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Harpo the irrepressible restaurateur turns 20

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Commons popular Rotti platter

I first went to ‘The Commons Coffeehouse’ a few years now. I can’t remember the first day but I think I must have purchased a ‘Flat White.’ That’s what I’ve always got there. Today, if I stop at the counter, this is the question that is invariably put to me: ‘a flat white?’

They know, even though I don’t always buy something. I mostly sit in some corner writing something or playing online chess. They don’t mind. It’s my place. It’s everyone’s place. A common ground. You can come, stay and leave. As you please.

It took me a while to learn that Harpo Gunaratne owned the place. It took me even longer to learn that he’s been running the place for 20 years. Somewhere along the way, we became friends. I’ve written about him and his little restaurant that has more or less become my ‘day home’ on a few occasions, but I write now following an interview. Harpo turned 20. Sorry, Harpo the Restaurateur turned 20.

Harpo was a brand long before Harpo the Restaurateur emerged from a corporate world where his hands were full of all things related to food, hospitality and entertainment. Today, as he celebrates 20 years as a restaurateur, Harpo can be justifiably proud about what he has achieved, although this self-effacing man talks and acts as though it’s all an aggregate of day’s well-lived doing what makes him happy, i.e. putting smiles on other people’s faces.

Harpo has a name. Lalith Clarence Gooneratne. His family must have used it when he was a child, but he was re-christened, so to speak, as ‘Harpo’ by his father when he was but a toddler because he resembled Harpo Marx. That name stuck. It became a brand or rather; he turned it into a brand.

It all began when he and Gabo (Gamini Peiris) began Deejaying in the early 1980s, i.e. not too long after he left school. Young people in Colombo who loved music and dancing knew the duo. Harpo and Gabo made music.

Music was a natural option for him since nothing inspires greater passion in him than people. Obviously the hospitality industry was the other natural option. Harpo knew the two went together and soon developed himself into what could be called the perfect and complete package.

Having followed a three year course at the Claremont Hotel School, Harpo joined the Capri Club, in 1983. He hasn’t stopped since and therefore counts more than 40 years of experience in the industry. In that 40 years literally hundreds of thousands of patrons have enjoyed the hospitality and entertainment of places like the Ramada Renaissance Hotel now known as Cinnamon Lakeside and where the famed ‘Library Lounge and Music Room’ was born, Hilton Colombo, Hilton Dalian (China), Hilton Osaka (Japan) and other mixed-development projects in Sri Lanka such as the World Trade Centre, Crescat Boulevard, & Millennium Theme Park. Harpo either managed or was consulted by such high-end entities in the corporate sector. The industry knows Harpo. The clientele simply enjoyed the fruit of his labor and that is what pleases him most.

So I sat him down at ‘The Commons Coffeehouse,’ the quaint hangout-plus-food place on Ernest de Silva Mawatha frequented by people of all ages, some of whom become regulars to the point that it’s a ‘must stop’ in their daily routines. I’ve seen Harpo often, especially in the mornings when he drops by to check on things. We exchange greetings or just nod in acknowledgement and sometimes talk for a few minutes. This was different. I wanted to know the why and how of it all. He ordered coffee and asked me if I needed anything else. A Flat White, as always, was good enough.

I asked him why he moved away from what arguably was a comfortable gig, so to speak. Harpo has a simple response: ‘I was done working for others.’

And he explained:

‘I had already completed about 25 years in the corporate sector as an entertainer, hotelier, consultant etc., both local and foreign. My thing was to manage other people’s headaches. So I decided to do my own thing.’

That’s how Harpo Productions, now Harpo’s Cafes and Restaurants, came into being and how Harpo became a full-time restaurateur.

‘This was the first project. I simply managed and operated. About a year later the owner asked me, “Why don’t you consider acquiring the brand?” I knew the numbers. I knew the business. And I knew “The Commons.” I agreed.’

It was, as he said, a functional coffee shop. The menu, the concept, the look and feel, this was all Harpo’s thing. He laid it out. He tweaked it. He leveraged his best asset, the brand Harpo.

Harpo was already a household name. The Commons was a ‘family thing.’ An ideal match.

‘It was a first of a kind,’ Harpo explained.

‘The dining industry had expanded and got varied. But this was unique at the time. People come, they know what they want, the staff sooner or later figures out what the particular customer needs and delivers it. It was casual food, but good food.’

Harpo is right. While the kitchen staff is understandably invisible for the most part, those at the counter and those who serve, including the security personnel, seem to have become permanent fixtures but with a friendly, warm and human countenance. They are known and they know.

He acknowledged that the staff is a huge part of the brand’s success story. He explained the low staff turnover as a product of the way things are done.

‘It’s our culture: “look after your people and they look after you.”’

Just a year ago, a second outlet was opened in Pitakotte. But Harpo or rather Harpo’s Cafes and Restaurants is not just a ‘Commons’ thing.

In 2005, Harpo opened The Bayleaf on what used to be called Gregory’s Road and is now Srimath R. G. Senanayake Mawatha, one of the first stand-alone Italian restaurants which too he had been managing for a year before acquiring it.

There are probably many who have never visited either of the two ‘Commons’ or The Bayleaf, many who have not been to Harpo’s Euro Med restaurant, Colombo Fort Cafe, which he opened at the Dutch Hospital around 2010, again one of the earliest to serve such cuisine, and many who don’t know about ‘SHOULDERS,’ a small unique Greek infused restaurant with an open kitchen in the promenade area of Havelock City which was launched in November 2023. They probably are unaware that Harpo has a property in Bengalaru, India, ‘Salone Ceylon’ which is a Sri Lankan fusion restaurant while selling among other things hoppers, ‘presented differently,’ as Harpo says. They wouldn’t know that his first overseas venture was to take the pizza brand to the Maldives, way back in 2008, but had to pull out because ‘it was a little too early for the Maldives.’

They would know the brand Harpo though if not for entertainment then for food, thanks to Harpo’s Pizza.

‘Since I was making pizza anyway at The Bayleaf, it made sense to arrange home-delivery. I introduced the concept of wood fire in pizza making. This was in 2008. We initially started from The Bayleaf but now we have four other outlets Pitakotte, Wattala and Nugegoda. We were also the first to make Regular 9″, Large 12″, Gigantic 19″ pizzas and the first square pizza, which is 22″ across.’

The names of these places tell a story. There’s a common touch to The Commons. Well, that common touch signatures the other places as well, but they too have unique stories. Fort Cafe was obviously inspired by the location, but ‘SHOULDERS ’ seems a direct draw from Harpo’s philosophy.

‘It’s a small place. So small that you keep knocking on shoulders. We say “sorry.” And so people communicate. So people get to know one another, become familiar.’

Harpo

‘The Bayleaf’ made sense on account of the type of cuisine, given that it alludes to Greek and Roman history and is a symbol of love, strength, courage and victory.

The love was always there, but courage and strength were required in excess during those early days when an ongoing conflict could wreck anything and everything in the blink of an eye. Such qualities were also required in the aftermath of the Easter Sunday attacks of 2019, the Covid pandemic and the economic and political upheavals a few years later.

‘I started off at the height of the war. We invested at that time. We took a big risk. Also, it was just after the tsunami. So there were bombs and roadblocks. We took some big hits in the first four years or so, but we were strong as a brand. The name “Harpo” was known in the hotel, corporate and entertainment fields. I didn’t have to create from scratch. Doors opened. Simply, people knew me.

‘The most challenging times actually came later. We had to push through several crises. There was the parliamentary coup in 2018, the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, Covid and the economic crisis when there was no gas, petrol, diesel and electricity. But we survived because first of all the brand was strong and secondly, we had an amazing team of around 150 people who stood with and by me.’

Harpo’s reasoning is remarkably simple: ‘If there is a down, there has to be an up.’

‘I stuck to my guns, people stuck with me, the team stuck together, we innovated, we made difficult decisions and had the courage to alter course when necessary. For example, I had to close down a hotel school in the South which I had run for about eight years, more as a CSR thing to introduce and groom young people to the hospitality industry.’

Harpo didn’t start the world’s first restaurant. Indeed, it wasn’t he who opened Sri Lanka’s first restaurant either. He won’t be the last, that’s for sure as well. And yet, originality seems to be Harpo’s thing.

‘I am a daydreamer. I read, I look around and find what’s missing.’

It’s true. No one did pizza before he did. No one offered Italian cuisine before he did. There were no coffee shops before ‘The Commons.’ The Greek and Mediterranean restaurants were firsts. He’s given us homemade pizza and all kinds of mouthwatering sauces. Who knows what else Harpo would get into next?’

Whatever it is, the underlying philosophy is unlikely to change. Harpo likes people to be comfortable. He is easygoing and creates spaces for the easygoing or simply makes it possible for the tense to shed their anxieties — he puts them at ease. So they come, they see, become comfortable and stay.

‘We’ve created spaces in Colombo for families, couples, executives and kids to come together,’ he said. Even unemployed, underemployed or unemployable graduates, I might add. Anyway, it’s generational. Kids who walked in with parents and ran around screaming their heads off later come with friends, lovers and business associates.

‘The Commons’ has got a new look, perhaps as part of the celebrations, but the feel is the same. Harpo is Harpo but he is acutely aware of changing times and circumstances and the need to adapt and innovate. He outlined the challenge thus:

‘The industry has a huge HR problem on its hands. We don’t have enough and properly trained people coming out to service the traveler. Hospitality is a low-hanging fruit and gives us a lot of income. It’s massive. We do have two-three schools but this is not enough. Hospitality management has to be part of the school curriculum. As a country, the private sector needs to get involved. It’s a fast evolving trade. We need to understand that people come, work for a while, obtain the training and experience and then go overseas. How do we meet the demand? This is a question that all stakeholders need to address.’

Harpo does his part. He sets things rolling. He has faith in what the country and the people have and are so ready to offer:

‘There’s a surge in tourism. We are a lovely country; we have so many things to offer. We have more cafes and restaurants now. It’s a growing sector.’

There’s been competition of course, but as Harpo points out the brand has stood its ground and passed the test of time or rather changing times. He wants to franchise his brands. He believes that ‘The Commons’ is scalable and so too his pizza. He plans to set up a training/grooming school in Jaffna.

Harpo, at 20, is as curious as a child, as enthusiastic as a teen, as driven as someone stepping into an adult world and as wise as someone who’s seen enough to be sober, unanimous and grateful.

Harpo is confident. He is confident about Sri Lanka. He believes that hospitality is a sleeping giant. He’s waking it up. That’s what he’s being doing in his own way. Setting things in motion. ling through it all.

by Malinda Seneviratne ✍️



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Sustaining good governance requires good systems

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A prominent feature of the first year of the NPP government is that it has not engaged in the institutional reforms which was expected of it. This observation comes in the context of the extraordinary mandate with which the government was elected and the high expectations that accompanied its rise to power. When in opposition and in its election manifesto, the JVP and NPP took a prominent role in advocating good governance systems for the country. They insisted on constitutional reform that included the abolition of the executive presidency and the concentration of power it epitomises, the strengthening of independent institutions that overlook key state institutions such as the judiciary, public service and police, and the reform or repeal of repressive laws such as the PTA and the Online Safety Act.

The transformation of a political party that averaged between three to five percent of the popular vote into one that currently forms the government with a two thirds majority in parliament is a testament to the faith that the general population placed in the JVP/ NPP combine. This faith was the outcome of more than three decades of disciplined conduct in the aftermath of the bitter experience of the 1988 to 1990 period of JVP insurrection. The manner in which the handful of JVP parliamentarians engaged in debate with well researched critiques of government policy and actions, and their service in times of disaster such as the tsunami of 2004 won them the trust of the people. This faith was bolstered by the Aragalaya movement which galvanized the citizens against the ruling elites of the past.

In this context, the long delay to repeal the Prevention of Terrorism Act which has earned notoriety for its abuse especially against ethnic and religious minorities, has been a disappointment to those who value human rights. So has been the delay in appointing an Auditor General, so important in ensuring accountability for the money expended by the state. The PTA has a long history of being used without restraint against those deemed to be anti-state which, ironically enough, included the JVP in the period 1988 to 1990. The draft Protection of the State from Terrorism Act (PSTA), published in December 2025, is the latest attempt to repeal and replace the PTA. Unfortunately, the PSTA largely replicates the structure, logic and dangers of previous failed counter terrorism bills, including the Counter Terrorism Act of 2018 and the Anti Terrorism Act proposed in 2023.

Misguided Assumption

Despite its stated commitment to rule of law and fundamental rights, the draft PTSA reproduces many of the core defects of the PTA. In a preliminary statement, the Centre for Policy Alternatives has observed among other things that “if there is a Detention Order made against the person, then in combination, the period of remand and detention can extend up to two years. This means that a person can languish in detention for up to two years without being charged with a crime. Such a long period again raises questions of the power of the State to target individuals, exacerbated by Sri Lanka’s history of long periods of remand and detention, which has contributed to abuse and violence.” Human Rights lawyer Ermiza Tegal has warned against the broad definition of terrorism under the proposed law: “The definition empowers state officials to term acts of dissent and civil disobedience as ‘terrorism’ and will lawfully permit disproportionate and excessive responses.”  The legitimate and peaceful protests against abuse of power by the authorities cannot be classified as acts of terror.

The willingness to retain such powers reflects the surmise that the government feels that keeping in place the structures that come from the past is to their benefit, as they can utilise those powers in a crisis. Due to the strict discipline that exists within the JVP/NPP at this time there may be an assumption that those the party appoints will not abuse their trust. However, the country’s experience with draconian laws designed for exceptional circumstances demonstrates that they tend to become tools of routine governance. On the plus side, the government has given two months for public comment which will become meaningful if the inputs from civil society actors are taken into consideration.

Worldwide experience has repeatedly demonstrated that integrity at the level of individual leaders, while necessary, is not sufficient to guarantee good governance over time. This is where the absence of institutional reform becomes significant. The aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah in particular has necessitated massive procurements of emergency relief which have to be disbursed at maximum speed. There are also significant amounts of foreign aid flowing into the country to help it deal with the relief and recovery phase. There are protocols in place that need to be followed and monitored so that a fiasco like the disappearance of tsunami aid in 2004 does not recur. To the government’s credit there are no such allegations at the present time. But precautions need to be in place, and those precautions depend less on trust in individuals than on the strength and independence of oversight institutions.

Inappropriate Appointments

It is in this context that the government’s efforts to appoint its own preferred nominees to the Auditor General’s Department has also come as a disappointment to civil society groups. The unsuitability of the latest presidential nominee has given rise to the surmise that this nomination was a time buying exercise to make an acting appointment. For the fourth time, the Constitutional Council refused to accept the president’s nominee. The term of the three independent civil society members of the Constitutional Council ends in January which would give the government the opportunity to appoint three new members of its choice and get its way in the future.

The failure to appoint a permanent Auditor General has created an institutional vacuum at a critical moment. The Auditor General acts as a watchdog, ensuring effective service delivery promoting integrity in public administration and providing an independent review of the performance and accountability. Transparency International has observed “The sequence of events following the retirement of the previous Auditor General points to a broader political inertia and a governance failure. Despite the clear constitutional importance of the role, the appointment process has remained protracted and opaque, raising serious questions about political will and commitment to accountability.”

It would appear that the government leadership takes the position they have been given the mandate to govern the country which requires implementation by those they have confidence in. This may explain their approach to the appointment (or non-appointment) at this time of the Auditor General. Yet this approach carries risks. Institutions are designed to function beyond the lifespan of any one government and to protect the public interest even when those in power are tempted to act otherwise. The challenge and opportunity for the NPP government is to safeguard independent institutions and enact just laws, so that the promise of system change endures beyond personalities and political cycles.

by Jehan Perera

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General education reforms: What about language and ethnicity?

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A new batch arrived at our Faculty again. Students representing almost all districts of the country remind me once again of the wonderful opportunity we have for promoting social and ethnic cohesion at our universities. Sadly, however, many students do not interact with each other during the first few semesters, not only because they do not speak each other’s language(s), but also because of the fear and distrust that still prevails among communities in our society.

General education reform presents an opportunity to explore ways to promote social and ethnic cohesion. A school curriculum could foster shared values, empathy, and critical thinking, through social studies and civics education, implement inclusive language policies, and raise critical awareness about our collective histories. Yet, the government’s new policy document, Transforming General Education in Sri Lanka 2025, leaves us little to look forward to in this regard.

The policy document points to several “salient” features within it, including: 1) a school credit system to quantify learning; 2) module-based formative and summative assessments to replace end-of-term tests; 3) skills assessment in Grade 9 consisting of a ‘literacy and numeracy test’ and a ‘career interest test’; 4) a comprehensive GPA-based reporting system spanning the various phases of education; 5) blended learning that combines online with classroom teaching; 6) learning units to guide students to select their preferred career pathways; 7) technology modules; 8) innovation labs; and 9) Early Childhood Education (ECE). Notably, social and ethnic cohesion does not appear in this list. Here, I explore how the proposed curriculum reforms align (or do not align) with the NPP’s pledge to inculcate “[s]afety, mutual understanding, trust and rights of all ethnicities and religious groups” (p.127), in their 2024 Election Manifesto.

Language/ethnicity in the present curriculum

The civil war ended over 15 years ago, but our general education system has done little to bring ethnic communities together. In fact, most students still cannot speak in the “second national language” (SNL) and textbooks continue to reinforce negative stereotyping of ethnic minorities, while leaving out crucial elements of our post-independence history.

Although SNL has been a compulsory subject since the 1990s, the hours dedicated to SNL are few, curricula poorly developed, and trained teachers few (Perera, 2025). Perhaps due to unconscious bias and for ideological reasons, SNL is not valued by parents and school communities more broadly. Most students, who enter our Faculty, only have basic reading/writing skills in SNL, apart from the few Muslim and Tamil students who schooled outside the North and the East; they pick up SNL by virtue of their environment, not the school curriculum.

Regardless of ethnic background, most undergraduates seem to be ignorant about crucial aspects of our country’s history of ethnic conflict. The Grade 11 history textbook, which contains the only chapter on the post-independence period, does not mention the civil war or the events that led up to it. While the textbook valourises ‘Sinhala Only’ as an anti-colonial policy (p.11), the material covering the period thereafter fails to mention the anti-Tamil riots, rise of rebel groups, escalation of civil war, and JVP insurrections. The words “Tamil” and “Muslim” appear most frequently in the chapter, ‘National Renaissance,’ which cursorily mentions “Sinhalese-Muslim riots” vis-à-vis the Temperance Movement (p.57). The disenfranchisement of the Malaiyaha Tamils and their history are completely left out.

Given the horrifying experiences of war and exclusion experienced by many of our peoples since independence, and because most students still learn in mono-ethnic schools having little interaction with the ‘Other’, it is not surprising that our undergraduates find it difficult to mix across language and ethnic communities. This environment also creates fertile ground for polarizing discourses that further divide and segregate students once they enter university.

More of the same?

How does Transforming General Education seek to address these problems? The introduction begins on a positive note: “The proposed reforms will create citizens with a critical consciousness who will respect and appreciate the diversity they see around them, along the lines of ethnicity, religion, gender, disability, and other areas of difference” (p.1). Although National Education Goal no. 8 somewhat problematically aims to “Develop a patriotic Sri Lankan citizen fostering national cohesion, national integrity, and national unity while respecting cultural diversity (p. 2), the curriculum reforms aim to embed values of “equity, inclusivity, and social justice” (p. 9) through education. Such buzzwords appear through the introduction, but are not reflected in the reforms.

Learning SNL is promoted under Language and Literacy (Learning Area no. 1) as “a critical means of reconciliation and co-existence”, but the number of hours assigned to SNL are minimal. For instance, at primary level (Grades 1 to 5), only 0.3 to 1 hour is allocated to SNL per week. Meanwhile, at junior secondary level (Grades 6 to 9), out of 35 credits (30 credits across 15 essential subjects that include SNL, history and civics; 3 credits of further learning modules; and 2 credits of transversal skills modules (p. 13, pp.18-19), SNL receives 1 credit (10 hours) per term. Like other essential subjects, SNL is to be assessed through formative and summative assessments within modules. As details of the Grade 9 skills assessment are not provided in the document, it is unclear whether SNL assessments will be included in the ‘Literacy and numeracy test’. At senior secondary level – phase 1 (Grades 10-11 – O/L equivalent), SNL is listed as an elective.

Refreshingly, the policy document does acknowledge the detrimental effects of funding cuts in the humanities and social sciences, and highlights their importance for creating knowledge that could help to “eradicate socioeconomic divisions and inequalities” (p.5-6). It goes on to point to the salience of the Humanities and Social Sciences Education under Learning Area no. 6 (p.12):

“Humanities and Social Sciences education is vital for students to develop as well as critique various forms of identities so that they have an awareness of their role in their immediate communities and nation. Such awareness will allow them to contribute towards the strengthening of democracy and intercommunal dialogue, which is necessary for peace and reconciliation. Furthermore, a strong grounding in the Humanities and Social Sciences will lead to equity and social justice concerning caste, disability, gender, and other features of social stratification.”

Sadly, the seemingly progressive philosophy guiding has not moulded the new curriculum. Subjects that could potentially address social/ethnic cohesion, such as environmental studies, history and civics, are not listed as learning areas at the primary level. History is allocated 20 hours (2 credits) across four years at junior secondary level (Grades 6 to 9), while only 10 hours (1 credit) are allocated to civics. Meanwhile, at the O/L, students will learn 5 compulsory subjects (Mother Tongue, English, Mathematics, Science, and Religion and Value Education), and 2 electives—SNL, history and civics are bunched together with the likes of entrepreneurship here. Unlike the compulsory subjects, which are allocated 140 hours (14 credits or 70 hours each) across two years, those who opt for history or civics as electives would only have 20 hours (2 credits) of learning in each. A further 14 credits per term are for further learning modules, which will allow students to explore their interests before committing to a A/L stream or career path.

With the distribution of credits across a large number of subjects, and the few credits available for SNL, history and civics, social/ethnic cohesion will likely remain on the back burner. It appears to be neglected at primary level, is dealt sparingly at junior secondary level, and relegated to electives in senior years. This means that students will be able to progress through their entire school years, like we did, with very basic competencies in SNL and little understanding of history.

Going forward

Whether the students who experience this curriculum will be able to “resist and respond to hegemonic, divisive forces that pose a threat to social harmony and multicultural coexistence” (p.9) as anticipated in the policy, is questionable. Education policymakers and others must call for more attention to social and ethnic cohesion in the curriculum. However, changes to the curriculum would only be meaningful if accompanied by constitutional reform, abolition of policies, such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act (and its proxies), and other political changes.

For now, our school system remains divided by ethnicity and religion. Research from conflict-ridden societies suggests that lack of intercultural exposure in mono-ethnic schools leads to ignorance, prejudice, and polarized positions on politics and national identity. While such problems must be addressed in broader education reform efforts that also safeguard minority identities, the new curriculum revision presents an opportune moment to move this agenda forward.

(Ramya Kumar is attached to the Department of Community and Family Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Jaffna).

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

by Ramya Kumar

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Top 10 Most Popular Festive Songs

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Certain songs become ever-present every December, and with Christmas just two days away, I thought of highlighting the Top 10 Most Popular Festive Songs.

The famous festive songs usually feature timeless classics like ‘White Christmas,’ ‘Silent Night,’ and ‘Jingle Bells,’ alongside modern staples like Mariah Carey’s ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You,’ Wham’s ‘Last Christmas,’ and Brenda Lee’s ‘Rockin’ Around the Christmas Tree.’

The following renowned Christmas songs are celebrated for their lasting impact and festive spirit:

*  ‘White Christmas’ — Bing Crosby

The most famous holiday song ever recorded, with estimated worldwide sales exceeding 50 million copies. It remains the best-selling single of all time.

*  ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You’ — Mariah Carey

A modern anthem that dominates global charts every December. As of late 2025, it holds an 18x Platinum certification in the US and is often ranked as the No. 1 popular holiday track.

Mariah Carey: ‘All I Want for Christmas Is You’

*  ‘Silent Night’ — Traditional

Widely considered the quintessential Christmas carol, it is valued for its peaceful melody and has been recorded by hundreds of artistes, most famously by Bing Crosby.

*  ‘Jingle Bells’ — Traditional

One of the most universally recognised and widely sung songs globally, making it a staple for children and festive gatherings.

*  ‘Rockin’ Around the Christmas Tree’ — Brenda Lee

Recorded when Lee was just 13, this rock ‘n’ roll favourite has seen a massive resurgence in the 2020s, often rivaling Mariah Carey for the top spot on the Billboard Hot 100.

*  ‘Last Christmas’ — Wham!

A bittersweet ’80s pop classic that has spent decades in the top 10 during the holiday season. It recently achieved 7x Platinum status in the UK.

*  ‘Jingle Bell Rock’ — Bobby Helms

A festive rockabilly standard released in 1957 that remains a staple of holiday radio and playlists.

*  ‘The Christmas Song (Chestnuts Roasting on an Open Fire)’— Nat King Cole

Known for its smooth, warm vocals, this track is frequently cited as the ultimate Christmas jazz standard.

Wham! ‘Last Christmas’

*  ‘It’s the Most Wonderful Time of the Year’ — Andy Williams

Released in 1963, this high-energy big band track is famous for capturing the “hectic merriment” of the season.

*  ‘Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer’ — Gene Autry

A beloved narrative song that has sold approximately 25 million copies worldwide, cementing the character’s place in Christmas folklore.

Other perennial favourites often in the mix:

*  ‘Feliz Navidad’ – José Feliciano

*  ‘A Holly Jolly Christmas’ – Burl Ives

*  ‘Let It Snow! Let It Snow! Let It Snow!’ – Frank Sinatra

Let me also add that this Thursday’s ‘SceneAround’ feature (25th December) will be a Christmas edition, highlighting special Christmas and New Year messages put together by well-known personalities for readers of The Island.

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