Features
How to motivate foreign direct investment to Sri Lanka
by WA de Silva
Former Executive Director BOI
What are the strategies adopted to attract and obstacles which hinder smooth flow of FDI to Sri Lanka?
The Board of Investment of Sri Lanka (BOI) is the principal agent of the Government entrusted with the responsibility of promoting facilitating and maintenance of Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) based on Board of Investment Law No. 04 of 1978, Strategic Development Act No. 14 of 2008 and subsequent amendments thereto. The Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC) was the predecessor to the Board of Investment. Government has already proposed to establish a Sri Lanka Economic Commission over and above BOI as an apex body on FDI.
The package of incentives currently being used by the BOI for attracting FDI is as follows. FDI projects approved under section 17 of BOI Law No. 04 of 1978 are granted exemptions from laws specified in Schedule “B” of the Law which encompassed the Inland Revenue Act, Customs Ordinance, Exchange Control Act, Companies Ordinance, Merchant Shipping Act, Finance Act, Air Navigation Act, Excise Act, Value Added Tax Act, Economic Service Charges Act, Debt Tax Act etc. subject to the regulations issued by Minister concerned from time to time.
The FDI projects approved under Section 02 of the Strategic Development Project Act No. 14 of 2008 are also granted exemptions from laws specified in the Schedule thereto and further concessions recommended by Minister concerned subject to the approval of Cabinet of Ministers and Parliament. However it may be noted that exemptions given under Schedule B of BOI Law No. 04 of 1978 could be changed, adjusted or revoked by regulations gazetted by Minister in Charge of FDI from time to time subject to prior approval of Cabinet of Ministers. In that context exemptions given to FDI projects are vulnerable to change of Governments and change of the mindset of the politicians who hold Governmental power.
In this context it has become necessary to enact a comprehensive national Policy on FDI covering at least a period of 10 years to avoid abrupt changes of FDI Policy due to whims and fancies of political authorities who hold governmental power.
Article 157 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka provides guarantees for FDI project agreements entered into with BOI. It states inter alia “any Treaty or Agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Government of any foreign State for the promotion and protection of the investments in Sri Lanka of such foreign State, its nationals or of corporations, companies and other associations incorporated or constituted under its laws such treaty or agreement shall have the force of law in Sri Lanka and otherwise than in the interests of national security, no written law shall be entered or made, and no executive or administrative action shall be taken in contravention of the provisions of such Treaty or Agreement”.
The very intention of this Article in the Constitution is to provide stability, promote, foster and protect FDI in Sri Lanka. However it has been observed, this law has been distorted by way of imposing various taxes, levies and cesses which violate free of duty concessions for exports and import of raw materials and project related items given under BOI Agreements/ Such provisions under Section 17 of BOI Law No. 04 of 1978 are allowd to FDI projects due to the fact that those levies and cesses are considered another kind of tax in disguise. PAL (Port Authority Levy) and EIC (Export Import Cess) could be cited as clear examples in this regard.
FDI projects are further benefited by bilateral investment promotion Agreements, double Tax Avoidance Agreements and Free Trade Agreements that Sri Lanka Government has entered into with some selected countries. However due to political protests, Governments couldn’t complete the proposed number of projects. In case of Free Trade Agreements it is necessary to balance the impact of imports and exports between Sri Lanka and the other party to the Agreement and ensure it is in favour of Sri Lanka.
Availability of skilled and trainable workforce, emerging prospects of being a logistic and trading hub of the region consequent to the promulgation of Port City, restoration of peace after eradication of terrorism and the Covid-19 pandemic situation, are considered plus factors for attracting of FDI. However, various negative factors in this process should be arrested to make the positives effective.
There are some procedural obstructions in the process of expediting FDI inflow at present such as clearance required from several Departments and institutions in terms of Tax Laws, Land Laws, Exchange Control Laws, Customs Laws, Labour Laws, Environmental Laws, Laws on Archeology etc. prior to finalizing approval for FDI projects. The one-stop-shop concept and Cabinet Sub-Committee on Investment were established to resolve this problem. However this arrangement did not last long and work satisfactorily due to the adverse impact of political instability of the country and lack of genuine dedication by agencies who participate in this program.
Provisions in some Labour Laws such as Trade Union Ordinance, Factory Ordinance, Holidays Act, Industrial Disputes Act, Termination of Employment Act etc. are impediments to FDI. This is due to abuse of those laws by politicized trade unions to secure their self-interest. Strikes, violent protests, work to rule campaigns and even so called Aragalaya launched by several Trade Unions in the public sector and the private sector, more specifically in Export Processing Zones, could be cited as glaring instances of discouraging prospective FDI Projects intended for Sri Lanka and FDI projects already here. Sabotage of FDI Projects and discouraging of FDI inflows to the country are considered hidden objectives behind those strikes. The law and order issues emerging from time to time due to politicized strikes have been deterrents to attracting FDI.
Certain provisions in prevalent Labour Laws here hinder smooth functioning and production flow of FDI Projects in Export Processing Zones. Several mechanisms such as adjudication, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, negotiation through collective bargaining to resolve industrial disputes exist. But harmful trade union actions such as work-to-rule, go-slow, politicized strikes, general strikes etc.
occur as there is no legal provision in any of those enactments to make it mandatory for trade unions to choose a mechanism more peaceful and beneficial for both parties (employers and employees) such as peaceful negotiations, collective bargaining etc. in the process of resolving industrial disputes. It is necessary to amend Labour Laws eliminating these to create a peaceful labour environment conducive for FDI.
The irresponsible conduct of those who are in the forefront of disseminating negative information over the world against Governments in power have demoralized prospective foreign investors to a considerable extent. Instability they create within the country has obstructed peaceful environment required for FDI on the one hand and tarnishing image of the country tends to demoralize prospective investors on the other.
The ongoing economic crisis and government’s bankruptcy declaration have made prospective investors look for alternative destinations such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Maldives, Malaysia etc. to invest in. The government is now in the process of sorting out the economy. In that process it is necessary to secure active co-operation and support of political parties in the Opposition.
Political interference in State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) is common. Such interference is not uncommon in the BOI as well retarding its efficiency to some extent. The BOI leadership must handle such pressure in the manner adopted by first Chairman/Director General of GCEC/BOI Upali Wijewardena. There have been occasions in the past where the BOI was compelled to launch several projects non-viable in the long-run at public cost as alternative to FDI due to political pressure. The classic example in this regard is the 200 garment factories project and Mihintale Gamudawa sponsored by BOI at a tremendous cost. These projects do not exist at present.
FDI targets set should be realistic and achievable. The concerned authorities should take relevant global and local situations into account in approving projects. The practice of fixing targets based on political ambitions disregarding the reality of global and local situations should be arrested due to the fact that such targets are not realistic and hence unachievable.
The BOI’s Research Department claims that the following FDI targets for the years 2022 and 2023 were achieved.
This achievement is commendable in the context of the ongoing political and economic crisis and other impediments referred to above which hindered FDI flow. These obstacles obviously are beyond BOI control.
The Government has decided to enact an Investment Act to be the governing law for the proposed Sri Lanka Economic Commission (SLEC). The functions of BOI and Export Development Board would be merged and placed under SLEC. In addition it has been decided to establish Sector Specific Advisory Councils (SSAC) to seek expertise from private and public sectors for attraction and retention of FDI in Sri Lanka.
This program would definitely be an effective solution to the institutional structural and procedural deficiencies in attracting FDI into Sri Lanka. However it will not be a solution to the ongoing political and economic instability in this country which is the main obstacle to attracting and promoting FDI.
Whilst clearing these obstacles, it is necessary to make present incentive package for FDI Projects more attractive and competitive when compared to the packages offered by our competitors in the region. It is necessary to obtain expertise of internationally recognized professionals in this regard and also to make funds available for that purpose.
Lack of sufficient fund allocation to provide maintenance and update infrastructure facilities required for FDI in the Export Processing Zones should be resolved.
It may be noted that it is extremely difficult if not impossible to accelerate FDI flow in Sri Lanka without political and economic stability here. Political and economic instability is the outcome of divisive politics exercised by political parties and affiliates based on their self-centered agendas disregarding the national interest. Resolution of this problem is absolutely necessary in the process of promoting FDI.
(The writer is a retired executive director of the BOI who holds an MBA from the SJU following his first BA (Special) degree from the University of Ceylon in 1967. He has served as a consultant on various Human Resource Management and Development programs and also lectured at the American College of Higher Studies. He’s been a management consultant to a multinational group of FDI companies from 2006 to date)
Features
Building on Sand: The Indian market trap
(Part III in a series on Sri Lanka’s tourism stagnation.)
Every SLTDA (Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority) press release now leads with the same headline: India is Sri Lanka’s “star market.” The numbers seem to prove it, 531,511 Indian arrivals in 2025, representing 22.5% of all tourists. Officials celebrate the “half-million milestone” and set targets for 600,000, 700,000, more.
But follow the money instead of the headcount, and a different picture emerges. We are building our tourism recovery on a low-spending, short-stay, operationally challenging segment, without any serious strategy to transform it into a high-value market. We have confused market size with market quality, and the confusion is costing us billions.
Per-day spending: While SLTDA does not publish market-specific daily expenditure data, industry operators and informal analyses consistently report Indian tourists in the $100-140 per day range, compared to $180-250 for Western European and North American markets.
The math is brutal and unavoidable: one Western European tourist generates the revenue of 3-4 Indian tourists. Building tourism recovery primarily on the low-yield segment is strategically incoherent, unless the goal is arrivals theater rather than economic contribution.
Comparative Analysis: How Competitors Handle Indian Outbound Tourism
India is not unique to Sri Lanka. Indian outbound tourism reached 30.23 million departures in 2024, an 8.4% year-on-year increase, driven by a growing middle class with disposable income. Every competitor destination is courting this market.
This is not diversification. It is concentration risk dressed up as growth.
How did we end up here? Through a combination of policy laziness, proximity bias, and refusal to confront yield trade-offs.
1. Proximity as Strategy Substitute
India is next door. Flights are short (1.5-3 hours), frequent, and cheap. This makes India the easiest market to attract, low promotional cost, high visibility, strong cultural and linguistic overlap. But easiest is not the same as best.
Tourism strategy should optimize for yield-adjusted effort. Yes, attracting Europeans requires longer promotional cycles, higher marketing spend, and sustained brand-building. But if each European generates 3x the revenue of an Indian tourist, the return on investment is self-evident.
We have chosen ease over effectiveness, proximity over profitability.
2. Visa Policy as Blunt Instrument
3. Failure to Develop High-Value Products for Indian Market

There are segments of Indian outbound tourism that spend heavily:
* Wedding tourism: Indian destination weddings can generate $50,000-200,000+ per event
* Wellness/Ayurveda tourism: High-net-worth Indians seek authentic wellness experiences and will pay premium rates
* MICE tourism: Corporate events, conferences, incentive travel
Sri Lanka has these assets—coastal venues for weddings, Ayurvedic heritage, colonial hotels suitable for corporate events. But we have not systematically developed and marketed these products to high-yield Indian segments.
For the first time in 2025, Sri Lanka conducted multi-city roadshows across India to promote wedding tourism. This is welcome—but it is 25 years late. The Maldives and Mauritius have been curating Indian wedding and MICE tourism for decades, building specialised infrastructure, training staff, and integrating these products into marketing.
We are entering a mature market with no track record, no specialised infrastructure, and no price positioning that signals premium quality.
4. Operational Challenges and Quality Perceptions
Indian tourists, particularly budget segments, present operational challenges:
* Shorter stays mean higher turnover, more check-ins, more logistical overhead per dollar of revenue
* Price sensitivity leads to aggressive bargaining, complaints over perceived overcharging
* Large groups (families, wedding parties) require specialised handling
None of these are insurmountable, but they require investment in training, systems, and service design. Sri Lanka has not made these investments systematically. The result: operators report higher operational costs per Indian guest while generating lower revenue, a toxic margin squeeze.
Additionally, Sri Lanka’s positioning as a “budget-friendly” destination reinforces price expectations. Indians comparing Sri Lanka to Thailand or Malaysia see Sri Lanka as cheaper, not better. We compete on price, not value, a race to the bottom.
The Strategic Error: Mistaking Market Size for Market Fit
India’s outbound tourism market is massive, 30 million+ and growing. But scale is not the same as fit.
Market size ≠ market value: The UAE attracts 7.5 million Indians, but as a high-yield segment (business, luxury shopping, upscale hospitality). Saudi Arabia attracts 3.3 million—but for religious pilgrimage with high per-capita spending and long stays.
Thailand attracts 1.8 million Indians as part of a diversified 35-million-tourist base. Indians represent 5% of Thailand’s mix. Sri Lanka has made Indians 22.5% of our mix, 4.5 times Thailand’s concentration, while generating a fraction of Thailand’s revenue.
This reveals the error. We have prioritised volume from a market segment without ensuring the segment aligns with our value proposition.
These needs are misaligned. Indians seek budget value; Sri Lanka needs yield. Indians want short trips; Sri Lanka needs extended stays. Indians are price-sensitive; Sri Lanka needs premium segments to fund infrastructure.
We have attracted a market that does not match our strategic needs—and then celebrated the mismatch as success.
The Way Forward: From Dependency to Diversification
Fixing the Indian market trap requires three shifts: curation, diversification, and premium positioning.
First
, segment the Indian market and target high-value niches explicitly:
* Wedding tourism: Develop specialised wedding venues, train planners, create integrated packages ($50k+ per event)
* Wellness tourism: Position Sri Lanka as authentic Ayurveda destination for high-net-worth health seekers
* MICE tourism: Target Indian corporate incentive travel and conferences
* Spiritual/religious tourism: Leverage Buddhist and Hindu heritage sites with premium positioning
Market these high-value niches aggressively. Let budget segments self-select out through pricing signals.
Second
, rebalance market mix toward high-yield segments:
* Increase marketing spend on Western Europe, North America, and East Asian premium segments
* Develop products (luxury eco-lodges, boutique heritage hotels, adventure tourism) that appeal to high-yield travelers
* Use visa policy strategically, maintain visa-free for premium markets, consider tiered visa fees or curated visa schemes for volume markets
Third
, stop benchmarking success by Indian arrival volumes. Track:
* Revenue per Indian visitor
* Indian market share of total revenue (not arrivals)
* Yield gap: Indian revenue vs. other major markets
If Indians are 22.5% of arrivals but only 15% of revenue, we have a problem. If the gap widens, we are deepening dependency on a low-yield segment.
Fourth
, invest in Indian market quality rather than quantity:
* Train staff on Indian high-end expectations (luxury service standards, dietary needs)
* Develop bilingual guides and materials (Hindi, Tamil)
* Build partnerships with premium Indian travel agents, not budget consolidators
We should aim to attract 300,000 Indians generating $1,500 per trip (through wedding, wellness, MICE targeting), not 700,000 generating $600 per trip. The former produces $450 million; the latter produces $420 million, while requiring more than twice the operational overhead and infrastructure load.
Fifth
, accept the hard truth: India cannot and should not be 30-40% of our market mix. The structural yield constraints make that model non-viable. Cap Indian arrivals at 15-20% of total mix and aggressively diversify into higher-yield markets.
This will require political courage, saying “no” to easy volume in favour of harder-won value. But that is what strategy means: choosing what not to do.
The Dependency Trap

Every market concentration creates path dependency. The more we optimize for Indian tourists, visa schemes, marketing, infrastructure, pricing, the harder it becomes to attract high-yield markets that expect different value propositions.
Hotels that compete on price for Indian segments cannot simultaneously position as luxury for European segments. Destinations known for “affordability” struggle to pivot to premium. Guides trained for high-turnover, short-stay groups do not develop the deep knowledge required for extended cultural tours.
We are locking in a low-yield equilibrium. Each incremental Indian arrival strengthens the positioning as a “budget-friendly” destination, which repels high-yield segments, which forces further volume-chasing in price-sensitive markets. The cycle reinforces itself.
Breaking the cycle requires accepting short-term pain—lower arrival numbers—for long-term gain—higher revenue, stronger positioning, sustainable margins.
The Hard Question
Is Sri Lanka willing to attract two million tourists generating $5 billion, or three million tourists generating $4 billion?
The current trajectory is toward the latter, more arrivals, less revenue, thinner margins, greater fragility. We are optimizing for metrics that impress press releases but erode economic contribution.
The Indian market is not the problem. The problem is building tourism recovery primarily on a low-yield segment without strategies to either transform that segment to high-yield or balance it with high-yield markets.
We are building on sand. The foundation will not hold.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)
Features
Digital transformation in the Global South
Understanding Sri Lanka through the India AI Impact Summit 2026
Artificial Intelligence (AI) has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies but can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organisations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centred and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.
People friendly AI
One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages, and smartphones, play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.
Transformation in education sector
The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalised lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources, similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.
Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms, or medical images, and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.
Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyse rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.
Employment and communication reshaped
Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills, such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.
Impact on Sri Lanka
The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.
Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalised digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travellers directly.
Digital inequality
However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are, therefore, essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programmes are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.
Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must, therefore, move beyond memorisation toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.
AI contribution to national development
In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.
Symbolic shift
Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society, but transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.
by Milinda Mayadunna
Features
Governance cannot be a postscript to economics
The visit by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to Sri Lanka was widely described as a success for the government. She was fulsome in her praise of the country and its developmental potential. The grounds for this success and collaborative spirit go back to the inception of the agreement signed in March 2023 in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s declaration of international bankruptcy. The IMF came in to fulfil its role as lender of last resort. The government of the day bit the bullet. It imposed unpopular policies on the people, most notably significant tax increases. At a moment when the country had run out of foreign exchange, defaulted on its debt, and faced shortages of fuel, medicine and food, the IMF programme restored a measure of confidence both within the country and internationally.
Since 1965 Sri Lanka has entered into agreements with the IMF on 16 occasions none of which were taken to their full term. The present agreement is the 17th agreement . IMF agreements have traditionally been focused on economic restructuring. Invariably the terms of agreement have been harsh on the people, with priority being given to ensure the debtor country pays its loans back to the IMF. Fiscal consolidation, tax increases, subsidy reductions and structural reforms have been the recurring features. The social and political costs have often been high. Governments have lost popularity and sometimes fallen before programmes were completed. The IMF has learned from experience across the world that macroeconomic reform without social protection can generate backlash, instability and policy reversals.
The experience of countries such as Greece, Ireland and Portugal in dealing with the IMF during the eurozone crisis demonstrated the political and social costs of austerity, even though those economies later stabilised and returned to growth. The evolution of IMF policies has ensured that there are two special features in the present agreement. The first is that the IMF has included a safety net of social welfare spending to mitigate the impact of the austerity measures on the poorest sections of the population. No country can hope to grow at 7 or 8 percent per annum when a third of its people are struggling to survive. Poverty alleviation measures in the Aswesuma programme, developed with the agreement of the IMF, are key to mitigating the worst impacts of the rising cost of living and limited opportunities for employment.
Governance Included
The second important feature of the IMF agreement is the inclusion of governance criteria to be implemented alongside the economic reforms. It goes to the heart of why Sri Lanka has had to return to the IMF repeatedly. Economic mismanagement did not take place in a vacuum. It was enabled by weak institutions, politicised decision making, non-transparent procurement, and the erosion of checks and balances. In its economic reform process, the IMF has included an assessment of governance related issues to accompany the economic restructuring process. At the top of this list is tackling the problem of corruption by means of publicising contracts, ensuring open solicitation of tenders, and strengthening financial accountability mechanisms.
The IMF also encouraged a civil society diagnostic study and engaged with civil society organisations regularly. The civil society analysis of governance issues which was promoted by Verite Research and facilitated by Transparency International was wider in scope than those identified in the IMF’s own diagnostic. It pointed to systemic weaknesses that go beyond narrow fiscal concerns. The civil society diagnostic study included issues of social justice such as the inequitable impact of targeting EPF and ETF funds of workers for restructuring and the need to repeal abuse prone laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act. When workers see their retirement savings restructured without adequate consultation, confidence in policy making erodes. When laws are perceived to be instruments of arbitrary power, social cohesion weakens.
During a meeting between the IMF Managing Director Georgeiva and civil society members last week, there was discussion on the implementation of those governance measures in which she spoke in a manner that was not alien to the civil society representatives. Significantly, the civil society diagnostic report also referred to the ethnic conflict and the breakdown of interethnic relations that led to three decades of deadly war, causing severe economic losses to the country. This was also discussed at the meeting. Governance is not only about accounting standards and procurement rules. It is about social justice, equality before the law, and political representation. On this issue the government has more to do. Ethnic and religious minorities find themselves inadequately represented in high level government committees. The provincial council system that ensured ethnic and minority representation at the provincial level continues to be in abeyance.
Beyond IMF
The significance of addressing governance issues is not only relevant to the IMF agreement. It is also important in accessing tariff concessions from the European Union. The GSP Plus tariff concession given by the EU enables Sri Lankan exports to be sold at lower prices and win markets in Europe. For an export dependent economy, this is critical. Loss of such concessions would directly affect employment in key sectors such as apparel. The government needs to address longstanding EU concerns about the protection of human rights and labour rights in the country. The EU has, for several years, linked the continuation of GSP Plus to compliance with international conventions. This includes the condition that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) be brought into line with international standards. The government’s alternative in the form of the draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PTSA) is less abusive on paper but is wider in scope and retains the core features of the PTA.
Governance and social justice factors cannot be ignored or downplayed in the pursuit of economic development. If Sri Lanka is to break out of its cycle of crisis and bailout, it must internalise the fact that good governance which promotes social justice and more fairly distributes the costs and fruits of development is the foundation on which durable economic growth is built. Without it, stabilisation will remain fragile, poverty will remain high, and the promise of 7 to 8 percent growth will remain elusive. The implementation of governance reforms will also have a positive effect through the creative mechanism of governance linked bonds, an innovation of the present IMF agreement.
The Sri Lankan think tank Verité Research played an important role in the development of governance linked bonds. They reduce the rate of interest payable by the government on outstanding debt on the basis that better governance leads to a reduction in risk for those who have lent their money to Sri Lanka. This is a direct financial reward for governance reform. The present IMF programme offers an opportunity not only to stabilise the economy but to strengthen the institutions that underpin it. That opportunity needs to be taken. Without it, the country cannot attract investment, expand exports and move towards shared prosperity and to a 7-8 percent growth rate that can lift the country out of its debt trap.
by Jehan Perera
-
Features4 days agoWhy does the state threaten Its people with yet another anti-terror law?
-
Features4 days agoReconciliation, Mood of the Nation and the NPP Government
-
Features4 days agoVictor Melder turns 90: Railwayman and bibliophile extraordinary
-
Features3 days agoLOVEABLE BUT LETHAL: When four-legged stars remind us of a silent killer
-
Features4 days agoVictor, the Friend of the Foreign Press
-
Latest News5 days agoNew Zealand meet familiar opponents Pakistan at spin-friendly Premadasa
-
Latest News5 days agoTariffs ruling is major blow to Trump’s second-term agenda
-
Latest News5 days agoECB push back at Pakistan ‘shadow-ban’ reports ahead of Hundred auction


