Midweek Review

How Prof. Dewasiri’s FB post brought about Speaker Ranwala’s exit

Published

2 months ago

2024/12/18

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Prof. Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri was the first to question the National People’s Power government over Speaker ‘Dr.’ Asoka Sapumal Ranwala regarding his academic qualifications.

Dewasiri’s shock query caught the NPP by surprise. The academic questioned the government on his social media account on 05 Dec. The Parliament unanimously appointed Ranwala as Speaker of the Tenth Parliament on 21 Nov.

Dewasiri demanded that the government compel Speaker Ranwala to resign in case the parliamentarian deliberately provided false information. If the Speaker declined to do so, appropriate measures should be taken to remove him, Prof. Dewasiri declared, while finding fault with the new entrant for (i) falsely claiming to have a degree and (ii) believe he could hold such an important position regardless of the deceit perpetrated by him.

Prof. Dewasiri emphasized that the second fault was far worse than the first. One-time spokesperson for the Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA) and advocate of the Yahapalana administration warned the government of far reaching consequences as it was badly exposed.

The government obviously didn’t take Prof. Dewasiri’s social media post seriously. Perhaps the top leadership felt that the issue at hand wouldn’t attract much public attention. However, the Opposition, both in Parliament and outside, launched an all-out attack.

The SJB declared its intention to move a no-confidence motion against the Speaker. In spite of the NPP having an unprecedented 2/3 majority in Parliament, the ruling party feared to face the Opposition move. The NPP could have easily routed the combined Opposition in Parliament, but to defend an obvious wrongdoer would have ruined President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) parliamentary group as they came to power, less than three months ago, promising to correct all the shenanigans that had been going on in the country, under the guise of democracy, since independence.

Beleaguered AKD had no option but to ask Speaker Ranwala to step down. The NPP could have avoided a lot of flak if the party acted immediately after Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure. If not for the intervention made by the academic and a vociferous critic of wrongs done by the previous regimes, particularly to academics, Ranwala would still have been the Speaker.

The utterly dispirited SJB wouldn’t have inquired into Ranwala’s credentials under any circumstances. Thanks to Prof. Dewasiri, the Opposition received a mega opportunity to question the very basis of the NPP’s presidential and parliamentary election campaigns.

The SJB and new Democratic Front (NDF) had been rejected by the electorate to such an extent, even if they challenged Ranwala over his educational qualifications, the people may have ignored the issue as the rantings of a frustrated Opposition still licking the wounds of their routing at the polls. Prof. Dewasiri’s disclosure obviously delivered a knockout blow to the government.

Ranwala resigned on 13 Dec., just over a week after Prof. Dewasiri’s bombshell revelation. It would be pertinent to mention that just before the announcemnt of the Speaker’s resignation, President AKD told government media bosses that he wouldn’t protect any wrongdoer.

Having asked the electorate to reject unscrupulous political parties that had ruined the country, the NPP couldn’t have risked its political project to save Ranwala, one-time President of the Ceylon Petroleum Common Workers’ Union, until he was sent on compulsory retirement in March 2023 by the then Minister of Power and Energy Kanchana Wijesekera. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government accused Ranwala of obstructing fuel distribution services.

The NPP couldn’t have been unaware of Ranwala’s bogus claim. If Ranwala deliberately deceived the NPP, he should be dealt with harshly. Perhaps Ranwala should be asked to resign his parliamentary seat forthwith for deceiving the whole country, to pave the way for the NPP to fill that Gampaha District vacancy thereafter. Having vowed to clean up Parliament, the NPP cannot, under any circumstances, protect any wrongdoer.

But, corrupt political parties shouldn’t think for a moment that they can capitalize on the Speaker’s issue. The people rejected the SJB, NDF and SLPP (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) twice this year as they earned the wrath of the people. It would be a grave fault on their part if they believed Ranwala’s ouster could strengthen their campaign against the government.

The NPP should, without delay, set the record straight. The issue is whether Ranwala deceived the NPP with regard to his doctorate, or the party knew all along that their CPC trade unionist didn’t have the academic qualification which he proudly flaunted.

House tricked

Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya and Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, together, accompanied Ranwela to the Speaker’s chair. The Opposition accepted the appointment. The Premier proposed Ranwala, while Minister Herath seconded that proposal.

Premier Amarasuriya, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, and Leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress Rauff Hakeem congratulated National Executive Committee member Ranwala on that occasion.

One-time member of the Biyagama Local government body, Ranwala twice represented the JVP in the Western Provincial Council. According to Parliament website, Ranwala holds a degree in Chemical Engineering from the University of Moratuwa and a doctorate in Biochemistry from Waseda University, Japan.

To make matters worse for the NPP, the Opposition challenged Deputy Speaker Dr. Rizvie Salih’s specialist tag. Salih answered his critics. His FB post explained his nearly 40-year career, with 12 years with the public sector, though he is not a specialist.

The Deputy Speaker told Parliament, on Tuesday, that he is not a specialist and never used the title in his official letterheads, visiting cards and prescriptions. ” I have categorically told that I should not be called a specialist in propaganda material during elections,” he said. In other words, he had found fault with those who handled the propaganda campaign for the NPP

Interested parties also challenged the doctorate of Justice Minister Harshana Nanayakkara, another first time entrant to Parliament.

The controversy over Nanayakkara’s doctorate took an unexpected turn when the Parliament claimed that the doctorate had been inadvertently mentioned by Parliament. Let me reproduce the clarification issued by M. Jayalath Perera, Director Legislative Services / Director Communication (Acting), Parliament: Clarification Regarding the Title of “Dr.” mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, on the Parliament website.

“I would like to emphasize the following points in relation to reports published in the media regarding the title of ‘’Dr.’’ mentioned before the name of the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Harshana Nanayakkara, in the directory of Members of Parliament on the Parliament website.

“It is important to note that Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara has not indicated holding a doctoral degree in the information provided to Parliament. The appearance of the title “Dr.” before the Minister’s name was a result of an error in entering the relevant data. Accordingly, steps have been taken to rectify this mistake.

“I express my deepest regret for the inconvenience caused to the Minister of Justice and National Integration, Attorney-at-Law, Hon. Harshana Nanayakkara, in this regard.

“Also, the process of re-checking and updating the information of all Members of Parliament on the Parliament website is currently underway.”

But those who cannot stomach the NPP’s victory ask why didn’t Nanayakkara get that corrected himself if he was not entitled to be called “Dr.”? However, the Justice Minister lodged a complaint with the CID on Monday (16). The investigation can help ascertain whether some interested party conspired to discredit the NPP.

That clarification issued by Parliament meant that Ranwala provided false information to Parliament. According to Jayalath Perera, the parliamentary staff entered the relevant data provided by lawmakers, hence the only mistake on their part pertained to the Justice Minister’s data.

Power Minister Kumara Jayakody, too, lodged a complaint with police seeking an investigation into what he called an organized attempt to discredit him by challenging his academic qualifications. Both Nanayakkara and Jayakody speculated about the possibility of those who had been rejected by the people and their associates and supporters being involved in the high profile campaign.

The NPP cannot afford to disappoint 5.7 mn people who voted for AKD at the presidential election and 6.8 mn at the general election. The NPP increased its voter tally from 5.7 mn to 6.8 mn within a couple of weeks whereas the SJB was reduced to 1.9 mn votes from 4.3 mn at the presidential poll. The NDF was reduced to just 500,000 votes from 2.2mn at the presidential election while the SLPP increased its tally from 340,000 to 350,000. The Opposition is in disarray and in a pathetic situation.

Ranwala’s fiasco has sort of given the Opposition false hopes of a quick comeback. The forthcoming local government polls will show the ground situation. The NPP must keep in mind that in addition to the Ranwala affair, the failure on its part to provide sufficient relief to fuel and electricity consumers as promised has caused much public anger. Having repeatedly alleged that the previous government couldn’t substantially reduce fuel prices as the then Minister Kanchana Wijesekera pocketed the money, and having made those claims against the previous Minister in charge of the subject, the NPP brought down the price of a litre of Octane 92 by just 2 rupees much to the public’s resentment.

The pathetic handling of the rice mafia, too, didn’t do the NPP any good. Throughout the polls campaigns, the NPP repeatedly assured that the rice mafia would be appropriately dealt with and prices brought down and stabilized. The NPP also promised that rice wouldn’t be imported at all though imports would meet the tourist sector requirement. That much touted promise, too, was broken. However, the electorate, the writer is certain, doesn’t see any point in once again pinning their hopes on the utterly corrupt and dishonest lot rejected at the presidential and parliamentary polls.

Why Parliament shouldn’t defend wrongdoers

During the general election campaign, AKD explained why Parliament shouldn’t protect wrongdoers. The President said that the Yahapalana Parliament (2015-2019), during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as the Speaker, defeated a no-confidence motion moved against Ravi Karunanayake over the Treasury bond scams, especially after he told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry that probed it, he could not remember the person who gave him a luxury penthouse at Kollupitiya. Then in 2023 the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government defended Keheliya Rambukwella when a no-faith motion was moved against him over corruption in the health sector procurement, the President said.

Having said so, AKD couldn’t have defended Ranwala in case the SJB handed over a no-confidence motion against him. In fact, the NPP has created an environment that may prevent those exercising political power from coming to the rescue of wrongdoers under any circumstances.

During Ranwala’s very short stint as the Speaker, he had the opportunity to receive several foreign dignitaries. Press releases issued by Parliament following those meetings referred to Ranwala as Dr. Ranwala.

South Korean Ambassador Miyon Lee paid a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec. at the Parliament complex. Secretary General of the Parliament Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, was also present on the occasion. This happened the day before Prof. Dewasiri exposed the NPP parliamentarian.

Ranwala, not aware of what was coming, addressed the newly elected members on 25 Nov., in Parliament, where he emphasized the responsibility on the part of newcomers (he, too, was a newcomer struggling to handle responsibilities for want of parliamentary experience) to familiarize with parliamentary procedures. Speaker Ranwala said that public expectations couldn’t be met unless they learnt about parliamentary procedures. Ranwala was addressing the inaugural session of the orientation programme for lawmakers.

The Parliament website quoted Speaker Ranwala as having emphasized the importance of organizing such workshops, noting that a thorough understanding of parliamentary traditions, constitutional frameworks, standing orders, and related parliamentary procedures is crucial for serving the people through the diverse debates conducted within Parliament.

Chinese Ambassador in Colombo Ambassador Qi Zhenhong was the first envoy to pay a courtesy call on Ranwala at the Parliament. The Chinese Ambassador conveyed the greetings of the Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China (Speaker of the Parliament of the People’s Republic of China) Zhao Leji, to the newly elected Speaker of the Tenth Parliament during the meeting.

The Chinese envoy was followed by Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha. Jha paid a courtesy call on the Speaker on 28 Nov. at the Parliament.

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Sri Lanka, Marc-André Franche, met Speaker Ranwala on 04 Dec.

In the wake of Prof. Dewasiri’s shocking disclosure, Speaker Ranwala received a high-level US delegation led by Assistant Secretary of State for the Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs Donald Lu. The meeting took place on 06 Dec.

The delegation included Ms. Anjali Kaur, Deputy Assistant Administrator of the Bureau for Asia at USAID, and Mr. Robert Kaproth, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Asia at the US Department of the Treasury.

According to a press release issued by Parliament the meeting focused on Sri Lanka’s reform priorities and the critical role of the House in advancing the people’s mandate for accountability, transparency, and inclusive governance.

Ambassador of the United Arab Emirates to Sri Lanka Khaled Nasser AlAmeri was the next to pay a courtesy call on Speaker Ranwala. That meeting took place on 09 Dec. amidst a stepped-up campaign against Speaker Ranwala. The NPP seems to have operated on the premise that the controversy over the Speaker’s credentials would gradually fade away. But, the media pressed the Cabinet spokesperson Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa over the simmering serious issue. That controversy sort of overwhelmed the NPP that worked so hard to portray all other political parties, other than them, as corrupt to the core.

In fact, the NPP had nothing else but to depend on what it called a new clean political culture. Having impressed the electorate with nothing but promises and assurances that it would do the right thing, it couldn’t have a blatant liar as the Speaker.

If not for the political culture that had been introduced by the NPP, in the wake of Aragalaya in 2022, the false declaration made by Ranwala wouldn’t have been an issue at all. The people would have simply accepted it as just another lie. Our inefficient and useless Parliament had been so disgraceful in its conduct and encouraged public resentment that a Speaker’s false claim wouldn’t have caused a public furore.

The NPP’s failed bid to storm Parliament during the final push against President Gotabaya Rajapaksa should be examined taking into consideration the pathetic state of our Parliament. Some of those unscrupulous men who represented Parliament over the past two to three decades brought about the Parliament’s collapse. Instead of taking remedial measures, political parties allowed the deterioration to continue, unabated. Nothing can be as ridiculous as conducting student parliaments all over the provinces. What the Parliament really expected to achieve by promoting student parliaments at a time the very basis of the parliamentary system is under threat due to overall failure of the political party system.

Parliament must take appropriate measures to restore public confidence in the highest institution in the country. Ranwala’s affair proved beyond doubt that the Speaker, who is also the Chairman of the Constitutional Council, could manipulate the system. No one and no political party should be above the law. War-winning Sri Lanka had suffered unbearable losses for want of proper parliamentary control over public finance over the years.

Let us hope the NPP has learnt a hard lesson at the onset of AKD’s five-year term that would help the party to navigate choppy waters. The daunting challenges faced by a bankrupt country should prompt all political parties, represented in Parliament, to reach consensus on Sri Lanka’s response to the deal with the IMF, signed by Ranil Wickremesinghe. The issue the Parliament must grapple with is how to transform the sick national economy to make it possible for us to start repaying foreign debt in 2028 without making most of us absolute paupers, but many Lankans are already in dire straits economically.

The Parliament can begin by making the Supreme Court judgment on the economic crisis that led to Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal available to new members of Parliament. Of the 225 MPs, 162 are new entrants. The Supreme Court in Nov. 2023 issued a symbolic ruling that Rajapaksa brothers – including two ex-Presidents – were guilty of triggering the worst financial crisis by mishandling the economy.

In a majority verdict on multiple petitions filed by academics and civil rights activists, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court ruled that the respondents, who all later resigned or were sacked, had violated public trust. But that verdict should be examined along with massive foreign loans taken by the Yahapalana government during the 2015-2019 period at high interests that contributed massively to the crisis.

Let there be no holds barred examination of the economic crisis and exposure of all responsible, regardless of their status. However, that wouldn’t be a reality unless the legislature fulfils its basic obligations in terms of the Constitution.

Let us also not lose sight of hidden hands, especially from the West who make matters worse through their cloak and dagger operations worldwide as also was put into operation here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency, like even cutting off worker remittances from our banking system thereby we couldn’t even scrape together a few million dollars to clear even a shipment of cooking gas. They have done similar jugglery to so many other countries, even in our neighbourhood, as has been the case already in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Modi should not feel all that smug as we do not know what plots are being hatched against him.

Remember the uncompromising Aragalaya activists who were threatening to die for a system change in the country, but disappeared into thin air no sooner Ranil Wickremesimnghe was installed in the seat of power with the ouster of Gotabaya Rajapaksa by extra parliamentary means.

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Midweek Review

A second killing in a courtroom, a question of national security and overall deterioration of law enforcement

Published

2 days ago

2025/02/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

Sanjeewa Kumara Samararathne alias Ganemulle Sanjeewa

Against the backdrop of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijeyapala’s declaration in Parliament of a nexus between the underworld and some sections of the administration, particularly the police, Pubudu Jagoda of the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) demanded to know as to why Ganemulle Sanjeewa

IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya

had been produced in court on February 19 without a court order. The FSP spokesman emphasized that the crux of the matter is why he had been brought to court in the absence of a court directive and despite there having been specific intelligence that an attempt was to be made on the suspect’s life on that day as disclosed by Acting IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya at a hastily called media briefing at the Information Department over the last weekend.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Two shootings at Kadewatte junction, Middeniya, on Tuesday night (18), and at the Colombo Hulftsdorp Court complex, the following day, quite conveniently deprived Parliament of an opportunity to conduct a proper debate on President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s first Budget delivered on February 17th. The reportage of the Budget debate proved that it was a non-event as it was overshadowed by the audacious killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa as he stood in the dock of the Hulftsdorp Magistrate Court number 05.

The Middeniya shooting claimed the lives of three persons – Aruna Vidanagamage aka Meegas-are Kajja, 39, and his six-year-old-daughter and nine-year-old son. Vidanagamage captured public attention recently when the gangster, in a no holds barred interview with Chamuditha Samarawickrema in ‘Truth with Chamuditha,’ accused the Rajapaksa family and some of its henchmen of criminal activity. Vidanagamage alleged that a person (who was named), close to the Rajapaksas, had given a contract to kill him though he didn’t believe the family was aware of the move.

A policeman, attached to the Tangalle Police, is among the three persons who have been so far taken into custody in connection with the Middeniya triple killings. However, the police constable hadn’t been apprehended for his involvement with the killing but for giving two pairs of handcuffs that were found at the scene of the shooting that had been given to “Kajja” earlier by him. The unauthorized transfer of handcuffs to a criminal by a cop underscored the gravity of the situation. The revelation reflects the overall deterioration of law enforcement. Recently, another cop, attached to the Mount Lavinia Police, gave his service weapon to the drug underworld and escaped to Dubai.

The Hulftsdorp shooting that claimed the life of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararathne, alias Ganemulle Sanjeewa, sent shock waves through the inept law enforcers. The killing inside the No. 05 Magistrate’s Court and the arrest of the gunman under controversial circumstances highlighted the deficiencies in overall law enforcement.

Ganemulle Sanjeewa, who had been arrested on Sept. 13, 2023, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA), on his arrival from Nepal, was the second person in custody to die in a hail of bullets inside a courtroom.

The Opposition, in an obvious bid to exploit the developing situation, claimed a breach of national security. The National People’s Power (NPP) was accused of jeopardizing the security of the state. The government dismissed that assertion while claiming the Hulftsdorp shooting as an isolated incident. The actual truth lies somewhere in between with widespread despicable behaviour of law enforcers all over the country, with corrupt cops being brazenly involved in lucrative underworld businesses, especially in facilitating and milking the deadly narcotic trade. Some Opposition lawmakers called for Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala’s resignation. The Jathika Jana Balawegya (JJB) would have done the same if some other party wielded political power now.

A member of the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) compared the Hulftsdorp security lapse with that of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. SJB lawmaker Rohana Bandara’s appraisal is obviously a case of going overboard. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the National Democratic Front (NDF), too, attacked the Budget calling it an IMF product.

The first courtroom killing took place during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga presidency. Before we discussed that high profile killing of notorious underworld figure Dhammika Amarasinghe on a Friday morning in early January 2004, at the Colombo Chief Magistrate’s court, in the same court complex as last week’s brazen killing of a notorious suspect Sanjeewe, as he stood in the dock, by an Army deserter Chaminda Udaya Kumara, 28. It goes without saying the responsibility on the part of the armed forces to tighten up discipline and recruiting procedures is utmost, especially now long after the earlier debilitating terrorist threat, as there is no longer any necessity to absorb anyone who turns up for recruitment as the forces are no longer desperately short of manpower to fight a debilitating war like earlier against the world’s deadliest terrorist force with a conventional fighting capability.

Assassin Chaminda Udaya Kumara, responsible for the 2004 killing, entered the courtroom as a law student. In the latest such daring killing last week, the gunman disguised himself as an Attorney-at-Law.

Chaminda Udaya Kumara had been apprehended in the record room where he was overpowered by a Lance Corporal of Sri Lanka National Guard (SLNG) and handed over to the police. On both occasions, the assassin hadn’t been subjected to checks. It would be pertinent to mention that Dhammika Amarasinghe’s assassin had made an attempt to escape by taking a person hostage and opened fire causing injuries to two persons before the SLNG soldier swung into action.

Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s killer had joined the Army 12 years after the successful conclusion of the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Therefore, he hadn’t served the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s war-winning Army. Although some speculated that the assassin had joined the Army as a Muslim, inquiries, however, revealed that was not the case. Asked to explain, an authoritative officer pointed out that it wouldn’t be fair to identify the assassin as a commando as he had undergone only the basic course.

According to Army records the assassin joined the Army in 2020 and was legally discharged after he was found guilty of going AWOL (absent without leave) in 2023. Accused of using several identities, the assassin, immediately after his arrest at Palaviya, identified himself as Mohamed Azman Sherifdeen. At the time the Army discharged the assassin, he had been with the 3rd Commando Regiment.

The real identity of the assassin, born in 1997, is Samindu Dilshan Piyumanga Kandanaarachchi, a resident of Dambahena Road, Maharagama.

When did the assassin start using fake identities? How had he obtained a fake BASL ID? Who could have arranged the deadly mission? Let us once again emphasise that shortcomings on the part of the Army could have been ignored if such deceptions took place during the war as the military was desperate to double its strength but over a decade and a half after the war such lapses couldn’t be justified, under any circumstances.

First killing in a courtroom

Contract killer Dhammika Amarasinghe had been under investigation in a headline grabbing case involving the then Telecom and Sri Lanka Cricket (it was called Sri Lanka Cricket Board at that time) chief Thilanga Sumathipala, accused of funding the gangster as a guest of the SLC to watch the 1999 Cricket World Cup in the UK. Investigations revealed that the assassin, who travelled to the UK, allegedly on a fake passport, had received SLC funds to the tune of 1,500 Sterling Pounds.

Amarasinghe was to be produced in court on the following Monday to answer questions regarding the UK sojourn at the SLC’s expense. Sumathipala, who was to appear in court on Thursday, the day before Amarasinghe’s killing, didn’t attend court, claiming sudden illness.

At that time no one alleged it wasbreach of national security though it was a highly politicized case. However, Dhammika Amarasinghe was taken out inside a court when produced before it over two murder cases – one at Borella and the other at Welikada. Before Dhammika Amarasinghe’s killing, his rivals killed 16 of his relatives.

Investigations revealed that the gunman had been in the same court when Dhammika Amarasinghe was produced in court pertaining to Thilanga Sumathipala’s case on the previous day.

The assassin claimed that he took out Dhammika Amarasinghe to avenge the killing of Dhanushka Perera aka Baddegane Sanjeewa of the Presidential Security Division (PSD).

Then President Kumaratunga’s security chiefs accommodated notorious gangster Baddegane Sanjeewa in the PSD and issued him an official weapon. Unfortunately, he hadn’t been the only ruffian taken to the PSD during her tenure as the President. President Ranasinghe Premadasa is believed to have absorbed notorious gangster Soththi Upali to the police reserve as a Sub Inspector.

Investigations revealed that Baddegane Sanjeewa’s assassin travelled with him in the luxury vehicle when he was shot from the back seat. Investigations also revealed that at the time the PSD thug had been shot he was on his mobile with Venessa Selvaratnam who earned significant media coverage over the killing of Papua New Guinean ruggerite Joel Pera inside a casino in a case that also allegedly involved the late Minister Anuruddha Ratwatte’s son Lohan. The killing of the PSD hoodlum took place at a cross street, off Pagoda Road, in Nugegoda.

In spite of accusations that Baddegane Sanjeewa carried out a spate of attacks, including the killing of Sinhala tabloid editor Rohana Kumara, the then SLFP-led People’s Alliance (PA) simply ignored complaints. The notorious PSD cop was killed at the height of his political influence. Rohana Kumara, who carried out a relentless campaign through his newspaper, targeting President Kumaratunga’s administration, was shot dead on the evening of Sept. 07, 1999 near his Colombo home.

During Kumaratunga’s tenure, the PSD also attacked popular singing couple Rookantha Goonetilleke and Chandraleka Perera after invading their home in the presence of their children, at Mattegoda, in January 2000. Ten officers were found guilty of the dastardly act and ordered, in 2013, to pay Rs 200,000 compensation each to the two victims and also sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment, but they were granted a presidential pardon in 2014.

A budget aligned with IMF

There hadn’t been a previous occasion when a government presented a budget totally in line with dictates of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) though there were numerous agreements/understandings between successive governments and the Washington-based lending bodies.

President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, revealed in Parliament what his government had agreed with the IMF. There is no doubt Finance Secretary Mahinda Siriwardana and Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe played quite significant roles in keeping the country in line with the IMF’s agenda.

Regardless of a section of the Opposition condemning President Dissanayake for adhering to IMF dictates, it would be pertinent to mention that the Parliament, in July last year, endorsed the Economic Transformation Bill (ETB) without a vote. The Parliament reached consensus on that unprecedented Bill to ensure that the country remained committed to the four-year-long IMF programme, finalized on March 20, 2023 during the previous Wickremesinghe regime.

SJB leader Sajith Premadasa, SLPP National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa, as well as a spokesperson for the New Democratic Front (NDF), was backed by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The five-member NDF parliamentary group, comprising ex-SLPPers and ex-UNP Minister Ravi Karunanayake, should explain why they accepted the ETB without a vote. In terms of the four-year Extended Fund Facility (EFF) arrangement, the IMF approved SDR (Special Drawing Rights) 2.3 bn (about USD 3 bn).

The SJB and SLPP shouldn’t play politics with the issues at hand as both parties are equally responsible for the economic decline caused by long-time mismanagement of the national economy. The SJB conveniently forgets that it had been part of the UNP, during Yahapalanaya, and cannot, under any circumstances, absolve itself of the responsibility for the Treasury bond scams, perpetrated in Feb. 2015 and March 2016, and issuance of USD 10,000 mn in new ISBs (International Sovereign Bonds) between 2015 and 2019 by that treacherous administration, comprising the UNP and the SLFP. New ISBs debilitated the economy. That is the ugly truth. And as to what they did with that money and the USD 1.2 billion they got by leasing out Hambantota International Port to the Chinese on a 99-year-lease, is anybody’s guess. Surely the country’s assets did not increase during the tenure of that government by any stretch of our imagination to show for such influx of US dollars.

At the time Mahinda Rajapaksa had been voted out in January 2015, the outstanding ISB debt was only USD 5,000 mn. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government (2020-2022) had paid off USD 2,500 million in outstanding ISBs, which meant that only USD 2,500 million in ISBs remained at the time Yahapalanaya took over in 2015.

But when the US-backed Aragalaya overwhelmed the Rajapaksas, they invited the man who oversaw Yahapalanaya, economic strategy Ranil Wickremesinghe, to save their skin. No less a person that former President Mahinda Rajapaksa is on record as having said that taking ISB’s amounting to USD 10,000 mn broke the back of the Sri Lanka’s economy. Then why on earth the person who caused that destruction was invited to accept the premiership in May 2022 and then elected President in July through a vote in Parliament. All in fear of deranged or highly drugged mobs unleashed during Aragalaya as was the case later in Bangladesh. But the Aragalaya marauding mobs, who were threatening to die for a system change, just vanished into thin air once Ranil Wickremesinghe was installed in the seat of power. How convenient?

The SLPP shouldn’t find fault with President Dissanayake for adhering to a Bill that received the blessings of all political parties, as well as breakaway factions, represented in Parliament. There cannot be a better example than the dissident SLPP group, led by Prof. G. L. Peiris and Dullas Alahapperuma, as they, too, endorsed the ETB by conveniently backing the decision to go ahead without a vote.

The SLPP that won 145 seats at the 2020 August general election had been reduced to just three lawmakers, including one National List slot, at the last general election. Unfortunately, the party hadn’t yet understood why the electorate dealt with the party so harshly. It should take remedial measures to rebuild the shattered image and attract the public again.

A far worse security breach

The JVP, now in power, caused, perhaps, far worse security breach than the killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa, though none of the political parties, seeking to take advantage of the developments, failed to mention the JVP bid to wipe out the top UNP leadership in August 1987.

The writer was at The Island editorial on the morning of August 18, 1987 when a JVPer lobbed two hand grenades at the UNP parliamentary group meeting in Committee Room A at the Parliament building. The near simultaneous blasts targeted about 120 MPs present at the meeting, the first group meeting after the signing of the Indo-Lanka accord on July 29, 1987. President J. R. Jayewardene presided over the meeting. Premier Ranasinghe Premadasa was present. Luckily for the UNP, the blasts caused injuries to several lawmakers but only Matara District MP Keerthi Abeywickrema succumbed to his injuries. The writer, having joined The Island just two months before, covered that funeral in Matara held under heavy security as the then government feared the JVP would launch an indiscriminate attack. It was the second killing of an MP by the JVP, following the deployment of the Indian Army in the northern and eastern provinces in terms of the so-called peace accord that was forced on Sri Lanka to halt ‘Operation Liberation’ carried out in the Vadamarachchy region of the Jaffna peninsula.

Later, the police identified the attacker as R.M. Ajith Kumara, an employee at the Parliament after he was arrested at Akaranduwa, Naula, on April 08, 1988, during a raid on an illicit liquor den. The chance and subsequent interrogation of the suspect revealed him as the man who planned the mass murder of lawmakers.

Ajith Kumara and four others were charged with carrying out the August 18, 1987, grenade attacks on the UNP parliamentary group. However, the Colombo High Court at Bar, on Oct. 12, 1990, delivered a unanimous verdict acquitting Ajith Kumara. Delivering the verdict, High Court Judge Ananda Grero declared that the prosecution had not proved the charges beyond a reasonable doubt.

Declaring his allegiance with the JVP, Ajith Kumara entered politics and was later accommodated in the JVP politburo. Ajith Kumara served as a JVP Pradeshiya Sabha member and years later contested Sabaragamuwa Provincial Council poll as the JVP’s Chief Ministerial candidate. The rest is history.

Midweek Review

Will AKD’s ‘Glasnost and Perestroika’ moment redefine Sri Lanka’s destiny?

Published

2 days ago

2025/02/26

Sahan Weerasooriya

By Gamini Jayaweera

In 1985, former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who assumed the presidency of the USSR, sought to reform the Soviet Union’s centrally planned economic system, which had been stagnant for several years. He recognised that the rigid one-party rule political system, including its politicians, was plagued by corruption, the workforce was inefficient, technology was outdated, and citizens struggled to access basic goods and services. Additionally, democratic rights for the people and the media were severely restricted. All of this was occurring under a communist system of government in a vast nation.

Gorbachev’s attempt to reform Russia’s struggling economic, social, and political systems through his Glasnost (openness) and Perestroika (restructuring) initiatives failed. This was largely due to resistance from the Central Committee of the Communist Party, which was dominated by hardline communist ideologists opposed to Western-style economic and political reforms. This resistance, combined with a failed coup, ultimately weakened Gorbachev’s authority, paving the way for Boris Yeltsin, whose neoliberal reforms transformed Russia’s political landscape.

Decades later and thousands of miles away, Sri Lanka faces its own political, economic, and social challenges. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his coalition, the National People’s Power (NPP), rose to power amidst a bankrupt economy, decades of political corruption, a largely inefficient and overstaffed state workforce, use of outdated technology, and mounting debts hindering development. Despite operating within a democratic system, the underlying challenges appear strikingly similar to those faced by Gorbachev, highlighting a parallel between the two countries’ governance mechanisms, but one under communism and the other under the guise of democracy.

AKD is pursuing his economic policy to balance socialist welfare programmes with capitalist economic reforms to revive the economy. Like Gorbachev, AKD’s reforms aim to modernise the Sri Lankan economy without abandoning socialism. The introduction of limited market reforms, decentralising economic control, and encouraging private enterprise may undermine the central authority of the leftist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) which control the lion share of the NPP coalition, leading to political instability and the rise of nationalist movements within Sri Lanka.

However, the political dynamics, including resistance from extreme left-wing factions and right-wing opponents, could determine the outcome of AKD’s ambitious agenda. While history does not necessarily repeat itself, the spectre of political instability remains a concern.

AKD’s “Glasnost and Perestroika”

Creating “A Rich and Beautiful Country” is the bold and inspiring vision articulated by the newly elected President and the parliamentary members of the National People’s Power (NPP) government, as detailed in their manifesto and policy documents. The President of Sri Lanka, a charismatic and inspiring leader of the NPP, recently delivered a heartfelt and enthusiastic address to parliament and the nation.

In his address, he outlined his ambitious vision and expectations for steering our country onto a path of sustainable prosperity. Delivered without the aid of written notes, his speech was a commendable demonstration of his dedication and sincerity. As Sri Lankans, we take pride in the President’s energy and unwavering commitment to turning his vision into reality.

However, this vision, no matter how inspiring, faces critical challenges. Can the NPP government translate the ambitious goals outlined in their policy documents and the President’s impassioned words into tangible outcomes? Achieving such a transformative vision requires a meticulous and coordinated effort, along with all the necessary components to overcome the significant hurdles ahead.

My focus here, rather than attempting an exhaustive analysis, is to highlight a few pressing concerns that demand immediate attention in order to secure the success and integrity of this transformative journey of achieving “Glasnost and Perestroika.” As a hopeful Sri Lankan committed to systemic change, I wish to underscore these concerns within the NPP administration that could impede our collective vision for progress.

NPP Leadership

Effective leadership is the cornerstone of good governance, guiding nations towards progress and stability. In the context of the NPP government, the transition from trade union advocacy to ministerial leadership presents unique challenges and opportunities.

The President and the Cabinet hold the highest level of leadership in the government, serving as the architects of national direction and policy formulation. They entrust the heads of departments with the responsibility of implementing these policies through their ministerial secretaries. However, effective leadership demands clarity and unity. If Ministers and their Secretaries fail to provide a cohesive and unambiguous direction to the department heads within each ministry, the result will be organisational chaos. This challenge is particularly relevant given the leadership background of several ministers in the NPP government.

Several ministers in the NPP government were formerly trade union leaders before their recent appointments to ministerial positions. While their prior roles involved leading, advocating, and vigorously championing the demands of the workforce, particularly in the public sector, ministerial responsibilities require a fundamentally different approach. Administering and addressing the needs of the workforce as the primary representative of the government, which acts as both the “Owner” and “Financier” of public organisations, demands a much more nuanced and balanced perspective.

An assertive, advocacy-driven leadership style must evolve into a more balanced approach that considers the needs of all stakeholders. Without adopting this more inclusive mindset, ministers risk alienating sations, thereby jeopardising the systemic changes, and both short and long-term progress envisioned by the President. So far, we have witnessed some ministers who were affiliated with trade unions in the past not having transformed their new roles to act impartially to unite the management and the workforce in their ministries.

It is also important to acknowledge that this cabinet includes ministers who embody these balanced leadership qualities. The President, along with other senior and experienced ministers, must take the lead in mentoring and guiding the younger, energetic, but less experienced members of the team. By providing direction and fostering a collaborative environment, they can ensure that public expectations are met, and the government stays on course toward achieving its overarching goals.

Humility and credibility

Since the inception of NPP’s governance, a recurring and concerning pattern has emerged among certain ministers, a belief in their own infallibility and a persistent perception that the opposition is perpetually wrong. This mindset not only risks stifling constructive debate but also undervalues the diverse experiences, skills, and ideas that others bring to the table.

A similar tendency can be observed globally, where some politicians treat their political ideologies as the ultimate truth, often dismissing differing perspectives. This approach fosters polarisation and inhibits meaningful collaboration. Within the NPP leadership, it is essential to recognise that, no matter how diligently they work, the attitudes and behaviours of the leadership team can significantly hinder progress.

True leadership demands humility, an often-overlooked quality that is far from a weakness. Instead, humility forms the cornerstone of effective leadership, helping to build trust, foster collaboration, and ensure sustainable success. By embracing humility, leaders can create an environment where diverse viewpoints are valued, and progress is achieved through collective effort.

Integrity among Ministers is essential for gaining the trust and recognition of the public. During the former Speaker’s qualifications controversy, the Opposition justifiably announced plans to bring a no-confidence motion against him for dishonesty.

A Minister who was previously a Trade Union leader, publicly dismissed the motion without examining the facts or acknowledging the embarrassment caused to the NPP government. Such statements demonstrate blind loyalty to party colleagues, lack of experience, responsibility, caution, and trade union mentality. The President, in contrast, declared that “wrongdoing would not be tolerated regardless of rank or position,” a stance that led to the Speaker’s resignation. This demonstrates decisive leadership and a commitment to accountability, qualities that others in government should emulate.

The inexperienced, young Minister in question would do well to take a page from the President’s book. Credibility and integrity, once lost, are nearly impossible to regain. Leaders must exercise care and responsibility when commenting on matters of public concern.

So far, no action has been taken for the allegations that some Members of Parliament from the NPP and the Opposition have given misinformation about their educational qualifications during the election campaigns. It is crucial for the President or the Leader of the House to address these claims promptly to prevent further distractions and maintain public trust.

Cultural Changes and Motivation

Culture is not a “soft” subject, yet most political leaders and public sector organisational heads treat it as if it were. Culture embodies the behaviours of employees and the infrastructure of the organisation. It is the foundation on which success is built.

Driving cultural change is no easy task. A key strategy is to provide comprehensive training that fosters employee engagement and ownership. Sustainable change hinges on behavioural performance, reinforced by a structured system of incentives, support, and motivation.

It cannot be transformed merely through lofty speeches extolling the “honesty” of the ruling party, especially when directed at workers in the public sector. Similarly, continually decrying the “dishonesty” of previous regimes does little to foster meaningful change. Leaders in the NPP should avoid complacency regarding their reputation for “honesty,” as their tenure in government is relatively brief and largely untested.

Importance of the human touch, education, and motivation in achieving success,

especially when tackling complex challenges is essential. There are no quick fixes when it comes to changing human behaviour. Organisational transformation is a gradual, deliberate process, but one that is essential for cultivating a high-performing, responsive public sector which is a major part in the System Change.

Govt. Tender Process

A recent parliamentary debate exposed concerns over the Mannar Wind Farm Project’s tender process. Despite the Tender Evaluation Committee (TEC) and Procurement Appeal Board (PAB) recommending the disqualification of two non-compliant companies, the new Energy Minister annulled the initial process, introduced a fresh tender process, and awarded the contract to an originally rejected bidder. The Minister claimed the new contract was cheaper.

This raises serious concerns about political interference in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy sector. As a professional with nearly 40 years of experience in construction spanning Procurement to Final Accounts in the UK and Sri Lanka, I find this deviation from proper tendering procedures deeply concerning.

A professional tender evaluation considers not just cost but also technical capability, organisational strength, commercial factors, health and safety standards, and relevant experience in similar projects. Low initial bids can often lead to escalated costs through variations and claims, ultimately exceeding the most economically advantageous bid.

If the Minister prioritised cost alone, a direct negotiation with a local contractor would have been more transparent, avoiding wasted public funds and unfair costs to other bidders. This incident casts a serious shadow over the NPP’s commitment to integrity and fair play in the tendering process, raising critical questions about accountability in public procurement.

Conclusion

While the NPP government has been in power for nearly six months, it is understandable that the public’s expectations and scrutiny are high. The trust and hope that the Sri Lankan people have placed in the NPP come with heightened vigilance, as even the smallest misstep by the new administration could be seen as jeopardising what many view as the nation’s last chance to set a sustainable course for the future.

The path to reform will undoubtedly be challenging and fraught with obstacles. Yet, it is a journey we must undertake, not only to honour the hopes of the present but to secure a brighter future for generations to come. It will be interesting to witness the successful implementation of Sri Lanka’s version of AKD’s “Glasnost and Perestroika,” especially since the originator of this concept, former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, faced significant challenges and ultimately did not achieve his intended outcomes three decades ago.

However, for AKD’s vision to succeed, it is crucial for all citizens to actively support but demand accountability from the President and his Cabinet as they navigate this difficult transformative phase. Their leadership will be vital in uplifting the economic, social, legal, and political systems while enhancing democracy as the foundation for realising Sir Lanka’s own “Glasnost and Perestroika.”