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How a former Royal College head prefect was wrongly remanded in Kandy

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Bogambara prison

A comedy of errors (and corruption) that became distinctly unfunny

Felix Ranjit Sirimanne (FRS), at regular two-year intervals, made a “Rest and Recreation (R&R)” pilgrimage from Sydney to Sri Lanka. His wife Gillian accompanied him. Gillian’s family is from Kandy and it is the town where the couple usually spends their holiday at the home of her sister. Visits to other places were intermittent, and that too mainly to Colombo, 72 miles away for a “Bajau” session with classmates or friends.

“Classmates” he had many, with a record-breaking 10-year stint at the Royal College upper school, beginning in 1957, with many juniors catching up with him in later years. This proved all to the good because he had many schoolmates he knew well in influential places in the country.

This story is about my impish classmate who did not take his studies that seriously. But he was a talented sportsman, a cadet and an all-rounder. It could be said that his extracurricular activity in school was “studies”, much to the consternation of his parents. He went on to capture the most coveted position that a schoolboy can achieve by being selected as the Head Prefect of Royal College. This story is not only about him but also of the corruption that pervades our country.

Kandy. While at Tobacco, he also played rugby representing Kandy Sports Club in the Clifford Cup until he migrated “Down Under” in the mid Seventies. Thus chilling out and reminiscing with a glass in hand was a regular practice which he practiced with his friends and relatives on his visits to Sri Lanka.

Their previous visit to the island was in 2010, when FRS was the witness at his niece’s wedding. There was a video shot of signing the Register and the wedding festivities which, unknown to him at the time, was to be the vital piece of evidence that saved him from a nasty accusation two years later.

On September 3, 2012, which was a Wednesday, at about 9 a.m. while he was browsing through some books at the Vijitha Yapa Bookstore in Kandy, a policeman tapped him on the shoulder. From that moment onward, for the next 10 days, he was virtually “went through hell”.

The cop requested FRS’s Identity Card (ID). FRS replied that “he does not have an ID as he is now an Australian Citizen”. The policeman did not accept this. He claimed that FRS was actually one De Alwis from Kandy who had fraudulently taken money from two men in Anuradhapura in 2010. According to the police records, the cop continued, the money was taken on the pretext of procuring jobs for the two victims in Japan.

FRS was stunned. “What on earth is this”, he wondered. He then pulled out his driver’s licence from Australia and showed it to the policeman. This only confused the cop. FRS was asked to accompany the policeman to the Kandy Police Station, which was at the other end of the town. Vehement protest and denial that he is not the guy the cop was looking for was to no avail. He was literally frogmarched through the town like a common criminal.

Marching, of course, was one of FRS’s favourite past times. He was a cadet and also the sergeant of one of the two Royal College senior platoons in 1965. Later he was elevated to Company Sergeant Major and ‘numero uno’ of the College contingent. But marching this time was a different matter, with the boot being literally on the other foot. FRS followed the policeman to the curious looks of the passers-by.

At the Police Station, the Inspector on duty too refused the Australian drivers’ licence as proof of identity. On a further attempt to prove who he was, the police were willing to go with him to Asgiriya, to Gillian’s sister’s home, where he was staying. So off they went in a police jeep. Three cops and the inspector kept him company on the ride to Asgiriya where his passport was tendered as evidence of identity with details of his last visit in 2010.

That, based on the passport stamps, proved FRS was not in the island on the date that the alleged criminal transaction took place but this was ignored by the Inspector who refused to see reason.

FRS was brought back to the police station and after some formalities and delays, was arrested and put in a remand cell at about 5 p.m. to be produced before a Magistrate the following morning. He was not given any food or get any drinking water. His forlorn pleas did nothing to get the authorities to change their minds.

The following day at a hearing held in camera, the Magistrate made a remand order. He said in English; “The case will go for trial and first hearing will be in eight days’ time on September 11 and till then the accused is to be remanded at Bogambara Jail”. A week’s time was granted for further investigations and it was necessary for the accused to be behind bars during the period, the police urged. An identity parade was to be held before the next date at the courts.

FRS was the taken to Boga ,(as the prison was called by the inmates and Police) and, the following preliminaries were carried out at the jail:

• Searched his trousers and took away the belt;

• Next to go was his ring and watch and he was made to sign a document.

Then he was taken along a corridor to a cell where it was obvious that the guards had heard through the grapevine that a “swindler” was on the way. The cell into which he was pushed into had five other occupants. Among them there were two ‘Mahattayas’, a Trinitian and an Anthonian respectively – old boys of two prestigious Colleges in Kandy.

Of the others, one was remanded for an alleged murder and the other two for theft. As FRS was to soon find out, the alleged murderer had pleaded innocent at the first hearing. But within the confinement of the cell, took visceral satisfaction of boasting about the gory details of stabbing and dismembering the victim. The Trinitian was accused of swindling a bank of millions whilst the Anthonian was accused of rape.

FRS was given a rag to cover himself by the welcoming inmates while sleeping on the bare floor. There were five plastic bottles for ‘pissing” and nothing for the big job. An extra bottle was supplied the following morning. Holding tight was mandatory till the roll call at five a.m. After being woken up and a head count done, the inmates were marched off to wash up and to go to the toilets. On the first day one of FRS’s cellmates lent him soap. Gillian ensured two more bars during her subsequent visit.

The 12 toilets were of the squatting type in a row with no doors. FRS had a ‘wonky knee” being legacy of rugby tackles and squatting was difficult, but as they say, ‘what to do, but grin and bear it?”

The standard breakfast of plain rice and pol-sambol was served at 7 am. Lunch was at 11 a.m. followed by dinner at 4 pm. These two meals were mainly vegetarian with the exception of “Karavadu” (dried fish) in a curry or fried. Meals were brought in big pots from the prison kitchen and servings dished out by the kitchen staff, who were lifers. Service was according to the cell number. Aluminium plates and mugs were used.

After breakfast one was free to walk around the restricted and fenced off quadrangle or visit the sick bay with a guard. Those who wished had access to the reading room.

One visitor was allowed each day and Gillian became the regular visitor with some food. The meals she brought were shared with some inmates in the night. The “Visitor” meeting room was limited to five prisoners at a time and it was a case of shoving and pushing to get some space. The prisoners and the visitors were separated by a wire mesh.

A cement tank near the toilets was filled during the night and the ablutions, including bathing, were carried out before breakfast with each inmate having a pail and a tin can for their use. The process was supervised by another lifer. Soap was provided by the prison, but of inferior quality to that supplied by Gillian. The supervising lifer kept a count of the water consumed. Rule of thumb was one pail per prisoner. He was not averse to taking a bribe of five rupees for an extra pail. Thus, there was a ‘haves and have not policy’ even in prison, based on monetary considerations. Nothing new compared to the life in the open, outside the walls.

FRS, ever the optimist, accepted his fate and went on to relate stories from Australia to the prisoners. Soon they were asking for more stories about kangaroos and life in Australia. As a result of this story telling, many became familiar with greeting format of “Good day Mate” whenever FRS approached the tank. The ‘old boys’ from the two prestigious Kandy schools made sure that FRS was safe.

At 5 pm there was, again a head count and all were off to the cells to be locked up. The prison guards could be bribed to deliver outside food to the cells in the nights. FRS cell always had some extra food. The going rate for bribes was Rs 1,000 per diem and the main contributors were FRS and the two “old boys”. The food was shared among the six cell mates.

The personal charm and skills of FRS that made him popular at Royal and made thes school decision makers to appoint him as a prefect in 1965 and then as the head prefect in 1966, also reappeared nearly half a century later under the trying circumstances, to get into the good books of the prison guards.

Bribery in the prison was not always pecuniary. Packets of Maliban “Marie biscuits”, cigarettes, or even a ‘buth packet’ from a nearby restaurant or an eatery was also sufficient with the guard’s mobile phone being borrowed to do the ordering. Gillian became the “Marie” carrier on a daily basis. The biscuits were left in the meeting room. The goods bought with the help of guards for dinner were delivered to the guard house at the entrance and subsequently passed through the door of the cell by the guard in attendance. Cigarettes were allowed, but strictly no liquor.

FRS’s cadet skills came in handy too in harnessing his cell mates to sing “baila” and sometimes they had the occupants of the cell on either side joinining them. Camaraderie grew within the cell.

Gillian in this time of adversity and personal bewilderment had done the networking through two Sydney based friends, Lloyd Perera and Tommy Sivanesarasa. She was able to get the help of an influential entity, Colombo based Nalin Pathikirikorale, who was FRS’s senior in school and a well-known businessman. Nalin was a fellow hosteller at Royal and a rugby team mate of FRS. He got the ball rolling and contacted the Attorney General CR de Silva of the ’60 batch who was himself a rugby captain at Royal and known fondly as “Bulla”.

As luck would have it, Bulla had been the bestman at Mahinda Rajapaksa’s wedding in 1970s. Rajapaksa was the President of the country in 2012.

On Wednesday 11 September, FRS was taken in the police van from “Boga” to the courts with head covered, as he could not be exposed before the identity parade. Prisoners from the Women’s Prison which was closer to President’s House and away from “Boga” were also the unseen fellow occupants. He could hear their giggles and some wisecracks.

But FRS was to get another blow at the hands of the police. At the identity parade in the courts on the morning before fronting the Magistrate, two three-wheeler drivers identified him as the alleged recruiting agent, de Alwis who apparently had a fair complexion. FRS is also very fair. All the others in the identity parade were darker. The accusers identified FRS as the alleged criminal based on his complexion.

FRS who also taught young prisoners English inside Boga came to be known as the “Sudu Seeya” for the same reason.

With identification being positive, FRS bail was set by the Magistrate in the afternoon at two million rupees along with two sureties. It was impossible for Gillian to get such an amount on that day, although she had the following day for her to come up with the money.

FRS was kept in the courts cells till 4 pm and taken back to Boga. Whilst crossing the road handcuffed to get into the police van, he saw Australian cricket fans getting into their tour bus to go for the match at Asgiriya. Seeing this, FRS broke down. He should have been in that bus, not in the police van.

Following day and on Thursday. Gillian’s brother-in-law and a friend of the latter tendered their house titles as security and they were also the sureties – an act of real kindness by the latter who did not know FRS at all.

Police were obstructing at every turn, having failed to secure a large bribe from FRS in spite of solicitations. There was also many another side to the story, unbeknownst to FRS, which came to light later and is described further down. He was granted bail on Friday and a court date was set about a month later for the next hearing. FRS set off to Australia as his job was at stake vowing to comeback for the next court appearance.

This was where the Attorney General CR de Silva, stepped in on a pro bono capacity, exercising his legal rights to appear for a friend. This was him paying back for the rugby lessons offered by FRS and also for FRS being the “head cop” in 1966. That the latter was due to FRS’s longevity at school due to not taking books “that seriously” was not of concern to Bulla. FRS motto was ‘why pass first time when three shies are allowed for GCE (O levels) and two shies for University Entrance exams?’

FRS, of course followed his extended stay in school by winning the prestigious Dornhorst prize for the most outstanding boy of 1966. FRS’ seniority in school had taken such a stand that his classmates stood up, more in jest, when he entered the class. “Bulla” was one such classmate. An honour not bestowed even on some teachers.

In the intervening period after FRS departure and the next trial date, the wheels quickly moved thanks to the political connections and the stature of Nalin and Bulla. The President’s Police Direct Unit (PDU) uncovered the real plot behind the recruitment saga.

• PDU arrested the real culprit within two days of departure of FRS. He had five passports and involved with him in the scam were a network of some of Kandy Police and local politicians. And uncannily the real culprit had a marked resemblance to FRS. Police were trying to make FRS the scapegoat to make certain of future graft.

• Kandy Police had provided the photo of FRS in advance to the three wheel drivers on the very first day he was arrested. These two drivers were the ‘official spotters’ for the Kandy Police to find any absconding accused. The drivers were in the pay of the Police.

• Before the bail was set and with the help of PDU, travel records were provided to the Kandy Police of International Arrivals and Departures which clearly showed that FRS was not in Sri Lanka in 2010 at the time one of the crimes was committed by the purported “Recruiting Agent for Japan”.

Records were provided to the Kandy Police. Later on FRS was to find out that these were not tendered to the Magistrate at the court sitting when bail was granted. Evidence was deliberately being withheld.

FRS flew back for the trial and watched a masterly performance by Bulla in taking apart the Kandy Police and the “spotters” in the form two three-wheeler drivers. Nalin and many of FRS’s classmates were there too. Bulla accused Kandy Police of their duplicity and evasion of duties. One exhibit tendered as evidence was the video taken in 2010 at the wedding. At the day and time quoted by the Kandy Police “as to the time of making payment”, FRS was attending the wedding. At the day and time quoted by the second complainant, FRS had left the country and was in Australia, passport and records being tendered as evidence.

FRS was freed. Bulla was very offended when FRS wanted to pay for his services. He said that he was very hurt at the miscarriage of justice towards a man whom he admired and respected and was glad that he was able to repay FRS for all the free coaching and advice during his rugby career at school and post-school.

The real culprit got a very light sentence. FRS filed a ‘civil rights case” and flew down again for the sittings. He retained a lawyer. Subsequently a policeman was charged for dishonesty and fined Rs. 1,000, insufficient for him to lose his job. No compensation was paid to FRS. Bulla sadly is no more.

(Note: This was the time when there were several cases of abductions and ransom demands were made. In some cases, the armed forces personnel were accused of such. Well known cases were those of ‘refugees’ taking boats to get to Australia and the Navy who intercepted them allowing them to go on the payment of bribes. This case has some similarity to those. Had Gillian given a bribe of several thousands to the cops, FRS would have been allowed to go, and the evidence provided by him about his identity would have been accepted.)

(Excerpted from an anthology of memoirs by Nihal Kodituwakku)



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Features

Building on Sand: The Indian market trap

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(Part III in a series on Sri Lanka’s tourism stagnation.)

Every SLTDA (Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority) press release now leads with the same headline: India is Sri Lanka’s “star market.” The numbers seem to prove it, 531,511 Indian arrivals in 2025, representing 22.5% of all tourists. Officials celebrate the “half-million milestone” and set targets for 600,000, 700,000, more.

But follow the money instead of the headcount, and a different picture emerges. We are building our tourism recovery on a low-spending, short-stay, operationally challenging segment, without any serious strategy to transform it into a high-value market. We have confused market size with market quality, and the confusion is costing us billions.

Per-day spending: While SLTDA does not publish market-specific daily expenditure data, industry operators and informal analyses consistently report Indian tourists in the $100-140 per day range, compared to $180-250 for Western European and North American markets.

The math is brutal and unavoidable: one Western European tourist generates the revenue of 3-4 Indian tourists. Building tourism recovery primarily on the low-yield segment is strategically incoherent, unless the goal is arrivals theater rather than economic contribution.

Comparative Analysis: How Competitors Handle Indian Outbound Tourism

India is not unique to Sri Lanka. Indian outbound tourism reached 30.23 million departures in 2024, an 8.4% year-on-year increase, driven by a growing middle class with disposable income. Every competitor destination is courting this market.

This is not diversification. It is concentration risk dressed up as growth.

How did we end up here? Through a combination of policy laziness, proximity bias, and refusal to confront yield trade-offs.

1. Proximity as Strategy Substitute

India is next door. Flights are short (1.5-3 hours), frequent, and cheap. This makes India the easiest market to attract, low promotional cost, high visibility, strong cultural and linguistic overlap. But easiest is not the same as best.

Tourism strategy should optimize for yield-adjusted effort. Yes, attracting Europeans requires longer promotional cycles, higher marketing spend, and sustained brand-building. But if each European generates 3x the revenue of an Indian tourist, the return on investment is self-evident.

We have chosen ease over effectiveness, proximity over profitability.

2. Visa Policy as Blunt Instrument

3. Failure to Develop High-Value Products for Indian Market

There are segments of Indian outbound tourism that spend heavily:

 

Wedding tourism: Indian destination weddings can generate $50,000-200,000+ per event

*  Wellness/Ayurveda tourism: High-net-worth Indians seek authentic wellness experiences and will pay premium rates

*  MICE tourism: Corporate events, conferences, incentive travel

 

Sri Lanka has these assets—coastal venues for weddings, Ayurvedic heritage, colonial hotels suitable for corporate events. But we have not systematically developed and marketed these products to high-yield Indian segments.

For the first time in 2025, Sri Lanka conducted multi-city roadshows across India to promote wedding tourism. This is welcome—but it is 25 years late. The Maldives and Mauritius have been curating Indian wedding and MICE tourism for decades, building specialised infrastructure, training staff, and integrating these products into marketing.

We are entering a mature market with no track record, no specialised infrastructure, and no price positioning that signals premium quality.

4. Operational Challenges and Quality Perceptions

Indian tourists, particularly budget segments, present operational challenges:

 

*  Shorter stays mean higher turnover, more check-ins, more logistical overhead per dollar of revenue

*  Price sensitivity leads to aggressive bargaining, complaints over perceived overcharging

*  Large groups (families, wedding parties) require specialised handling

 

None of these are insurmountable, but they require investment in training, systems, and service design. Sri Lanka has not made these investments systematically. The result: operators report higher operational costs per Indian guest while generating lower revenue, a toxic margin squeeze.

Additionally, Sri Lanka’s positioning as a “budget-friendly” destination reinforces price expectations. Indians comparing Sri Lanka to Thailand or Malaysia see Sri Lanka as cheaper, not better. We compete on price, not value, a race to the bottom.

The Strategic Error: Mistaking Market Size for Market Fit

India’s outbound tourism market is massive, 30 million+ and growing. But scale is not the same as fit.

Market size ≠ market value: The UAE attracts 7.5 million Indians, but as a high-yield segment (business, luxury shopping, upscale hospitality). Saudi Arabia attracts 3.3 million—but for religious pilgrimage with high per-capita spending and long stays.

Thailand attracts 1.8 million Indians as part of a diversified 35-million-tourist base. Indians represent 5% of Thailand’s mix. Sri Lanka has made Indians 22.5% of our mix, 4.5 times Thailand’s concentration, while generating a fraction of Thailand’s revenue.

This reveals the error. We have prioritised volume from a market segment without ensuring the segment aligns with our value proposition.

These needs are misaligned. Indians seek budget value; Sri Lanka needs yield. Indians want short trips; Sri Lanka needs extended stays. Indians are price-sensitive; Sri Lanka needs premium segments to fund infrastructure.

We have attracted a market that does not match our strategic needs—and then celebrated the mismatch as success.

The Way Forward: From Dependency to Diversification

Fixing the Indian market trap requires three shifts: curation, diversification, and premium positioning.

First

, segment the Indian market and target high-value niches explicitly:

 

Wedding tourism: Develop specialised wedding venues, train planners, create integrated packages ($50k+ per event)

*  Wellness tourism: Position Sri Lanka as authentic Ayurveda destination for high-net-worth health seekers

*  MICE tourism: Target Indian corporate incentive travel and conferences

*  Spiritual/religious tourism: Leverage Buddhist and Hindu heritage sites with premium positioning

 

Market these high-value niches aggressively. Let budget segments self-select out through pricing signals.

Second

, rebalance market mix toward high-yield segments:

 

*  Increase marketing spend on Western Europe, North America, and East Asian premium segments

*  Develop products (luxury eco-lodges, boutique heritage hotels, adventure tourism) that appeal to high-yield travelers

*  Use visa policy strategically, maintain visa-free for premium markets, consider tiered visa fees or curated visa schemes for volume markets

 

Third

, stop benchmarking success by Indian arrival volumes. Track:

 

*  Revenue per Indian visitor

*  Indian market share of total revenue (not arrivals)

*  Yield gap: Indian revenue vs. other major markets

 

If Indians are 22.5% of arrivals but only 15% of revenue, we have a problem. If the gap widens, we are deepening dependency on a low-yield segment.

Fourth

, invest in Indian market quality rather than quantity:

 

*  Train staff on Indian high-end expectations (luxury service standards, dietary needs)

*  Develop bilingual guides and materials (Hindi, Tamil)

*  Build partnerships with premium Indian travel agents, not budget consolidators

 

We should aim to attract 300,000 Indians generating $1,500 per trip (through wedding, wellness, MICE targeting), not 700,000 generating $600 per trip. The former produces $450 million; the latter produces $420 million, while requiring more than twice the operational overhead and infrastructure load.

Fifth

, accept the hard truth: India cannot and should not be 30-40% of our market mix. The structural yield constraints make that model non-viable. Cap Indian arrivals at 15-20% of total mix and aggressively diversify into higher-yield markets.

This will require political courage, saying “no” to easy volume in favour of harder-won value. But that is what strategy means: choosing what not to do.

The Dependency Trap

Every market concentration creates path dependency. The more we optimize for Indian tourists, visa schemes, marketing, infrastructure, pricing, the harder it becomes to attract high-yield markets that expect different value propositions.

Hotels that compete on price for Indian segments cannot simultaneously position as luxury for European segments. Destinations known for “affordability” struggle to pivot to premium. Guides trained for high-turnover, short-stay groups do not develop the deep knowledge required for extended cultural tours.

We are locking in a low-yield equilibrium. Each incremental Indian arrival strengthens the positioning as a “budget-friendly” destination, which repels high-yield segments, which forces further volume-chasing in price-sensitive markets. The cycle reinforces itself.

Breaking the cycle requires accepting short-term pain—lower arrival numbers—for long-term gain—higher revenue, stronger positioning, sustainable margins.

The Hard Question

Is Sri Lanka willing to attract two million tourists generating $5 billion, or three million tourists generating $4 billion?

The current trajectory is toward the latter, more arrivals, less revenue, thinner margins, greater fragility. We are optimizing for metrics that impress press releases but erode economic contribution.

The Indian market is not the problem. The problem is building tourism recovery primarily on a low-yield segment without strategies to either transform that segment to high-yield or balance it with high-yield markets.

We are building on sand. The foundation will not hold.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)

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Digital transformation in the Global South

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AI Summit, India

Understanding Sri Lanka through the India AI Impact Summit 2026

Artificial Intelligence (AI) has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies but can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organisations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centred and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.

People friendly AI

One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages, and smartphones, play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.

Transformation in education sector

The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalised lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources, similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.

Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms, or medical images, and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.

Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyse rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.

Employment and communication reshaped

Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills, such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.

Impact on Sri Lanka

The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.

Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalised digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travellers directly.

Digital inequality

However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are, therefore, essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programmes are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.

Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must, therefore, move beyond memorisation toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.

AI contribution to national development

In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.

Symbolic shift

Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society, but transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.

by Milinda Mayadunna

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Governance cannot be a postscript to economics

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Kristalina-Georgieva

The visit by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to Sri Lanka was widely described as a success for the government. She was fulsome in her praise of the country and its developmental potential. The grounds for this success and collaborative spirit go back to the inception of the agreement signed in March 2023 in the aftermath of Sri Lanka’s declaration of international bankruptcy. The IMF came in to fulfil its role as lender of last resort. The government of the day bit the bullet. It imposed unpopular policies on the people, most notably significant tax increases. At a moment when the country had run out of foreign exchange, defaulted on its debt, and faced shortages of fuel, medicine and food, the IMF programme restored a measure of confidence both within the country and internationally.

Since 1965 Sri Lanka has entered into agreements with the IMF on 16 occasions none of which were taken to their full term. The present agreement is the 17th agreement . IMF agreements have traditionally been focused on economic restructuring. Invariably the terms of agreement have been harsh on the people, with priority being given to ensure the debtor country pays its loans back to the IMF. Fiscal consolidation, tax increases, subsidy reductions and structural reforms have been the recurring features. The social and political costs have often been high. Governments have lost popularity and sometimes fallen before programmes were completed. The IMF has learned from experience across the world that macroeconomic reform without social protection can generate backlash, instability and policy reversals.

The experience of countries such as Greece, Ireland and Portugal in dealing with the IMF during the eurozone crisis demonstrated the political and social costs of austerity, even though those economies later stabilised and returned to growth. The evolution of IMF policies has ensured that there are two special features in the present agreement. The first is that the IMF has included a safety net of social welfare spending to mitigate the impact of the austerity measures on the poorest sections of the population. No country can hope to grow at 7 or 8 percent per annum when a third of its people are struggling to survive. Poverty alleviation measures in the Aswesuma programme, developed with the agreement of the IMF, are key to mitigating the worst impacts of the rising cost of living and limited opportunities for employment.

Governance Included

The second important feature of the IMF agreement is the inclusion of governance criteria to be implemented alongside the economic reforms. It goes to the heart of why Sri Lanka has had to return to the IMF repeatedly. Economic mismanagement did not take place in a vacuum. It was enabled by weak institutions, politicised decision making, non-transparent procurement, and the erosion of checks and balances. In its economic reform process, the IMF has included an assessment of governance related issues to accompany the economic restructuring process. At the top of this list is tackling the problem of corruption by means of publicising contracts, ensuring open solicitation of tenders, and strengthening financial accountability mechanisms.

The IMF also encouraged a civil society diagnostic study and engaged with civil society organisations regularly. The civil society analysis of governance issues which was promoted by Verite Research and facilitated by Transparency International was wider in scope than those identified in the IMF’s own diagnostic. It pointed to systemic weaknesses that go beyond narrow fiscal concerns. The civil society diagnostic study included issues of social justice such as the inequitable impact of targeting EPF and ETF funds of workers for restructuring and the need to repeal abuse prone laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the Online Safety Act. When workers see their retirement savings restructured without adequate consultation, confidence in policy making erodes. When laws are perceived to be instruments of arbitrary power, social cohesion weakens.

During a meeting between the IMF Managing Director Georgeiva and civil society members last week, there was discussion on the implementation of those governance measures in which she spoke in a manner that was not alien to the civil society representatives. Significantly, the civil society diagnostic report also referred to the ethnic conflict and the breakdown of interethnic relations that led to three decades of deadly war, causing severe economic losses to the country. This was also discussed at the meeting. Governance is not only about accounting standards and procurement rules. It is about social justice, equality before the law, and political representation. On this issue the government has more to do. Ethnic and religious minorities find themselves inadequately represented in high level government committees. The provincial council system that ensured ethnic and minority representation at the provincial level continues to be in abeyance.

Beyond IMF

The significance of addressing governance issues is not only relevant to the IMF agreement. It is also important in accessing tariff concessions from the European Union. The GSP Plus tariff concession given by the EU enables Sri Lankan exports to be sold at lower prices and win markets in Europe. For an export dependent economy, this is critical. Loss of such concessions would directly affect employment in key sectors such as apparel. The government needs to address longstanding EU concerns about the protection of human rights and labour rights in the country. The EU has, for several years, linked the continuation of GSP Plus to compliance with international conventions. This includes the condition that the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) be brought into line with international standards. The government’s alternative in the form of the draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PTSA) is less abusive on paper but is wider in scope and retains the core features of the PTA.

Governance and social justice factors cannot be ignored or downplayed in the pursuit of economic development. If Sri Lanka is to break out of its cycle of crisis and bailout, it must internalise the fact that good governance which promotes social justice and more fairly distributes the costs and fruits of development is the foundation on which durable economic growth is built. Without it, stabilisation will remain fragile, poverty will remain high, and the promise of 7 to 8 percent growth will remain elusive. The implementation of governance reforms will also have a positive effect through the creative mechanism of governance linked bonds, an innovation of the present IMF agreement.

The Sri Lankan think tank Verité Research played an important role in the development of governance linked bonds. They reduce the rate of interest payable by the government on outstanding debt on the basis that better governance leads to a reduction in risk for those who have lent their money to Sri Lanka. This is a direct financial reward for governance reform. The present IMF programme offers an opportunity not only to stabilise the economy but to strengthen the institutions that underpin it. That opportunity needs to be taken. Without it, the country cannot attract investment, expand exports and move towards shared prosperity and to a 7-8 percent growth rate that can lift the country out of its debt trap.

by Jehan Perera

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