Features
Implications of India – Sri Lanka connectivity
By Neville Ladduwahetty
During President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s India visit in July 2023, five Memorandums of Understanding (MOU) were signed by India and Sri Lanka to establish physical connections between the two countries. This was followed more recently by the launch of the Unified Payments Interface (UPI) – a mechanism that claims to reduce the cost of financial transactions between the two countries. It is now reported that India is exploring the possibility of Indian Rupee investments in Sri Lanka (Ceylon Today, February 28, 2024).
IMPACT of UNIFIED PAYMENT INITIATIVE (UPI)
It is reported that during the course of an interview with WION’s diplomatic correspondent, a State Minister is reported to have stated: “The UPI is beneficial to both countries. If you look at the events in Sri Lanka and what took place one and a half years ago, it mainly started out as a foreign exchange crisis, mainly a lack of dollars. So, we have to ensure that our dollar dependency is reduced. Now for example, our biggest tourist market is India and if we can collect the tourist remittances from India and we import about $ 5.5 billion worth of goods from India and we use those … pay in Indian rupees for the Indian imports, then we will reduce our dollar dependence. And it also becomes very flexible and very easy for the Indians to travel to Sri Lanka and then they pay in Indian rupees”. (Sunday Island, February 25, 2024).
COMMENT
Out of a total of 1.48 million tourists who arrived in 2023, the number from Indian tourists amounted to only 302844. This represents 20 % of the total. The revenue from tourism for the year 2023 was USD 2.1 billion. Therefore, on an average, earnings from Indian tourists would be 20% of USD 2.1 billion. This amounts to USD 420000. This represents only 7.6 % of the USD 5.5 billion needed for imports from India, meaning that Sri Lanka would need to acquire an additional Indian rupee equivalent of USD 5.08 billion to meet the cost of imports (ECONOMYNEXT, January 1, 2024 & January 5, 2024).
The net effect of this is that Indian rupees earned from Indian tourists would not be able to even make a dent to pay for imports even though tourist arrivals in 2023 were double the number in 2022. Under the circumstances, even if the number of Indian tourists were to significantly increase further, the benefits to India under UPI would far outweigh benefits to Sri Lanka because Sri Lanka would still have to find nearly 92% of the USD 5.5 billion needed for imports from India.
IMPACT of INDIAN RUPEE INVESTMENTS
It is reported that the Indian government is actively exploring the possibility of facilitating Indian Rupee investments for Indian Companies in Sri Lanka. The report states:
“In the fiscal year 2023, the Reserve Bank of India (RBI)granted permission for international trade for invoicing and payments to be conducted in Indian Rupees. This move allowed for exports and imports to be denominated and invoiced in Rupees, with trade transactions settled in the currency. The RBI’s decision aims to stimulate global trade growth, particularly Indian exports, while also working towards the internationalization of the Indian Rupee” (Ceylon Today, February 28, 2024).
“Last year, Sri Lanka officially recognized the Indian Rupee as a designated currency, ending trade settlements between the two countries to be conducted in Rupees” (Ibid).
“Currently, Indian Investors typically engage in investments in Sri Lanka using international currencies like the US Dollar, which involves additional complexities and conversion costs. The transition to Rupee investments is expected to streamline market entry for Indian companies, with the Ministry of External Affairs reportedly advocating for this transition” (Ibid).
The report finally states: “The push for Rupee investments aligns with India’s broader vision to elevate its currency to the status of hard currency in the future, potentially leading to inclusion in the IMF’s SDR basket and bolstering its foreign exchange reserves. This move is anticipated to benefit Indian firms with significant investments in Sri Lanka, such as the Adani Group’s development projects in the country’s port and power sector” (Ibid).
COMMENT
When Sri Lanka calls for competitive bids for Projects it is understood that bids would be based on international currencies so that all bids are evaluated on a level playing field. If Indian investors such as Adani or any other, are given a special privilege and permitted to submit proposals based on Indian Rupees which is still not recognised as an internationally recognised currency, it would amount to an act of discrimination. Furthermore, it would amount to an unsolicited offer that puts other bidders at a disadvantage.
In addition, any Dollar inflows into Sri Lanka would add to the reserves of Sri Lanka and could be used for debt payments. On the other hand, any Indian Rupee inflows, even if considered to be part of Sri Lanka’s reserves, would serve little or no purpose for international transactions.
Therefore, if Sri Lanka fails to recognize these implications and caves under Indian pressure to recognise Indian Rupees for investments in Sri Lanka for the sake of connectivity, it would be a grave injustice to the sovereign rights and independence of the People of Sri Lanka with consequences not only to Sri Lanka’s relations with other countries, but also the start of an ever widening process for India to financially colonise Sri Lanka.
PHYSICAL CONNECTIVITY
Of the five MOUs signed in July 2023 between the President of Sri Lanka and Prime Minister of India, those relating to establishing physical connectivity are:
(1) Establishing a multi-product pipeline; (2) Establishing a high capacity power grid (3); Establishing a road connection between the two countries to develop access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo. While connectivity in respect of energy has benefits during times of relative peace, there is no denying that it exposes Sri Lanka and its People to vulnerabilities at times of geopolitical tensions.
Establishing physical connections in respect of a pipeline for petroleum products and a power grid between India and Sri Lanka could be disrupted at any time as experienced by Europe. For instance, the pipelines that had delivered natural gas and petroleum products from Russia were sabotaged through a series of clandestine bombings that resulted in subsequent underwater gas leaks on the Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2. Following the sabotage, “the European Commission has unveiled an ambitious and far-reaching plan, aptly coined “REPower EU”, to achieve full energy independence from Russia by 2027″ (euronews). Earlier, the pipeline had delivered 45% of natural gas from Russia to Europe; a dependence that the US had perceived as being hostage to Russia”.
Having learnt the cost of dependence for its energy needs, Europe is now scrambling to become independent. Sri Lanka on the other hand, is opting for the opposite for its energy needs because an underwater multi-product pipeline and a power grid connection from India to Sri Lanka would amount not only to dependence but also to vulnerabilities similar to what Europe experienced. Furthermore, it would give India opportunities to exercise control over Sri Lankan strategic interests and internal affairs in respect to India’s geostrategic interests.
Although access to ports of Trincomalee and Colombo through a land bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka is reported to have been initiated by Sri Lanka, it is pertinent to revisit its practicality in the light of India’s future development plans. Currently, the majority of exports from the West Coast of India are containerised and have ready access to Colombo by sea. In contrast, containerized exports from the East Coast are limited mainly to Chennai in the East Coast. The rest is mainly bulk cargo. Therefore, the need for access to Colombo and Trincomalee must be considered from the context presented in the ADB Report cited below.
According to an ADB South Asia Working Paper, India is seriously considering the “Development of its East Coast Economic Corridor (ECEC) and Vizag – Chennai Industrial Corridor (VCIC): Critical Issues of Connectivity and Logistics” (2017).
Its Introduction states: “ECEC is an example of an integrated economic development initiative. The key idea behind the corridor is port-based industrial development along the eastern coastal belt of India, in alignment with the goals of the Sagarmala initiative and integration of India’s industrial clusters with value chains extending to Southeast Asia and East Asia”
Paragraph 27 states: “While textiles and automobiles and automotive part require containerized solutions, these industries are clustered around Chennai, which is the only port in ECEC that handles a significant number of containers. The logical outcome of such an industrial orientation is that, with the exception of Chennai and Kattupali, the main focus of ECEC ports is break-bulk and raw materials such as petroleum, oil and lubricant, coal, iron ore, fertiliser and agricultural raw materials”.
Paragraph 29 states: “The VCIC final report predicts an expansion in industrial output of approximately 3.to 7.5times over the next 25 years under different scenarios. Such expansion will create significant additional demand for containerized cargo solutions in the corridor’s ports …” (ibid).
COMMENT
Even with projected expansion of containerised cargo from the VCIC in the East Coast of India, since sea transport by feeder ships is cheaper than road transport, the tendency would to be seek access to Hambantota as at present and to Trincomalee in the future, thus making a bridge across the Palk Strait a ridiculous symbol of connectivity other than for human traffic with all its attendant threats arising from drug trafficking and other hazards associated with human activity.
CONCLUSION
The President of Sri Lanka, political leaders and now the leaders of the JVP/NPP have, whenever the opportunity presented itself, consistently assured India that Sri Lanka would not undertake any measures that would threaten India’s security. On the other hand, the clear evidence is that Sri Lanka is prepared to go to any extent, even at the cost to its own interests, its independence and its universal right of self-determination, to fulfil this assurance. Furthermore, are the expressions of appreciation for the financial aid granted to Sri Lanka, not realising that at the end of the day, foreign relations are most often influenced by self-interest and not by sentiment.
For instance, starting with the 13th Amendment, that continues to be, a dead weight to Sri Lanka’s development and now to Financial and Physical Connectivity which are expressions of how far Sri Lanka is prepared to commit to becoming a part of India’s economically expanding bandwagon with no regard or concern for the dignity and independence of the People of Sri Lanka. The latest is the attempt by India’s Ministry of Mines to strengthen India’s critical minerals supply chain through the acquisition of mineral assets in Sri Lanka.
A report by The Indian Express cited by The Island states: “India’s interest in Sri Lanka’s graphite coincides with the Sri Lankan Government’s active pursuit of Indian companies for graphite mining in the country”. Quoting a Member of the Sri Lankan Government, the report states: “We have the best graphite in the world. Now Indian companies will be manufacturing electric vehicles. One of the large components for electric batteries is graphite. We used to have about 30,000 graphite mines. So, there are a lot of opportunities with the expertise and technology these Indian Companies have, I think they should seriously look at Sri Lanka” (March 5, 2024).
In view of the enthusiasm expressed by India to acquire mineral rights to mine graphite in Sri Lanka, it would be prudent for the Member of Parliament who is supportive of the prospect to be aware of the Supreme Court Judgment on the Eppawala Phosphate Extraction Case.
There is no denying that the warm cultural connectivity that Sri Lanka shares with India is buried in the mists of time. Although there have been threats to Sri Lanka’s interests, its independence and territorial integrity throughout its history, the cultural connectivity has persisted undisturbed. Despite this, the ongoing attempts at connectivity has to be viewed in the same vein as past threats which were to contain and colonise Sri Lanka. However, unlike in the past, today’s attempts to control and colonise Sri Lanka are based on modern techniques of Financial Control and Physical Connectivity that decidedly are to India’s advantage. It is therefore imperative that Governments of Sri Lanka exercise extreme caution in its Financial and Economic relations with India if it holds in trust the best interests of its People.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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