Features

Integrity and Compromise

Published

6 months ago

2025/08/24

Kadirgamar

Remarks of Professor Rajiva Wijesinha at the celebration of the life of Lakshman Kadirgamar, held at the Women’s International Club in aid of the Peter Weerasekera Home

After those two very scintillating presentations by Sakuntala Kadirgamar and Dayan Jayatilleka, it will be difficult for me to follow, since I cannot claim to understand the personality as much as Saku did or the politics as well as Dayan did. So, let me confine my remarks about a man greatly admired and greatly loved to the last few years of his life when we got comparatively close.

I had first met him much earlier, back in 1973. I had not realized then that he had just come to England when he dropped in when I had my parents in Oxford and stayed for an evening. I saw him on and off after that but suddenly, in 2002, his secretary called me and said that he wanted to re-establish the Board of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, and he had handpicked half a dozen people. Then he spoke to me himself and he explained what he was trying to do. I have to say that that Board which I served on is really the only Board I served on in which one could respect everybody, listen to everybody and understand and appreciate their contribution. He himself had a great mindset, and guided the meetings impeccably.

That was when I really became very close to Dayan. Also, there was Professor Amal Jayawardena, Lecturer in political science at Colombo University, there was a very professional, quiet Foreign Service representative, Mr. Navaratnarajah, there was Professor Savithri Gunasekera, there was Nanda Godage from the Foreign Ministry and we would meet maybe once a month and it was a really scintillating discussion.

I learnt a lot from him then and this takes up from what Dayan said, that he developed great relationships through the Bandaranaike Centre to fulfill the principles Dayan has laid down, about his liberal but highly principled vision of foreign relations. To me, in an odd way, this was something like coming home because of what had happened way back in 1981, after I had resigned from my university post in protest against the deprivation of Mrs. Bandaranaike’s civic rights. This is something I have never regretted, because though people in the higher echelons of society thought I was eccentric and over-reacting at the time, later they told me you understood what JR was up to, which none of us did at the time.

JR himself understood the importance of my gesture. So a couple of months later he stopped my taking on the post of Director of Studies for which I had been selected by the Board of the BCIS, which included Mrs. Bandaranaike, Mervyn de Silva, a really distinguished Board and the then Director, Dr. Udugama. As Noel Tittawella, a Supreme Court judge he had got rid of, put it to me, JR will never forgive you because you are the only person of his class who kicked him in his teeth, something I feel very proud of still, 45 years later.

So, when Lakshman asked me to sit on the Board, I really felt a sort of fulfillment. He knew exactly what he wanted and made it clear why he had asked me, and my task was to develop the courses of study there, to include more language teaching and I think we did remarkable and innovative work in those years.

What impresses me is that it is because of Lakshman’s leadership, which made us all punch above our weight. Of the then Director, Lakshman told us he is not perhaps the brightest person in the world, but he is hardworking, and he was able to put together a vibrant programme, with lots of excellent speakers, and I believe that since then it has not done the half in any year as happened when Lakshman was in charge.

In those years, we had great links with Indian think-tanks, which held me in very good stead later when I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat and I had to go to India quite often, with Chinese think-tanks and with American think-tanks and it was clear that the leadership of these had total respect for Mr. Kadirgamar. It was a very, very lively period, only about two or three years, in which he was really developing capacity, not only through his Board but also through his trainees, something we are again missing for we do not have enough understanding of the principles of foreign policy that Lakshman Kadirgamar understood so well and which we have not seen replicated.

Because of the foundation he had laid down, which Dayan was able to bring to fruition when he was our ambassador in Geneva, through links with the Indians and the Chinese, and also the Americans, he got on quite well with the Americans before Hilary Clinton turned up and poisoned everything, we had a very successful run at the Human Rights Council. I still recall that the Chinese once told Dayan just make sure the Indians are on board because they understood the realities as well. This brings me to a point that I learnt then, and which I have used since, about how a country like Sri Lanka should conduct its foreign policy.

It arises from a story deriving from Buddhism. Like Lakshman Kadirgamar, I was born a Christian, but I tried to study and understand some of the principles of Buddhism and that has helped in understanding the world at large. One thing that always puzzled me when I was a little boy was the story of how Buddhism came to Sri Lanka. You may remember Arahat Mahinda turned up and met the King and his first question to the King was “What is that tree over there?” And the King said “That is a mango tree.” And then Arahat Mahinda said “Are there any other mango trees?” And the King, now thinking this is a very strange man, said “Yes, can’t you see all the other mango trees around it?”

And then Arahat said “Apart from mango trees, are there any other trees in the world?”. And the King said “But of course, look, there are those trees, and those trees and those trees.” And then Mahinda said to the King “Apart from those other mango trees, and all those other trees that are not mango trees, are there any other trees in the world?”

Perhaps you know the answer. The King thought very deeply and said “Yes, there is that original mango tree you pointed to me.” And the story goes that Arahat Mahinda thought this man was worth teaching and then he taught him the doctrine. I used to think when I was a child that this was a silly story but later I realized what it meant.

It is about the way we should conduct ourselves as individuals, it is about the way a country should conduct itself because our primary responsibility is, as we were told earlier this evening, to “be yourself”.

You are the centre of your understanding and you must not betray yourself but then, there is a circle around you, your family, your friends, you have to think about them as well. As Nimal Cooke said about Trinity, you do not let them down. They are your circle but then apart from those, there is a world around you. Maybe not connected to you but that too has to be registered, understood and served.

That was Lakshman’s fundamental philosophy, that was his foreign policy. As Dayan has so eloquently pointed out, he was absolutely devoted to the concept of national sovereignty and I think it is obvious but, as you know, we lived in a world then in which some people were just saying what is this, why aren’t we going with the West? And others were saying why should we? Why don’t we just stick to brute nationalism, and not look around us, and his line was national sovereignty but then work together with your neighbor, that is why with him the links with India were sacrosanct, he had wonderful relations with Indian politicians, with Indian thinkers. And then with China, he also realized the importance of that, you know, our Asian circle, in which fortunately or unfortunately, these two countries dominate, and we have to learn to live with them. As Dayan said we live in the interstices, we cannot be confrontational, we must stop them being confrontational and using us, this country, to be confrontational.

Then there is the world at large and I think that was the principle of Lakshman Kadirgamar’s foreign policy and that is why and how it was such a rewarding experience to work with him during that all too short period at the Bandaranaike Centre, when he really made it a Centre. It is a pity that it no longer moves in the direction that he laid out, that the country no longer operates on the principles he expounded and exemplified.

Q&A Session

If there is anything you want to ask please raise your hand and we will pass the mic around. Any questions to Dayan, Rajiva or me or comments you feel are appropriate, please ask them now.

Q: What would it have been if he had been alive today in the present political arena? If he was alive today what would his thoughts be in the present political arena today, if he was alive?

Q: Are you referring to the Sri Lankan context or the international context, or both?

A: Sri Lankan.

A: I do not think he would have looked at it in partisan political terms, he would have of course been naturally in sympathy, not politically perhaps, or ideologically but with a younger administration, a younger generation elected to office. He would not have had an attitude of hostility. That said, if I may draw on Rajiva channeling Arahath Mahinda, I think Lakshman Kadirgamar would have totally disapproved of giving the top of this tree to India and the root of this tree to China and keeping back the middle for God knows who. That he would not have done it.

Q: But Dayan you do not answer the question as to whether he would have had a choice about which tree goes to whom because now we are surrounded by predators.

A: Lakshman always found space. It was very difficult to do what he was doing, he managed to keep the Norwegians engaged while drawing certain red lines, as we saw during his controversial stand on the PTOMs which he did not support. So, I think that there is no situation in which Lakshman Kadirgamar would have been incapable of protecting a quintessential autonomous space in which Sri Lanka could have been what we authentically or truly are.

A: I have always thought that the sheer style of the Tigers can be seen in the way they destroyed our best hopes one after the other. Premadasa, whom I think was actually developing areas in the North East where the Tigers’ way did not hold, and where he had a lot of support amongst the Tamils, Vavuniya for instance, Gamini Dissanayake, who was prepared to move on devolution but also had a strong constituency which would enable him to push, Neelan Thiruchelvam whose murder allowed the TNA to welsh on its agreement with President Kumaratunga and Lakshman Kadirgamar, and then finally Lakshman Kadirgamar because, I think, he had the capacity to have kept Mahinda Rajapakse on the straight and narrow because he believed passionately in devolution.

He also believed in crushing the Tigers and elements such as Mahinda Rajapakse’s agreement with the Indians to build on the 13^th Amendment which he promptly welshed on and, you know, his votaries said that Dayan Jayatilleke had written it which was all nonsense, I was in Kandy when it was done and Dayan was in Geneva, all that would not have happened if Lakshman had been alive. And they got rid of him at a crucial time. It was perhaps a pity he could not be appointed Prime Minister but that was understandable in that context. I believe Mahinda Rajapakse would have appointed him Prime Minister had he lived.

You know, he was desperate as to what to do. He called Ratnasiri Wickremanayake back. So Lakshman had that capacity. Now, all I can say is while Dayan made the point that he would not have done what this government has done, and Saku made the point, perhaps they had no choice, I think one of the biggest problems is that we do not have the think-tanks which Lakshman would have set up for a government that, perhaps, does not have any resources as to foreign policy that it can call on. So, if proper respect is paid to Lakshman Kadirgamar, perhaps a time will come when there will be an effort to set up thinkers who will follow the guidelines he laid out than which there is nothing better for this country and for individual relations.

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Features

More state support needed for marginalised communities

Published

2 days ago

2026/02/13

Thilina Walpola

A landslide in the Central Province

Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:

Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey

When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.

The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.

Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.

A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.

The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.

As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.

Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.

First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.

Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.

Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.

Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.

Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.

Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.

Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.

Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.

Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.

(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)

by Shashik Silva ✍️

Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

3 days ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

3 days ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.