the recent developments in the Easter Sunday bombing investigation refers to a father whose six year old daughter died in the explosions that killed 279 people. The news report quotes him saying, “If she were alive today, she would be 13. You cannot suppress the truth for long. Now it’s starting to come out. We want the full truth and justice. Our children did not die in vain.” https://www.ucanews.com/news/sri-lanka-arrests-ex-intelligence-chief-over-2019-easter-bombings/112031  His words capture the ache of continuing grief and the stubborn refusal to let memory fade into oblivion.

The desire for justice, especially for loved ones killed by the actions or omissions of others, is universal. It is seen in the mothers of the North, in Jaffna and other towns, who have sat by the roadside year after year asking what happened to their children who disappeared in 2009 when the war ended or even earlier as when 158 people were taken from the temporary refugee camp in Eastern University in Vantharumoolai, Batticaloa, on September 5, 1990 never to be seen again. The reality, however, is that the suffering of individuals is easily submerged in the larger schemes of power. Governments are concerned about retaining political power, security forces close ranks, and societies are encouraged to forget in the name of stability, economic recovery, or national pride.

In Sri Lanka that forgetting has not taken place. Due to the sustained efforts of the Catholic Church and the families of the victims, the demand for truth and justice regarding the Easter Sunday attacks has not gone away. It has persisted through indifference, hostility, and at times intimidation. It is perhaps this persistence that has made the arrest of retired Major General Suresh Sallay a significant moment for those who have not forgotten. The arrest of General Sallay, who once headed military intelligence and later the State Intelligence Service, has been controversial. He is widely credited with playing a significant role in dismantling the LTTE’s networks and is regarded by some as one of the country’s most capable intelligence officers.

Persisting Doubts

From the very day of the Easter bombings in April 2019, there has been a doubt that the attacks were too meticulously planned to have been carried out solely by a ragtag group of youth or radicalised men acting on their own. The suspicion of a “grand conspiracy” has existed from the beginning and was voiced even by senior legal officials involved in the investigations. The attacks were claimed to be staged by ISIS, whose leader issued a statement claiming credit for them as part of a global ideological struggle. But this did not answer the central question about why known Muslim extremists were not apprehended when the war with the LTTE had ended many years before and they were no longer needed as a counterforce and why repeated intelligence warnings from India were ignored.

For seven years successive governments failed to move beyond the finding of negligence on the part of those who were in charge of national security. Investigations stalled and key questions remained unanswered. A parliamentary committee questioned whether sections within the intelligence community, supported by some politicians, sought to undermine investigations.

The Supreme Court held several government leaders and senior officials guilty of negligence and dereliction of duty, imposing heavy fines. That judgment established that the state failed its citizens. But negligence is one thing. Deliberate connivance is another. The present government was elected in 2024 on a promise that the truth behind the Easter attacks would be uncovered. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake committed himself publicly to accountability.

As several foreigners including US and UK citizens also lost their lives in the bombings, foreign intelligence agencies from the United States, the United Kingdom and other countries came to Sri Lanka soon after the attacks to conduct their own inquiries. The US has filed charges against three Sri Lankans. So far, international findings have not identified an external mastermind directing the plot from abroad. The focus remains on possible failures or complicity within.

Indeed, by arresting a former intelligence head who was widely credited with playing a significant role in dismantling the LTTE, the government has taken a considerable political risk. Opposition politicians and nationalist voices have framed the arrest as a betrayal of the security forces and an attempt to appease external actors. Others have suggested that it is a diversion from present economic or political challenges.

Beyond Easter

The Catholic Church, which most directly represents the victims of the Easter attacks, has expressed support for the renewed investigations. The involvement of the Church has helped to take the issue beyond the realm of partisan party politics and to one of the search for truth and justice. But this search for the truth cannot be limited to the Easter bombings. It needs to extend beyond this particular bombing, heinous though it was. A state that investigates only one atrocity while ignoring others signals that some lives matter more than others. That is a dangerous message in a country that has been divided along ethnic and religious lines. Truth seeking is not a betrayal of those who fought in difficult circumstances. It is an affirmation that the rule of law applies to all. It strengthens institutions by cleansing them of suspicion. It restores trust between citizens and the state.

Sri Lanka’s modern history is marked by many unresolved crimes. Large scale killings, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial actions during the period of the ethnic war remain unaccounted for. There were churches and orphanages bombed during the war. There were hundreds taken from camps or who surrendered only to disappear forever. Thousands of families continue to live without answers. The mothers of the disappeared have not gone away.

They sit in the heat and rain because they cannot forget their children and want to know what happened to them. Their persistence mirrors that of the Easter victims’ families. Both ask the same question. Who was responsible and why. For too long Sri Lanka has avoided these questions, arguing that reopening the past would endanger stability and that the path to success is to focus on the future.

But memory and the desire for truth and justice does not die. By prioritising truth and justice as governing principles, the government can begin to restore faith in public institutions. This requires investigating what happened and why accountability was denied. Healing the wounds for Sri Lanka does not lie in forgetting the dead. Justice is not only punitive. It is also restorative. It allows societies to move forward without carrying unspoken burdens.

The Easter Sunday victims, the disappeared of the war years, and all those lost to political violence belong to the same community of Sri Lankan citizens that the government has pledged to treat equally. This calls for a consistent standard of truth. By pursuing the Easter investigation wherever it leads and by reopening and resolving the unresolved crimes of the war years, the government can set the country on a path of redemption.

by Jehan Perera

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Opinion

Sri Lanka – world’s worst facilities for cricket fans

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A file photo of a packed cricket stadium in Sri Lanka

Having watched Sri Lanka play in multiple World Cups (both formats) in six countries over the past 15 years, I regret that the worst facilities for fans are in the ongoing edition in Sri Lanka. I’m in my mid 60s and over many decades have watched our team play in every international cricket venue in Sri Lanka and several abroad. Even in developing countries such as in the Caribbean and Bangladesh, where I saw us triumph in 2014, there seems to be more concern for ordinary spectators and their basic expectations.

On this occasion, I travelled from the other side of the world and had to plan ahead. In the past editions, I recall tickets going on sale well ahead, but on this occasion, only a couple of months for some games and a couple of weeks for others. Even then, only low priced categories were released initially and I snapped them up, only to find better seats released a few days later. When I tried to buy those, I was told by the system that the maximum ticket quota is exceeded. I had to ask a friend to buy the tickets for me and transfer, hence paying multiple times for the same game. Why can’t all tickets be made available transparently to all fans at one time and sold to the 1st comers? Is there some racket in sending tickets “underground” initially to be resold at higher prices or given away free to cronies? I am tempted to believe this as in smaller grounds like P Sara and Galle, I have found in past bilateral tours such as vs England, where tickets are in high demand, the better tickets are never offered for public sale. But at the venue, I find many empty good seats. I understand that hundreds of tickets are given away as compliments to past cricketers families and friends and families of SLC big wigs, who routinely never turn up, depriving the opportunity to fans who are ready to pay for those same seats.

The most agonising part is entering and leaving the grounds which at both Premadasa and Pallekele this year was an absolute nightmare, with high possibilities of stampedes causing serious injuries or worse. Is the ICC not concerned – at least for the sake of avoiding legal liabilities? In past decades I remember long metal barricaded pathways set up a little away from the gates to force fans to queue up for body search, etc. This ensures more orderly entry as Sri Lankans are notorious for queue-jumping. Instead this time round it was a free-for-all for. The next shock is upon entry; there are clearly more people in each stand than the available seats. If you don’t arrive early and grab a seat, you end up standing in the aisles or stairs with an obstructed view and crushed on all sides. I saw some elderly foreign fans walk off half way in disgust. There was a time when in most stands at the R. Premadasa Stadium, a ticket guaranteed a seat. Now, it is not so even in the highest priced Grandstand. Seat numbers have been obliterated. With all the financial stability of the SLC that they claim in media, can’t they afford to repaint the seat numbers and set up some physical queuing pathways? Or is it that they are simply unconcerned about the suffering of ordinary fans? Or do they prefer free seating so that it’s easier to admit favoured individuals free of charge? At a world cup in New Zealand, I observed they had engaged many volunteers, young and old to act as guides/ ushers in and around the stadium. This is a common practice even in Olympics. Apart from trips for multiple board members, their families and other companions, can’t SLC spend a little to send some operational level staff to study and apply the best practices of other member countries to improve things at our local facilities? Moving onto toilets, without exaggeration, Pallekelle had 3 inches of filthy water (maybe urine) on the men’s toilet floor to wade through. In Sri Lanka, it is essential to have the constant presence of several janitors to ensure clean toilets. There wasn’t even one in sight. At the previous edition of this tournament in St. Lucia, West Indies, a small island where Sri Lanka played, I found impeccably clean toilets at the Gros Islet grounds.

Food and beverages is the next bone of contention. Quality and range offered was pathetic compared to the past in Sri Lanka and certainly compared to world cup venues elsewhere. Only plain instant noodle, hot dogs and some Chinese Rolls were generally available and some of the vendor stalls were unbranded, causing doubt in the minds of about the origin and quality of the offerings. Beer was the next scam, at Premadasa only Corona R. 2000 per cup and Budweiser Rs, 1500 were on offer, both unknown brands to most Sri Lankans. Budweiser also ran out early in the match, leaving a Hobson’s choice for fans. Apparently, this was a global sponsorship deal, but strangely at Pallekele, there was a small, unbranded shed in a corner selling Beer (presumably local) at Rs. 500. Was this something underhand? SLC Office bearers boast of their good relationships and having influence at the top levels within ICC. They also sit on their Boards and committees. Can’t they influence better deals on offerings and prices appropriate to local crowds? Finally, at the end of many hours of suffering, we come to the chaotic exit with everybody pouring out into narrow highly populated streets around the Premadasa stadium. With all the millions they are reportedly raking in, can’t SLC attempt to collaborate with the local authorities and acquire some of the surrounding lands, offering the residents attractive deals. Sri Lanka already has a very high number of stadia per capita. Building more and more may be lucrative for some, but investing in improving say three select existing venues to international standards in different parts of the country is the need of the hour. Once I took a flight via Mattala to watch Sri Lanka play at the Sooriyawewa stadium. Built in the middle of nowhere, with no surrounding infrastructure, it fell into total neglect just a few years after it was opened. When thousands of spectators attempt to find their way home at once, it can be anticipated that all modes of public transport including Uber and Pickme get overwhelmed. I had to walk about three kilometres and try repeatedly for almost one hour to secure a ride. After watching Sri Lanka play a world cup match at Sydney Cricket Ground, (capacity 50,000) we were able to calmly walk about 15 minutes to a long line of parked busses which took us painlessly to different points of the city. At the Oval, London, three underground tube stations are within 15 m walking distance and extra trains are deployed to handle the load after matches. Are SLC officers too busy to engage in some discussion with Public and Private sector transportation providers to make some special arrangement for the weary cricket fans?

I bought tickets to watch Sri Lanka play Pakistan in their final game in this tournament, but decided that the hardship and risks of bodily injury to be endured to support our team was not worthwhile at my age. Since that triumphant day in Dhaka in 2014, not only the standard of our Cricket but the facilities and basic comforts expected by ordinary fans have sadly declined drastically.

Sujiva Dewaraja
sujiva.dewaraja@gmail.com

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