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Inside election and political stories from the Chandrika years

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Chandrika Kumaratunga

Events subsequent to the attempt on CBK’s life

President Chandrika Kumaratunga spent several weeks in the United Kingdom receiving treatment following the assassination attempt on her by the LTTE. On her return to the island, she immediately dissolved the parliament and called for a parliamentary election as Karu had expected.

According to Karu, facing this upcoming parliamentary election was to be no easy task due to the threats and harassment meted out by opponents in several electoral seats in Gampaha. Kumaratunga’s younger brother Anura Bandaranaike was to contest from the Gampaha district under the United National Party (UNP) ticket. Anura and Karu would set out together every morning to canvas the area and meet their supporters.

“Even though we set out together every morning, around early afternoon Anura would claim he was too tired to go on and turn back…” Karu recalls. According to him, UNP candidates had to face threats and acts of intimidation in many areas of the Ja-Ela, Minuwangoda, and Gampaha electorates.

“We were attacked while campaigning in these areas. At times we were even shot at by ruffians sanctioned by our opponents. Each time I escaped unscathed but several UNP supporters were injured in these incidents…” Karu recalls.

According to Karu, despite repeated complaints by him, not only did the police seem disinterested in putting a stop to these acts of election violence, but they also failed to apprehend any suspects involved. Refusing to back down Karu lodged a complaint with the election monitoring office. Based on his complaint the office assured Karu that additional election monitors will be assigned to the Gampaha district.

But the threats and harassment Karu had to face did not come from his political opponents alone. Karu says these incidents stemmed from the preferential vote feuds among the candidates of the UNP itself. While it was impossible to avoid competitiveness between party colleagues under the preferential voting system, Karu says he often did his best to stay clear of such conflicts.

“I avoided asking people to cast a preference vote for me. Instead, I asked the people to first vote for the UNP and vote for three UNP candidates of their preference…” he says. Karu believes by doing this he was largely able to avoid conflict with other UNP candidates and carry out a successful election campaign.

Though a large number of election monitors had been deployed for the parliamentary elections of 2000, Karu says it had little effect on preventing election violations and frauds from being committed in some rural polling centres. Voters presumed to be UNP supporters were threatened and driven away by armed thugs on election day, preventing them from casting their votes. The thugs carrying out these acts had been brought from other areas of the country.

Karu says the UNP lost out on a large number of votes from the Gampaha district due to these acts of intimidation of voters. He says election monitors were unable to prevent these acts as the groups of thugs would make their getaway before the monitors could visit the scene. In this situation, the only step the monitors could take was to obtain statements from witnesses and enter them into their observation reports.

At the election, the ruling People’s Alliance (PA) managed to secure a majority of the seats in the Gampaha district while the UNP was merely able to score victories in the Wattala and Negombo electorates. Though the UNP had suffered a setback, the election was a personal triumph for Karu. To his surprise, he had won the preferential vote race by becoming the UNP candidate from the Gampaha district with the most number of preferential votes, a staggering 237,387.

While UNP stalwarts Anura Bandaranaike, Dr Jayalath Jayawardena, John Amaratunga, Joseph Micheal Perera, Edward Gunasekara and Suranimala Rajapaksha were also elected to parliament from the district, they had all received less than 100,000 preferential votes. I was humbly pleased about receiving such a large number of votes at the very first parliamentary election I contested …” Karu says.

Not only did Karu surpass his party colleagues, but he was also able to receive more votes than Susil Premajayantha, the PA district leader and the former Chief Minister of the Western province. The 165,905 preference votes he received paled in comparison to Karu’s 237,387. Nevertheless, the PA was able to once again emerge victorious in the parliamentary elections held that year. The ruling party secured 107 seats in parliament while the UNP only laid claim to 89. In a surprising turn of events, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which held only one seat in parliament till 2000, was able to increase it to 10.

But the PA’s win was to be bittersweet. “It was tragic news…” Karu says recalling the incident. The country went into mourning after it was announced that Sri Lanka’s former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike had died at age 84 after suffering a heart attack on October 10, 2000, the very day of the country’s parliamentary elections.

Bandaranaike, the mother of President Chandrika Kumaratunga and UNP politician Anura Bandaranaike had been returning home after casting her vote at the Sri Sanghabodhi Vidyalaya polling station in Nittambuwa when the incident occurred. A formidable stateswoman, Bandaranaike was the world’s first non-hereditary female head of government in modern history after she was elected as Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister on July 20, 1960.

“Those of us in the UNP were also truly shocked and saddened by her demise. After being elected as both the world and country’s first woman Prime Minister she served three terms. Even though she as the leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) had held a different ideology to that of the UNP, Madam Bandaranaike had cast her vote for me – at the local government elections for Colombo…” Karu says. According to Karu, he came to know this after Bandaranaike had personally told him of the fact. Hearing of her death, Karu had visited her residence.”Tintagel’ in Rosmead Place that night to pay his last respects.

Based on their performance in the parliamentary elections of 2000 the PA was able to once again form a government. However, the party was pressed to maintain a majority in parliament. The only political solution was to appoint more members to the cabinet than previously. At the time private media institutions dubbed this new cabinet a `Mega Cabinet.’ Karu says it was ironic that Kumaratunga who had lampooned the large cabinets under Presidents Ranasinghe Premadasa and D.B Wijetunga was herself forced to appoint a similar cabinet at the very beginning of her second term as President.

Kumaratunga had appointed a cabinet consisting of forty-four members. But the government was still on shaky ground. A conflict had arisen between President Kumaratunga and Rauff Hakeem, the leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) – a party to the government. Hakeem had vehemently disagreed with Kumaratunga’s decision to appoint her mother’s cousin General Anuruddha Ratwatte as the Deputy Minister of Defence. As Hakeem continued to voice his disapproval, Kumaratunga was forced to appoint Ratwatte as the Minister of Power and Energy instead. Ratwatte, a seasoned military man, had responded to the snub by being passive- aggressive.

Reports of yet another rift within the government appeared in the gossip columns of Sri Lanka’s weekend newspapers. They claimed Kumaratunga and S.B Dissananayke, a Minister in her government, had fallen out for reasons unknown. “Though we never found out the truth, we were able to confirm through several government ministers that Dissanayake had stopped attending cabinet meetings during this time…” Karu says laughingly.

It was widely accepted among Karu’s UNP colleagues that rifts within the government had begun to appear. Kumaratunga’s alleged favouritism of SLFP members formerly of the Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya (SLMP) had also left many senior SLFP politicians disgruntled giving rise to even more conflict within the government.

In 1994 the PA led by Chandrika Kumaratunga had swept into power on the promise of abolishing the curse that was the executive presidency. At the elections, Kumaratunga had also promised a political solution to the national question in Sri Lanka. However, she was not able to fulfil either of these promises during her first term. Kumaratunga failed to abolish the executive presidency as her government did not possess the required two-thirds majority in parliament.

Meanwhile, Kumaratunga also held a discussion with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran in January 1995 in a bid to arrive at a political solution for the decade long national question. These talks were followed by several more discussions. But unfortunately, Kumaratunga was unsuccessful in her efforts.

But in 1999 and 2000 the PA in its election manifestos reiterated these pledges. The party then requested the public to vote them into power and provide them with the necessary two-thirds majority to deliver on those promises.

Though the UNP introduced the executive presidency to Sri Lanka in 1978, by 2000 the party had also begun to realize its many pitfalls. As the Tamil political parties of the North also held similar reservations about the post, the Kumaratunga government decided to look into the possibility of abolishing it with the support of all parties in parliament. As a result, the government organized one-on-one discussions with each political party. It was also decided that following these discussions a multi-party conference will be held on the agreement of all parties.

The UNP had readily accepted the government’s invitation to attend the multi-party conference. On the advice of party leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, Karu along with UNP MPs K.N Choksy and Tyronne Fernando attended the discussion. Ratnasiri Wickremanayake and Nimal Siripala de Silva attended on behalf of the SLFP. Members representing several Tamil political parties from the North had also attended the much awaited conference.

“Discussions were held over several months. At the end of it, a proposed draft constitution was formulated by G. L. Peiris. It was proposed that the executive presidency be abolished and be replaced by a ceremonial president instead in addition to the appointment of three vice presidents…” Karu recalls.

According to him, the UNP had initially expressed its agreement to the draft only to backtrack later. “It was proposed the new constitutional amendments would only come into effect at the end of Kumaratunga’s term in 2005. We were not agreeable to this…” he says. “It was, therefore, decided the UNP should withdraw from the conference…” he adds.

Meanwhile, stiff opposition against the draft proposals had also begun to rise among some groups of Bhikkus as well as political and civil society activists. At the time the opposing Bhikkus even held a Maha Sangha Sabha at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall in Colombo to voice their dissent.

It was also rumoured that certain big wigs in the government were also displeased by the proposed draft constitution. “Some claimed Kumaratunga’s own Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake did not agree with the new proposals either. At the time Wickremanayake refrained from commenting publicly on the matter so the truth remains unknown…” Karu says. The government however refused to drop the proposal challenged by the UNP, thereby failing to gain the main opposition party’s support for the new constitutional draft.

This one clause resulted in the overall failure of the proposed draft constitution. Karu says the then government must bear the responsibility for this debacle. The many meetings resulting in the formulation of a new constitutional draft had been all for naught. Had it been successful Karu says it would have possibly led to a much needed sense of fellowship between the members of the government and the opposition. “This was a key reason I was keenly dedicated to the effort…” he adds.

Karu says he received a phone call from President Kumaratunga the very next day after the UNP dropped out of the multi-party discussions. The President, it appeared, was irked by the UNP now opposing the draft formulated with the party’s participation. “A clause we had not agreed to has been included in the final draft. This is the reason…” Karu explained. “Are you referring to the clause on the timing of the abolition of the presidency?” Kumaratunga had asked, adding that the clausehad been added on the insistence of G. L. Peiris, her Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

“Fine, we will remove that clause. Ask Ranil to support us. This issue can be resolved through discussions…” she assured Karu. Before ending the phone call Karu had agreed to speak to the UNP leader on behalf of the President.

Karu had immediately called Wickremsinghe to relate Kumaratunga’s message. Wickremesinghe had merely said “It is too late for that now,” and moved on to another topic of discussion. Admitting he sadly failed in his efforts, Karu says had Wickremesinghe been more flexible it would have perhaps been possible to introduce a new constitution to Sri Lanka at the time.

(Excerpted from the biography of Karu Jayasuriya by Nihal Jagathchandra)



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Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries

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President Dissanayake in Parliament

The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.

The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.

WHY NEUTRALITY

Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:

“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.

Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them

“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).

As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).

“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).

THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY

It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.

If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.

CONCLUSION

The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.

If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.

by Neville Ladduwahetty

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Lest we forget

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Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh

The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”

When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.

Mohammed Mosaddegh

Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”

It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.

Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).

Map of the Middle East

When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.

CIA-instigated coup in Iran in 1953 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh

The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.

Air Lanka Tri Star

Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.

On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.

Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.

The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.

Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.

These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.

In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.

After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).

If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.

A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.

God Bless America – and no one else!

BY GUWAN SEEYA

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Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute

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Victims: Flamingos / Birds found dead in Mannar

By Ifham Nizam

A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.

The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.

At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.

Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.

“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”

Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.

Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.

“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.

“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”

Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.

An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.

“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.

The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”

Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.

“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.

The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.

Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.

 Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.

Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.

They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.

As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?

Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.

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