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Inciting ethno-religious animosity has become a means of survival for parts of Sri Lanka’s political elite

Published

5 years ago

2021/04/18

Sahan Weerasooriya

What is behind the anti-Muslim measures in Sri Lanka?

Farzana Haniffa

Head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Colombo

On March 13, Sarath Weerasekara, Sri Lanka’s minister of public security, announced that the government will ban wearing of the burqa and close more than 1,000 Islamic schools in the country. The minister was quoted as saying that “the burqa” was a “sign of religious extremism” and has a “direct impact on national security”.

The news was picked up internationally and resulted in several statements by human rights organisations and the UN special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief, Ahmed Shaheed, as well as from Pakistan’s ambassador to Sri Lanka. Three days later the government stepped back from Weerasekera’s statement. Cabinet spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella announced that the decision “requires time” and a consultative process.

The burqa ban announcement caused a stir among Muslims, who saw it as yet another attack on their community. In the past few months, the government has undertaken a number of controversial measures under the banner of fighting extremism, which have increasingly intimidated the Muslim population and disregarded rule of law principles.

The anti-Muslim movement

Since it gained independence from the British in 1948, Sri Lanka has witnessed tumultuous relations between the Sinhala Buddhist majority, which makes up about 70 percent of the population and the Hindu and Christian Tamil minority, which accounts for roughly 12 percent. During the war between the military forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), other minorities, like the Muslims, who make up around nine percent of the population, were targeted less frequently by ultra-nationalist Sinhalese groups.

After the end of the civil war in 2009, an anti-Muslim movement initiated by the Bodu Bala Sena (BBS), with the monk Galaboda Aththe Gnanasara at the helm, began to emerge. The BBS is an activist group led by Buddhist monks which mobilised around what they described as the threat posed by the “social separatism” of “extremist Muslims”. Their definition of extremism, however, seems to encompass the majority of Muslims’ everyday practices.

The BBS’s large public rallies and their strident social media campaigns normalised hate speech and everyday low-intensity harassment of Muslims across the country. Incitement by the BBS and the cultivation of anti-Muslim sentiment over the post-war years also led to violent attacks against small Muslim communities in 2014, 2017 and 2018. The BBS also aligned itself with similar groups in Myanmar.

Following these incidents, the local authorities did not take serious action against BBS and other similar groups and in some cases blamed Muslims for the violence.

In 2019, anti-Muslim hatred escalated further after eight suicide bombers pledging allegiance to the Islamic State detonated themselves at churches, hotels and other locations across the country on Easter Sunday. There was evidence of the failure to pursue available intelligence by the security establishment and negligence on the part of the political leadership. However, the media coverage of the event and government policy discussion in the aftermath primarily targeted the country’s Muslim population.

Experts rarely referenced the role of the anti-Muslim movement in radicalising local Muslims. In May, there were violent retaliatory attacks against Muslim communities in the northwest.

The government response to the attack was to embrace the anti-Muslim language of the BBS and initiate sweeping arrests of suspected followers of the group responsible for the bombings.

Since then, several prominent Muslims have also been arbitrarily targeted by the government, with little or no evidence produced of their wrongdoing. In April 2020, the police arrested Hejaaz Hisbullah, an activist lawyer, on suspicion of aiding the attackers. Then in May 2020, Ahnaf Jazeem, a young Muslim poet, was also detained under the same pretext. Recently, the former leader of the Jamati Islami, Hajjul Akbar was arrested and detained for a second time, again without charges being filed.

In the aftermath of the Easter Sunday attacks, a parliamentary sectoral oversight committee on national security was set up to put together proposals for terrorism prevention measures. It has made recommendations in 14 areas, many of which curb the religious rights of the Muslim minority.

The burqa ban and the closing of Islamic schools stem from these recommendations, as do several other measures recently taken. In early March, the government declared that all Islamic books imported into the country will need defence ministry approval. Several days later, it gazetted a set of regulations ominously sub-titled “Deradicalisation from holding violent extremist religious ideology” under the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The regulations give it powers to arrest and forward persons to a rehabilitation centre to be “deradicalised” for one year on suspicion without requiring any additional process.

Apart from the above, the government has sought other ways to intimidate the country’s Muslims. When the COVID-19 pandemic spread to Sri Lanka in the spring of 2020, it imposed a mandatory cremation policy for the COVID-19 dead and refused to allow Muslims to bury their dead, in accordance with their religion.

Muslims’ call for the burial option on religious grounds was written and talked about as “tribal” and “backward” and as reprehensible behaviour in the middle of a public health emergency. Despite condemnations at home and abroad and guidelines by the World Health Organization emphasising the safety of burials, the government maintained its position for nearly a year. Burial was permitted only recently under international pressure.

Demonising Muslims as a political strategy

Political elites in Sri Lanka have consistently demonised minorities and incited ethno-religious animosity to win elections. After the end of the war in 2009, when victory over the Tamil Tigers was glorified by the government, enmity against all other minorities and especially the Muslims was cultivated with renewed vigour.

The Rajapaksa family, which has dominated the political scene in Sri Lanka since 2005, was complicit in this cultivation until their electoral defeat in the 2015 elections. During their political campaigning after 2015, the Rajapaksas’ new party, the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), took on a Sinhala supremacist position, accommodating activist monks and anti-Muslim movement stalwarts.

Rhetoric regarding Muslim business prowess as challenging the ascendence of Sinhala entrepreneurs, Muslims conspiring to upend the majority status of Sinhalese or constituting a terrorist threat was widely used.

In October 2018, the Rajapaksas suffered a significant setback. Former president and then MP Mahinda Rajapaksa, in collusion with President Maithripala Sirisena staged a coup to take control of the government. They were defeated when the Supreme Court threw out their claim to legitimacy and the Rajapaksa brand suffered some damage as a result.

The 2019 bombings energised the Rajapaksas’ familial politics and helped them overcome the momentary unpopularity they were struggling with. The Rajapaksas attempted to leverage the bombings to their political advantage in the immediate aftermath. They accused the ruling regime of concentrating on reconciliation with minorities and neglecting security. When several months later, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the brother of Mahinda Rajapaksa, was nominated as the SLPP’s presidential candidate, he declared in his platform: “My main task would be to ensure that our motherland which is once again under threat from terrorist and extremist elements is safe and protected.”

Using anti-minority and pro-security rhetoric in his campaign, Rajapaksa won the presidential election by a high percentage of Sinhala Buddhist votes and appointed his brother, Mahinda, the former president as prime minister. Since then, at every opportunity, the president has reiterated his commitment to this majority and outlined his actions to combat Islamic extremism, and the government has pressed forward with anti-Muslim policies.

In this context, the recent flurry of anti-Muslim government activity, including the burqa ban, serve not only to mitigate the fallout from the shift in position on COVID-19 burials, but also to distract from the Rajapaksa administration’s ongoing failures. The cabinet is facing anger over a vast tax scam, mounting opposition to its permission of deforestation, and growing public anxiety over the economic downturn. It is likely that anti-Muslim activities will increase if their popularity continues to decline.

But the anti-Muslim policies of the government may be backfiring. In March, it suffered a defeat at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC), which passed a resolution empowering the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to collect and preserve information and evidence of war crimes committed during the civil war. The motion went through mainly because of the loss of support for the government from some Muslim-majority countries, who abstained from voting. The resolution included reference to the government’s treatment of Muslims in its COVID-19 response and the continued marginalisation of minorities.

The current government’s inability to mobilise its constituency around anything other than ethno-religious animosity is a legacy of Sri Lanka’s post-independence politics that looks set to continue in the long term. The UNHRC resolution was a welcome development. However, the future outlook for minorities in the country remains bleak. Ten years after a devastating war the Sri Lankan polity shows little evidence of having learnt from its past. (Al Jazeera)

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

(Farzana Haniffa is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology at the University of Colombo. She has published on the social and political history of Muslims, gender politics and the anti-Muslim movement in Sri Lanka)

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Special Coordination Committee meeting for Badulla District chaired by the President

Published

6 hours ago

2026/05/14

Priyan

A Special Coordination Committee meeting for the Badulla District was held on Wednesday (13) afternoon at the Badulla District Secretariat under the patronage of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to review the progress of measures taken to restore normalcy to the lives of people affected by the cyclone “Ditwah” and to develop infrastructure in the district.

As a result of the disaster situation, 90,667 individuals belonging to 26,517 families in the Badulla District were affected. A total of 77 estate houses and 507 rural houses suffered complete damage. In addition, 1,376 estate houses and 1,474 rural houses have been identified as high-risk dwellings. Accordingly, the total number of families that need to be resettled in the Badulla District is 3,434. During the meeting, the President inquired separately at divisional secretariat level about the resettlement process and the issues that had arisen.

Special attention was also given to the speedy release of state lands currently occupied by private companies, which have been proposed for resettlement purposes. The President instructed officials to commence housing construction work immediately after reaching agreement among the relevant institutions regarding the release of these lands.

The President further emphasized the need to expedite the resettlement process and stated that authorities should move beyond reports and plans and ensure that people who lost their homes gain confidence and hope in owning a new house.

The President also instructed that people who are hesitant about relocating to different lands should be given time until June 15 to make a decision.

The President separately reviewed the progress of compensation payments to affected people in the Badulla District, including compensation for loss of livelihoods, compensation for small and medium-scale business establishments, housing rental assistance and compensation for loss of life.

Attention was also drawn to the process of removing sand and rocks deposited on paddy fields and agricultural lands due to the disaster. It was decided to provide an allowance of Rs. 25,000 per acre for this purpose and to implement the programme with the support of farmer organizations.

Special focus was also given to the development of roads in the Badulla District damaged by the disaster. The President instructed that work on all 21 affected roads under the Road Development Authority be completed within this year.

The President also inquired about the programme being carried out for provincial road development and the required allocations and instructed officials to prepare and submit estimates for the necessary funding for all those roads.

The President further instructed officials not to consider financial constraints as an obstacle in restoring normal life for those affected by the disaster. President Dissanayake stated that the district should recover from the destruction caused by the cyclone within this year and be prepared to restart the Badulla District development programme from next year onward.

Also attending the meeting were Badulla District Coordination Committee Chairman and Minister of Plantation and Community Infrastructure, Samantha Vidyarathna; Co-Chairman and Uva Province Governor, Attorney-at-Law Kapila Jayasekara; Deputy Minister of Tourism, Ruwan Ranasinghe; Deputy Minister of Youth Affairs, Dinidu Saman Hennayake; Members of Parliament Kitnan Selvaraj and Ravindra Bandara; the Mayors of Badulla and Bandarawela Municipal Councils; Chairpersons of Local Councils; public representatives; the Chief Secretary of the Uva Province; the District Secretary; government officials of the Badulla District; Heads of relevant Departments; and representatives of the security forces.

(PMD)

News

SJB flays PUCSL for shifting coal scandal losses to electricity consumers

Published

7 hours ago

2026/05/14

Sahan Weerasooriya

Sajith Premadasa

Alleging that the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) has shifted the massive losses, caused by the coal scam, to the hapless public, Opposition and SJB Leader, Sajith Premadasa, has questioned the conduct of the regulator, noting that it is mandated to protect the interests of both the service provider and the consumers.

Premadasa alleged that the PUCSL ignored the representations made by the SJB on behalf of local industries.

Premadasa said that the PUCSL had authorised the latest 18% increase, in response to the request made by the recently established National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd (NSO), on behalf of the NPP government.

The PUCSL was established in terms of the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka Act, No. 35 of 2002. Although the PUCSL was supposed to function as a multi-sector regulator for electricity, water services and petroleum industries, successive governments refrained from bringing water services and petroleum industries under its purview.

The Opposition leader alleged that the PUCSL did the bidding of the government.

Since January this year, PUCSL has increased electricity tariffs on three occasions. The latest came into operation on 11 May.

The PUCSL consists of Prof. K. P. L. Chandralal (Chairman), Engineer Piyal Henanayake (Deputy Chairman), Dr. M.C.S. Fernando, and Lilantha Samaranayake, PhD.

Premadasa said that instead of taking tangible measures to recover the unbearable losses caused by the coal scam, the government burdened the entire country through the PUCSL.

“Don’t forget that the government is shielding its henchmen responsible for the coal scam at the expense of the country,” MP Premadasa said, pointing out that there couldn’t have been any dispute over their culpability, after the National Audit Office (NAO) found fault with the Energy Ministry for granting the tender for the supply of coal for the 2025/2026 season to a company not qualified even to participate in the tender process.

The SJB leader declared that the resignation of Energy Minister, Kumara Jayakody, and its Secretary, Prof. Udayanga Hemapala, in the immediate aftermath of Parliament defeating a no-faith motion against the Minister was meant to protect the ruling party.

The PUCSL has stated that the NSO received Rs 15 bn from the government to grant relief to 95% of the consumers. “How could the PUCSL justify unbearable electricity tariff increases for the remaining 5% of the consumers, knowing very well that it will destabilise key sectors in the economy?” a power sector expert said.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

News

Rains bring relief to debt-ridden CEB as reservoirs fill; one dead, 62 families affected by adverse weather

Published

7 hours ago

2026/05/14

Sahan Weerasooriya

The widespread torrential rains currently experienced countrywide are expected to provide significant financial relief to the debt-ridden Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) by sharply increasing hydroelectric power generation and reducing dependence on costly thermal and coal-powered electricity generation, power sector officials said yesterday.

Senior engineers of the CEB told The Island the rapid rise in water levels in major catchment areas and reservoirs had already strengthened hydropower generation capacity across the country.

Officials of the Irrigation Department confirmed that 33 reservoirs are presently spilling following continuous heavy rainfall over several parts of the island.

Among the major reservoirs spilling are Rajanganaya, Lunugamwehera, Weheragala, Deduru Oya, Nalanda and Wemedilla reservoirs, while several spill gates have been opened to release excess water due to heavy inflows into the catchment systems.

An Irrigation Department engineer said catchment areas linked to the Mahaweli, Kala Oya and southern river basins had received exceptionally heavy rainfall over the past several days.

“The inflows are extremely high. Reservoir capacities are increasing rapidly and this is highly beneficial for irrigation, water supply and hydroelectric generation,” the official said.

CEB engineers explained that the increase in reservoir storage levels would enable the Board to maximise hydroelectricity generation from major hydropower stations linked to the Mahaweli and Laxapana systems.

A senior CEB engineer said hydropower remained the cheapest electricity source available to Sri Lanka.

“Hydro generation costs are minimal compared to thermal generation. Once reservoirs fill up, we can considerably reduce expensive oil-based thermal generation,” the engineer said.

According to power sector estimates, hydroelectricity generation costs remain below Rs. 5 per unit, whereas coal-fired electricity generation costs range between approximately Rs. 18 and Rs. 25 per unit depending on international coal prices and exchange rate fluctuations.

Diesel and furnace oil-powered thermal generation are significantly more expensive, costing between Rs. 40 and Rs. 70 per unit.

CEB officials said the prevailing rainy conditions were therefore producing enormous savings for the financially-strained utility.

Daily electricity demand currently fluctuates between 45 million and 50 million units. One unit equal 1 kWh. One million units 1 GWh.

Energy sector estimates indicate that if hydropower generation replaces between 10 million and 15 million thermal-generated units daily, the CEB could save between Rs. 350 million and Rs. 900 million per day depending on the displaced fuel source.

Even replacing coal-powered generation alone could save between Rs. 150 million and Rs. 300 million daily.

“The present rains have arrived at a critical time for the CEB. Higher hydro generation means lower fuel imports, reduced thermal dispatch and major savings for the utility,” another senior engineer said.

Meanwhile, the prevailing adverse weather has also caused fatalities and damage in several districts.

The Disaster Management Centre (DMC) said one person had died while 62 families in four districts had been affected by the severe weather conditions.

The fatality was reported from the Koralai Pattu South Divisional Secretariat Division in the Batticaloa District.

According to the latest DMC situation report issued at 10.00 p.m., 17 Divisional Secretariat divisions across four districts have been affected by the disaster situation caused by the severe weather.

Some 203 persons belonging to 62 families have been affected so far, while 17 people are currently being accommodated at safe shelters.

The DMC further stated that 39 houses had been damaged due to the prevailing adverse weather conditions.

Meanwhile, the Department of Meteorology issued a red warning for heavy rains in several parts of the country.

The Met. Department said the prevailing showery conditions were expected to continue further due to the low-pressure area in the vicinity of Sri Lanka.

Very heavy showers exceeding 150 mm are likely at some places in the Western, Sabaragamuwa, Central and Northwestern provinces and in the Galle and Matara districts.

Heavy showers of about 100 mm are also likely at some places elsewhere across the island.

The Disaster Management Centre yesterday urged the public to take adequate precautions to minimise damages caused by heavy rain, strong winds and lightning during thundershowers.

By Ifham Nizam