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Independence Day Two Thousand Five Hundred Years Ago

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by Ernest Macintyre

“Me mage putha novetha”
“Is this not my son”

It was to be my last few days in Peradeniya University. I was seated on my bed wondering what it had all been about. We made friends which would last a lifetime and that was enough. We had had experiences, one of which was called “Maname”, the work of dramatic art created by Ediriwira Sarachchandra about circumstantial fate and the human condition, which would last as long as Lanka existed.

The final exams were to begin on the next day, which was why I felt frustrated that Sarachchandra’s next creation ” Sinha Bahu” was to have its first public tryout this evening. At that moment, Rasanayagam, whom we shortened to “Rasa” like my Macintyre had become “Mac”, walked in. I had told him about “Sinha Bahu” that evening and our exams the next morning. “Machan” he said, “Whatever is going to happen at the exam tomorrow, will happen whatever we do tonight, we are ready for the exam, let’s go to “Sinha Bahu”.

I made contact with my female friend, Sita Fernando at Sangamitta Hall, to hear that she had already decided to see ” Sinha Bahu” that evening, despite the exams the next day.

And so it was that I and my two friends found ourselves that evening, waiting for the play of the legendary Lion, seated on the terraced cut outs on the earth of the circular open-air theatre ,called “Wala” in Sinhala.

A single spotlight, right front, revealed the Pothe Gura or story teller, chanting the opening words of Sinha Bahu, a play using, overtly, a tale from the first part of the Mahavamsa legend, that in time, led to the origin of the Sinhala Nation.The tragic story unfolded in music, dance movement and the poetry of Ediriwira Sarachchandra.

As the stage lights went out, to end the experience, almost abruptly, when lion Sinhaya fell dead from his human son’s third arrow in the chest the dumb founded silence, lasting seemingly to continue without let up, covertly suggested other considerations beyond the extracted part of the Mahavamsa story. The word ‘theatre’ as a performed event, usually satisfied at closing curtain that the subject matter, the story was rounded off as a whole. When this performance, of Sinha Bahu ended in the way it did, it seemed to invite the audience to think of what was left unperformed in the larger story of the Mahavamsa which the they were familiar with. The origin of the Sinhalese.

The three of us had this feeling and the measured clapping in the open air suggested slow hand movements because of accompanying thought.The implications of this unusual response to the end of a play were in Sita’s mind as we finally left the open-air theatre. Sita had obtained special permission from her warden at Sangamitta Hall to come back late, that night.

We walked to the New Peradeniya Hotel, just three quarters of a mile away and sat down to await our dinner. I had a glass of arrack, in my hand, so had Rasa. We started discussing Sarachchandra’s “Sinha Bahu”. Sita was clearly excited.

” What we experienced tonight could be, in effect, a new theory of theatre. This theory has to be worked from what we experienced, because, I think, it is unwritten anywhere.”

“The prolonged silence when the play ended suddenly, and the thoughtful measured clapping, conveyed something.” I said.

Sita continued,

” The plot line from the Mahavamsa legend of the origin of the Sinhala people, is very well known to Lankans, especially Sinhalese. Unselfconsciously, the legend is a part of a people’s being. Do you realize what Sarachchandra may have done? He ends the play, the moment the Lion father falls dead, with a sudden blackout in the lighting. Play over! But it is not over . In the theatre he leaves unperformed, the rest of the legend, stopping at a point

“The playwright is aware that his audience cannot but create another longer play in their thoughts and feelings, relating to this play. That theatre experience can extend from a play experienced to another conceived in the mind.

At that point of the conversation, it was getting late. We were ready to walk back along the Galaha Road . There was some moonlight.

After walking for a short while Sita said that the continuity to the abruptly paused Sinha Bahu had already formed in her mind.

“Tell us, “said Rasa.

Sita related it, stopping on the road now and then, at points in her imagined story whenever she felt like an excited discoverer.

Sita: I don’t think that Sinha bahu as king of a place called Sinhapura, after killing his lion father, would have got laid down on cloth, for a flag, a figure representing the life he put away to move on as a human.

I said, “Logical”

Sita: The Mahavamsa does not tell us, what his son prince Vijaya was rebellious about, to make his father expel him and his followers from the kingdom .

I could not remember whether the epic says what Vijaya was rebellious about, but Sita was probably right.

Sita: Yes, Sinha bahu ,as a young boy , did not ask why they lived in a cave, like animals. When he grew to manhood, he asked his mother Suppa Devi. Similarly, it was when Vijaya had passed from childhood that he first noticed that his father’s two hands looked different, more like the paws of an animal, he did not know about a lion grandfather who had been killed . Sinha Bahu’s explanation to his very young son was that sometimes hands in people are deformed at birth in this way. The barely passed childhood Vijaya, accepted the story.

Vijaya grew up, becoming a young man. It was his turn to ask why they left one kingdom for another. But his father kept putting him off, saying things like, ” I have no time now, another time”. This happened too many times, not to arouse some kind of suspicion and mystery in Vijaya. He then went to his mother Sinhasevali. She was as sympathetic as Suppa Devi her mother was when Sinha Bahu asked why they were confined in a cave.

Sinhaseveli told her son the whole story.

Vijaya was not only stunned , but distressed. His distress soon turned to anger against his father. It became visible.

His anger was so great that he had to tell his friends and followers. One day a friend who was a good painter of temple murals, offered an idea. He said he could paint on cloth a lion and that Vijaya could proclaim it as the flag of the kingdom. His followers would support him. Vijaya was sadly satisfied that his grandfather could be reborn only on cloth. The work began.

When it was created there was a feeling in Vijaya that this was the most he could do . His re-born grandfather was of the colour of gold, and he stood against a background of reddishness, boldly, with a sword held up in his right paw.

It didn’t take long for Vijaya and his followers, about seven hundred, to run boldly through the country, waving the flag, high on a staff, proclaiming it the flag of the kingdom.

This rebellious behaviour of his son had a complex effect on father Sinha Bahu. Complex, because there was a related history before Vijaya turned against him. Though he had knowingly killed his father, gradually a feeling of guilt crept into Sinha Bahu. Though he had consciously put his father ” behind him” to move on in his human story, deep seated was the semi -unselfconscious feeling of guilt that it had to be that way. Sinhasevali his wife- sister first realized this when Sinha bahu told her that her name and his were not their doing, but now he felt something about it which he couldn’t explain. It began to explain itself to Sinhasevali when he told her that he was naming their new kingdom, Sinhapura.

Now with Vijaya treating him with disdain the feeling of guilt accompanied him more frequently.

When Sinha Bahu’s close followers in court reacted in extreme to the growing rebellion in the country ,and proposed that Vijaya be put to death Sinha Bahu could not bear the thought of his being remembered in history as one who killed both his father and son.

The result was a compromise. The guilt-ridden father’s compromise was to expel from the kingdom Vijaya and his many hundreds of rebellious followers, with their families.

With his army doing the work, they were all seized , put into boats which were pushed out to journey into the ocean. No one, not even his followers knew that the flag wrapped up by Vijaya, was hidden in the boat.

You know the rest, landing in an island called Lanka, the misadventure with Kuveni and the beginning of the Sinhalese ,Vijaya becoming their first king. As he unfurled the flag ,of his grandfather, Vijaya and his followers, his people, felt independent for the first time. “

Our Tamil friend, Rasa did not contribute much to the content of the evening. But he listened intently to the story of the Sinhalese, and said at the end, ” So then what about the Tamils?”

Sita was quick. “Very, very long after Vijaya, the Sinhalese put in two stripes in front of the Lion, one for the Tamils and the other, for others, like Kuveni’s original people , the Moors, Burghers and Malays who came later.”

They reached a point on the road where , at a distance, they could now see in the still remaining moonlight, the now empty and silent open-air theatre, where Sita’s imagination had been set in motion about the first Independence Day.



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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