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It’s now or never for Sri Lanka to implement structural reforms, says 14th governor of Central Bank

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Expresses confidence IMF will help Sri Lanka at this crucial juncture

By Sanath Nanayakkare

This time Sri Lanka will be going into an IMF programme in an environment of negative growth. So it’s absolutely essential that structural reforms that never got done are done this time around, or else Sri Lanka will suffer from severe recession and large-scale unemployment, the 14th governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy warns.He said so while speaking at an expert panel discussion hosted by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka earlier this month.

Making a detailed presentation with the genesis of the current crisis and confidently illustrating a way out of it, Dr. Coomaraswamy pointed out that the country landed in the current crisis due to some historical reasons which go back several decades as well as key policy missteps made by the authorities in the recent past.

‘The Island Financial Review’

has reproduced some of his important remarks below at a critical time the IMF is making an in-person visit to Sri Lanka, hopefully to conclude its staff level negotiations for an extended fund facility for the crisis-riddled country.

“All of you know about Sri Lankan economy well enough. For years now, macroeconomic stress has been a major cause for instability in the system. The primary cause of that macroeconomic stress in my view has been the government’s fiscal operations. Often we tend to confuse symptoms and causes, so it’s very important to differentiate between these two. People talk about inflation, the current account balance of payments (BOP) and currency pressure etc. as causes of the problem. These are in my view largely symptoms because the underlying cause is the Excess Demand that’s pumped into the system by the government’s unsustainable budgetary operations. That has created the excess demand which causes inflation, worsens current account deficit and eventually puts pressure on Sri Lanka’s foreign currency. So the underlying cause most of the time is the government’s fiscal operations. I say most of the time because sometimes external factors like commodity prices also contribute to this instability, but that’s a matter outside of authorities’ control. Most often it’s our policy missteps related to unsustainable budgetary operations that caused the difficulties. One should also recognize that often the negative effects of fiscal indiscipline are amplified by ‘fiscal forbearance in monetary policy’.

“Often instead of leaning into excesses of the fiscal side, monetary policy has actually amplified the negative effects of fiscal excesses by generating money as cheaply as possible for the government taking preeminence over the Central Bank’s primary objective of price and economic stability. This has happened many times over the years where the Central Bank indulges in financial repression to raise cheaper money for the government.”

“I think an attempt was made to try to address this through the new Central Bank Bill. I will come to that a bit later. So a mixture of fiscal indiscipline often amplified by fiscal forbearance in monetary policy has time and again been a major contributory factor for the repeating crisis we face today, and repeating IMF programmes that we have had to undertake — 16 times up to now as you know.”

“In terms of historical causes, the twin deficit also plays a role. There is the budget deficit and the BOP which have been persistently affecting Sri Lanka. The unsustainable budgetary deficit to a significant extent has been due to the lack of revenue. Revenue which was around 20% of GDP until the mid-1990s, has now fallen below 10%. In my view, one of the main causes has been the extensive concessions that have been given, which has led to loss of revenue. One can understand introducing exemptions during the conflict because it was necessary to overcome the war risk premiums by giving tax concessions. But after the war, there’s far less justification for continuing these exemptions. I think one needs to address the tax exemption issue if one is to enhance the revenue-base and fiscal consolidation on a sustained basis. There’s too much tax revenue that’s being given away. And the buoyancy of the tax system is also affected by the fact that some of the new dynamic sectors are exempt from tax. And tax exemptions are now given to some extent because the governments have not been able to do the structural reforms that are necessary to reduce the cost of doing business in the economy. So to compensate for that the right way around is; to make sure those structural reforms are done and the cost of doing business in the economy is brought down, and taxes are collected to be able to deliver the public services effectively.”

“Then, the current account deficit is attributable to the fact that often there’s been an anti-export bias in the policy framework. The exchange rate has often been overvalued; there have been high levels of protection, incentivizing investment and production for the domestic market rather than for the external market. That’s perhaps the most damaging phenomenon that has persisted on the external side. The most dynamic component of the international trading system in the past 20 plus years has been Cross Border Supply Chains. If you impose a para tariff into these supply chains, in modern production networks, the distinction between imports and exports get blurred. Because you import the components or material and you do your own production process and then send it out. If you slap a para tariff in the middle, you become uncompetitive. And we have had our para-tarrifs which have ensured that Sri Lanka has been almost totally out of these global supply chains, and thus the country lost its competitiveness. The end result is; Sri Lanka has not been able to penetrate global supply chains. We have a ‘very negligible presence’ in the global supply chains. That’s another reason why we have this persistent deficit in our BOP. The anti-export bias in the policy framework has worked against the country in diversifying its export product base and diversifying its markets with value added products. That’s a big part of the twin deficit story.”

“Another aspect in terms of historical reasons which has led to today’s predicament is the debt burden the country has come to bear. Almost all countries in the world rely on some foreign savings to fill the investment gap, to support its imports etc. In the absence of it, any borrowings taken to supplement domestic savings has to be done in a sustainable way. That’s where we have run into a problem today. Prior to graduating to Middle Income Country status, Sri Lanka received generous levels of foreign aid on extremely generous terms. We were able to raise foreign savings in a way that did not undermine debt sustainability. And when our macro stability was threatened, we were bailed out with concessional money. So debt sustainability was never really an issue while we were a low-income country even though we did undertake larger amounts of foreign borrowings. As the terms of those borrowings were so concessional, debt sustainability didn’t turn out to be an issue.|

“However, once we graduated and started accessing international capital markets – I think the first international sovereign bond (ISB) was issued somewhere in 2007 or 2008. From that time onwards, the share of commercial borrowings in our stock of debt increased rapidly. And ISBs became a major instrument for raising that money. Once you start borrowing from international capital markets, you then become subject to the discipline imposed by rating agencies as well as international capital markets. If you act outside of their disciplinary framework, for them, it signals non-prudence and they penalize you; they will downgrade you and when this occurs over time, you may get locked out of international capital markets. That’s what has happened to us today.”

“We have relied on ISBs a great deal. Let me say something about the ISBs mobilized about USD 10 billion during my time as governor between 2015-2019. When people say ISBs increased by USD 10 billion, they ignore the fact that USD 5 billion of that was actually attributable to reducing a short term swap of USD 2.5 billion to USD 500 million during that period and investment of volatile portfolio capital in government rupee securities – those were reduced from 3.5 billion to 2.9 billion. USD five billion of short term expensive volatile borrowing was diverted to longer term ISBs which were 5 and 10 years in tenure at cheaper interest rates. Those loans were not cheap at 7% in a low interest environment. So of the USD 10 billion , 5 billion was for switching instruments and a further two billion was due to the fact that in 2019, a second ISB was issued in June because the elections were coming and there was a possibility that we could lose access to capital markets because of the fiscal indiscipline we generally see at election times. Then it was considered prudent to take a second ISB and build up a bit of a buffer so that we could see through that usual period of election time instability. However, the bottom line is that we essentially took on foreign commercial debt but did not utilize it to save or earn foreign exchange. Instead of investing that money in tradables, we invested them in non-tradables. So it became very difficult to service the debt. You had to keep rolling it over and you had to ensure that you have access to the capital market to keep rolling the money. Because we had not put the money to good use, our capacity to generate money for loan repayment weakened. Notably, In April 2019, a medium-term debt management strategy was published by the Central Bank and the Treasury jointly which sought to gradually shift away from the dependence of foreign borrowings. If you suddenly shifted and you had not built the capacity to repay, then you would have had a massive rollover problem; something akin to today’s situation. The medium term debt management strategy meant to shift gradually away from foreign borrowings and rely more on domestic borrowings in a gradual way, and at the same time to run a surplus in the primary account in order to reduce the need for borrowings. It included building up non-debt creating inflows to increase our capacity for repayments. The Liability Management Act would have increased tools available to Central Bank to manage debt. So those were the two pillars determined to deal with the debt, but unfortunately those were discontinued. So the bottom line is we have to get into tradables.”

“The recent cause can be divided into two. One is; external causes over which authorities had no control and two; self-inflected wounds or policy mistakes. The pandemic had a significant negative impact on the economy. Then global commodity prices including oil prices started to increase even before the war in Ukraine. And the war has amplified those problems. Today the whole world is facing food and fuel insecurity. These were factors that have affected Sri Lankan economy beyond the control of the authorities. However, the tax cut was a policy misstep. That’s widely known and I am not going into details, but I am going to pose one question If the new Central Bank Bill which got into parliament in December 2019 was implemented, would the tax cut have taken place? Because what the Central bank Bill proposed was that the Central bank would be prevented from entering into the primary auction of Treasury Bills. The Central Bank would not have invested in Treasury Bills at the primary auction. If that was the case, I’d hazard a guess that the government would have been far more cautious in the way it treated its tax revenue.”

“The government knew it could get the Central Bank to print money almost at will. In my view, it was very cavalier in the way it treated its tax revenue. The whole idea of having that clause was to prevent the Central Bank from fiscal excesses. Some of the fiscal excesses that took place in the past two years could well have been prevented in my view if that proposed Central Bank bill had been approved by parliament and then the Central Bank would not have been able to purchase treasury bills in the primary market. It would have acted as a break on fiscal excesses and also would have reduced reliance on Central Bank financing which now cause negative impacts both in terms of feeding imports and controlling price levels.”

“Then the fertilizer ban and I won’t delve into that.”

“Coming to the alternative policy of the Central Bank (CB) in the recent past; one was the fixation of the exchange rate and the loss of reserves it brought about. Second, the combination of tax cuts and financial repression which took place with a cap on the one year TB rates in an effort to drive down interest rates. What that did was leading to undersubscription of T Bills because the rates were not commensurate with market trends. Then the CB was forced to absorb those T bills and financing of the deficit went up exponentially as you know.”

“The third policy misstep which was part of the alternative policy was to abandon the IMF programme because I think without the support of the IMF it’s very difficult to maintain market access. It is very difficult to maintain the rating in a twin deficit economy. We were downgraded. We lost market access. We lost about USD 2.5- 3 billion per year of financing that was available through the market.”

The 4th misstep in the alternative policy was the delay in seeking IMF assistance. The IMF of today is very different from the IMF of 15- 20 years ago. The IMF of that era was very prescriptive in terms of Washington Consensus which was narrowly interpreted and imposed on countries. Today the IMF adopts a far broader approach. It looks at distribution. It looks at sustainability. In my view, it was a great mistake by being so late to approach the IMF. In my view, we should have approached IMF in December 2020 and used that year’s budget to prepare the path ahead for an IMF programme. And if you went to the IMF at that time, debt restructuring would not have been a pre-condition because I don’t think our debt was unsustainable at that point. Even if it was so, I think re-profiling of our debt with minor adjustments could have rectified the situation. But having left it so late with our reserves almost negligible, we now have a major restructuring exercise to cope with. Those I think were the policy missteps within the alternative policy.”

“I have given you historical reasons; I have given you more recent reasons that resulted in exogenous shocks – what I would call self-inflicted wounds. What are the areas that we need to focus on now? One is; we need to make sure that our macroeconomic management is sound and we enter into an agreement with the IMF for an extended fund facility and hopefully other rapid financing initiatives as well. On fiscal policy, we have recently seen a number of measures for greater sustainability. As I understand, the fiscal policy goal is to achieve a 1% GDP primary surplus by 2025. It is crucial that if we are to contain the debt problem there is a surplus in the primary account on a sustainable basis. There have been only four years since 1954 when the country has had a primary surplus in the budget. This year our primary defect could be 4.5% of GDP. Once we get to a primary surplus, we need to maintain a primary surplus in the budget. That’s what the government intends to do. I hope the country will get there.”

“On Monetary policy it’s good that financial repression has ended and interest cap has been removed. I think the present Governor and the Monetary Board should be commended for sharp increase in policy rates they effected. I think it was crucial that there is a clear signal of the intent on the part of the government and the monetary board to indicate that firm action will be taken to contain inflation and inflationary expectations. I see a lot of people writing that this would have an impact on MSMEs. Yes, it may have a terrible impact on them. But what is the counter factual? The counter factual is hyperinflation. In a context of hyperinflation, not only MSMEs, all businesses almost all segments of the economy including households will have devastating consequences. I think things are beginning to turn around now. If you look at what is happening in the government securities market, there was an overshoot in terms of the rates but they are stabilizing and coming back slowly registering full subscriptions of Treasury Bills after a long time for all maturities.. We can see stability returning. Over time we will see some reduction in market interest rates as well. The monetary policy is going in the right direction.”

“The fixation of the exchange rate which led to a depletion of reserves also it created a very high premium for the dollar in the gray market due to imbalance in supply and demand in the foreign exchange market. At that point, you need to sequence policy measures appropriately. Even the Executive Board of the IMF which put out a statement after review of Article 4 said that the exchange rate should be relaxed gradually. So what they meant I think at first you need to reduce the imbalance between demand and supply of foreign exchange. So you have to take demand compression measures like tax increases, interest rate hikes, adjustments in fuel and hopefully electricity prices. So you have to make these adjustments to reduce the demand for foreign exchange in the market. And at the same time, one should also if possible increase the supply of foreign exchange by going into a programme with the IMF. So it is about demand curtailing and increasing our foreign exchange supply. We can’t let any of that go. I think that the authorities are doing the right thing in this direction. If there is a staff level agreement with the IMF in the coming days which is distinctly possible and in such a context, that should instill more confidence in the economy. Then we may see more export conversions, we may see a greater share of remittances coming through banking channels, we may see some foreign inflows coming into the Colombo Stock exchange and into the rupee securities. With an improvement of confidence as a result of an IMF staff level agreement, the supply side of the foreign exchange market will improve. In conjunction with the demand curtailing measures, we should see the exchange rate stabilize. And if the IMF programme is completed, and there is a debt restructuring programmer, that would again lead to a significant increase in the foreign exchange supply.”

“One should also commend the move on quantitative restrictions: Actually having quantative restrictions is a violation of two agreements the country has signed up to. One is the Article 6 agreement of IMF where current account transactions have been liberalized so quantitative restrictions violate various WTO agreements. Of course one is allowed to do so but cannot sustain it. It is commendable that the authorities have shifted from quantitative restrictions and moved towards import restrictions through price adjustments.”

“Now there is the need to come to some common understanding about debt sustainability analysis so that Sri Lanka can get on a path towards debt sustainability. Because the IMF does not lend to any country where it deems debt is unsustainable. That is what is left to be done now. Consultancy firms for debt restructuring have been appointed, Hopefully now the move towards debt sustainability analysis can be achieved and a staff level agreement can be reached.”

“Another area that needs to be attended to immediately is bridge financing. It will take some months after a full agreement is reached on the extended fund facility with the IMF to possibly draw on Rapid Financing Initiative. For this debt restructuring negotiations will need to be completed or there should be enough clarity in debt sustainability. This is going to take some months. Because our reserves went down to zero, we have to mobilize bridge financing. The Indian government has given us a great deal of bridge financing. I think they have agreed to provide about USD 4.5 billion in different ways and I think there will be another USD 1.5 forthcoming. So it will be USD 6 billion from India. There is some indication that the Japanese government may also now step forward in providing bridge financing. The Indian authorities took advantage of the Quad Summit to basically approach the Japanese to extend assistance to Sri Lanka. I understand that the matter was raised at prime minister level, foreign minister level and at the national security advisor level. There are signs that Japanese government may well be willing to consider some bridge financing for Sri Lanka.”

“The multilateral organizations cannot give new money until there is an IMF arrangement in place because of debt unsustainability. But they have been re-purposing existing loans. There was a lot of valuable support to Sri Lanka from the Chinese government during the pandemic. There is a condition attached to the Chinese swap related to the months of import cover that we need to have in order to be able to draw on that money. It is difficult for the Chinese government to take that condition off because there is some concern that those swaps are excluded from the stock of debt that is to be rescheduled. Because this is a three-year swap, it might be termed as a loan and there may be pressure from the IMF and others to include it in the stock of debt and the Chinese government would see it as a disadvantage.. It makes them hesitant to take off that condition to enable Sri Lanka to use that money which is in the Central Bank account. There are signs that some bridge financing is becoming available. The Indian money is well established. Japanese are willing to help, multilaterals are keen on re-purposing existing loans and much more will come through direct budgetary support once the IMF programme is finalized.”

Without debt restructuring, it is difficult to get IMF financing and without an IMF programme, it is difficult to get bridge financing to get over this problem. Current debt that is to be rescheduled includes bilateral debt and commercial debt. Domestic debt and Sri Lanka Development Bonds are not included in it. And there has to be equity of treatment for all creditors in our effort to get on a path of debt sustainability.”

“There will be enormous pressure on the bottom half of the income pyramids while taking all these measures to create economic stability So we need to ramp up social safety nets and cash transfers to the vulnerable sections to safeguard them.”



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Trump heads to Saudi Arabia eyeing more investment in US

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President Trump, pictured here in 2019, is due to meet Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman on Tuesday [BBC]

With US President Donald Trump due to visit Gulf states this week, a key focus will be securing significant new investment for the US economy.

“President Trump wants the announcement [of more Gulf money for the US],” says economist Karen Young, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute think tank.

“He wants to have a big poster in a meeting that describes where these investments might go. And some estimation of what they will do to the American economy in terms of job creation or his big push, of course, on domestic manufacturing.”

Trump is due to arrive in the Saudi capital, Riyadh, on Tuesday 13 May, to meet the country’s de facto leader Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Trump is then expected to attend a summit of Gulf leaders in the city on 14 May, before travelling to Qatar that same day, and then ending his three-day trip in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on 15 May.

The economic importance of the region to Trump is highlighted by the fact that the visit to Saudi Arabia was due to be the first overseas trip of his second term in the White House. That was before the death of Pope Francis necessitated Trump attending his funeral in Rome towards the end of April.

Saudi Arabia was also the first country that Trump visited during his first term of office, going against the modern practise of US presidents to start with the UK, Canada or Mexico.

Getty Images An Uber car
The Saudi Public Investment Fund owns an 8.4% stake in Uber [BBC]

Securing new investments in the US from Gulf states, and particularly from their state-backed sovereign wealth funds, will help Trump to signal back home that his “America First” agenda is delivering results.

The presidential visit is drawing top Wall Street and Silicon Valley leaders to Saudi Arabia. A Saudi-US investment forum on 13 May in Riyadh will feature CEOs from BlackRock, Palantir, Citigroup, IBM, Qualcomm, Alphabet, and Franklin Templeton.

The push comes amid economic headwinds, as President Trump’s new import tariffs have significantly disrupted global trade, confidence, and the US economy itself. US economic output fell in the first three months of this year, its first fall in three years.

Back in January, Prince Mohammed said that Saudi Arabia would invest $600bn (£450bn) in the US over the next years. However, Trump has already said that he’d like that to rise to $ 1tn, including purchases of more US military equipment.

According to Ali Shihabi – a Saudi commentator and author, with close ties to the Saudi government – a number of economic agreements will be signed during the trip.

“These deals will further integrate the Saudi and US economies together, joint ventures in the kingdom, in the United States, procurements of American weapons and goods,” says Mr Shihabi.

Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, the Public Investment fund (PIF), which controls assets worth $925bn, already has numerous investments in the US. These include Uber, gaming firm Electronic Arts, and electric car firm Lucid.

Meanwhile, the UAE has already committed to investing $1.4tn in the US over the next 10 years, in sectors such as AI, semiconductors, energy and manufacturing. This was announced by the White House in March after the UAE’s national security advisor, Sheikh Tahnoon bin Zayed Al Nahyan, met President Trump in Washington.

Yet Ms Young from the Middle East Institute says that the scale of these investments is not realistic in the short term. She instead says that they are long-term strategic moves, and that the figures should be taken “with a little bit of a grain of salt”.

Regarding specific deals that could be announced during Trump’s visit, it is widely reported that Saudi Arabia will agree to buy more than $100bn of US arms and other military items.

These are said to include missiles, radar systems and transport aircraft.

The US has been a longstanding arms supplier to Saudi Arabia, but in 2021 the then Biden administration stopped selling Riyadh offensive weapons, citing concerns about the country’s role in the war in neighbouring Yemen.

The 2018 killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was also widely reported to be a factor. A US report said that Prince Mohammed had approved the murder.

The Biden White House resumed the sale of these weapons last year. While it cited that the Saudis had stopped bombing Yemen, some commentators said that the US was seeking Saudi assistance to help end the conflict in Gaza and aid its future reconstruction.

Getty Images A vast construction site in the Saudi capital
Saudi Arabia is investing in construction and infrastructure as it tries to move its economy away from oil [BBC]

Mr Shihabi says Saudi Arabia will be seeking assurances from the White House that the US will implement a “more efficient procurement system”, enabling the Gulf state to access ammunition and military equipment far more quickly and easily.

“The Trump administration is initiating procedures to facilitate those deals. So, it’s expected that this process will improve immediately,” he adds.

Artificial intelligence is the other topic that will dominate the agenda during Mr Trump’s visit. Talks are expected to centre on attracting greater Gulf investment into US tech firms, and boosting the region’s access to cutting-edge American semiconductors.

The UAE and Saudi Arabia have been investing billions of dollars into tech and AI sectors as try to diversify their economies away from oil.

The Emiratis, in particular, are keen to establish themselves as a global AI hub.

Last week, the Trump administration scrapped the Biden-era chip regulations that placed restrictions on exports of advanced US chips to more than 120 countries including the Gulf states.

The White House is expected to draft new rules that would potentially involve direct negotiations with countries like the UAE.

“For the UAE, this is absolutely essential,” says Ms Young. “They are aggressively building out their AI capacity. So, for them getting access to US technology is imperative to be the best.”

While much attention will be on Trump courting Gulf capital for the US, Saudi Arabia is equally focused on drawing American investment into its ambitious Vision 2030 program.

Led by giant construction projects, such as the building of a linear city called The Line, Vision 2030 is central to the Saudi government’s continuing efforts to diversify the country’s economy away from oil.

It also involves pouring resources into entertainment, tourism, mining and sports.

However, foreign direct investment into Saudi Arabia declined for a third straight year in 2024, reflecting persistent challenges in attracting overseas capital.

The fall in global oil prices since the start of the year has further strained Riyadh’s finances, increasing pressure to either raise debt or cut spending to sustain its development goals.

Oil prices tumbled to a four-year low amid growing concerns that a trade war could dampen global economic growth.

The decline was further fuelled by the group of oil producing nations, Opec+, announcing plans to increase output.

Saudi Arabia is part of that group, and some commentators said that the rise was in part a desire to please Trump who has called for lower oil prices.

Other analysts said the reason was more that Opec+ remains confident that the global economy is growing.

The US-Saudi Business Council, is an organisation that aims to boost trade ties between the two countries.

It is hoping that Trump’s visit will push American businesses to explore more opportunities in Saudi Arabia, especially in sectors like AI, healthcare and education.

“The Saudi government is looking heavily to invest in these sectors. There is a very big appetite for Saudi companies to collaborate with American companies,” Hutham Al Jalal, who heads the Riyadh office for the organisation, tells the BBC.

Saudi officials are said to be confident that some deals in these sectors will be secured during Trump’s visit.

For Saudi Arabia, Trump’s visit is about strengthening ties with their longest-standing Western ally – a relationship that grew strained during the Biden years. For President Trump, it is about landing investment deals that can be framed as a win for his economic agenda.

“President Trump is looking for a headline of big investments in America, and he will get that from this trip,” adds Mr Shihabi.

[BBC]

 

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DMASL Digital Summit 2025 set for July 24-25 in Colombo

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The Digital Marketing Association of Sri Lanka (DMASL) has announced the DMASL Digital Summit 2025, South Asia’s ‘most anticipated’ digital innovation forum, scheduled for July 24–25 in Colombo. Marking its third edition, the summit is poised to be the largest and most transformative yet, uniting many industry leaders, creators, and visionaries to shape the region’s digital future.

Under the theme “Where Asia’s Digital Minds Converge,” the 2025 summit amplifies its role as a catalyst for cross-border collaboration and cutting-edge strategies. This year’s agenda spotlights Asia’s rapid digital evolution, offering a dynamic platform for professionals driving transformation in marketing, technology, and commerce.

The event will feature the following.

Visionary keynotes from global pioneers in AI, data analytics, and digital commerce. Masterclass workshops on AI-driven marketing, omnichannel strategies, and ROI optimization. Interactive innovation zones featuring live tech demos, VR/AR experiences, and startup pitch sessions. Regional success stories through case studies from top brands and emerging disruptors and Hyper-targeted networking with C-suite executives, policymakers, and content creators.

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LIC Lanka secures Rs. 2 billion capital infusion from its Indian parent company

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Prameela CR, LIC Lanka’s new MD/CEO

Timing aligns with Sri Lanka’s hunger for FDI and LICL’s ambition to shed its low-profile past

In a bold move signaling renewed confidence in Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, Life Insurance Corporation Lanka Ltd (LICL) has secured a Rs. 2 billion capital infusion from its Indian parent company (LIC of India), marking one of the largest foreign direct investments (FDI) in the island’s insurance sector this year.

The injection arrives as Sri Lanka has intensified its efforts to attract global capital while LICL is also positioning itself to reshape the underpenetrated life insurance market through aggressive expansion, tech upgrades, and innovative retirement plans targeting underserved workers in the private sector and in the informal economy.

LICL, a 23-year-old joint venture between LIC India (97% stakeholder) and Bartleet Transcapital (3%), plans to leverage the fresh funds to overhaul its IT infrastructure, streamline its 24-branch network, and launch private-sector retirement schemes – among other products including investment plans – tailored for informal and private-sector employees lacking retirement coverage.

LIC Lanka’s new MD/CEO Prameela Chittazhi Ramanadhan, a 27-year LIC India veteran, told The Island that the timing aligns with ‘Sri Lanka’s hunger for FDI’ and LICL’s ambition to shed its ‘low-profile’ past.

“This investment isn’t just capital. it’s a vote of confidence from our parent company in Sri Lanka’s potential,” Prameela asserted. “We’re addressing critical gaps: only 0.5% of GDP comes from life insurance, and millions lack pension safety nets. Our new products will redefine accessibility to this segment,” Prameela CR said.

A portion of the funds will modernise LICL’s digital infrastructure to fast track claims processing and customer service, a critical step as the insurer seeks to rebuild trust in a sector still scarred by the 1960s nationalisation of foreign firms.

“Trust is earned through consistency. In 23 years, not a single customer has accused us of unmet promises,” Prameela noted, hinting at upcoming campaigns showcasing client success stories.

LICL’s push comes amid lingering skepticism toward life insurance, partly rooted in societal beliefs. The 1961 nationalisation of insurers, which forced foreign players to exit, left a legacy of public wariness. Prameela CR acknowledged the challenge but expressed optimism: “We’ve operated here for decades without controversy. Now, we’ll be louder about our track record,” she said.

Prameela CR , a law graduate who rose through LIC India’s ranks since 1997, brings cross-functional experience to her role. Her strategy hinges on ‘localised innovation,’ blending LIC India’s global scale with targeted products for Sri Lanka’s ground realities.

Post-capital infusion, LIC Lanka is poised to be no longer the quiet player.

With insurance penetration languishing at 0.5% of GDP, far below regional peers like India (3.2%) – LICL’s gamble hinges on convincing Sri Lankans that life insurance isn’t a luxury but a necessity.

“The pension push could tap into growing anxiety over retirement security as the population ages,” LIC Lanka said.

As FDI-starved Sri Lanka watches, LICL’s Rs. 2 billion bet may prove a litmus test for foreign insurers eyeing the island’s untapped potential.

Industry analysts say LICL’s Indian pedigree could bolster its credibility. LIC India, the world’s third-strongest insurance brand, manages over $500 billion in assets, offering LICL technical expertise and actuarial firepower.

By Sanath Nanayakkare

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