Features
Greenland: Dutch Crimes, American Gain
Approximately 58 years ago, on 21 January 1968, a United States Air Force B 52 bomber carrying four thermonuclear weapons crashed on the ice near Thule Air Base in Greenland. The plane had been on a routine Strategic Air Command mission when a fire in the heating system forced the crew to abandon it. The impact caused the conventional explosives in the bombs to detonate, scattering plutonium-contaminated debris across miles of ice.
According to declassified National Security Archive documents, the contamination extended over five miles, and U.S. teams faced darkness, extreme cold, and ice storms that made recovery nearly impossible. Over 10,000 cubic metres of radioactive snow and ice were collected and shipped to Savannah River, South Carolina. A critical fissile component, the “spark plug” from one thermonuclear weapon, was never recovered despite underwater searches in North Star Bay.
The U.S. had never disclosed nuclear flights over Greenland or storage at Thule to the Danish government, although Denmark had given tacit consent in 1957. Secretary of State Dean Rusk had to negotiate with Danish officials to reconcile the crash with Denmark’s declared no-nuclear policy, which applied in peacetime but allowed U.S. deployments in emergencies. Danish Ambassador Torben Rønne noted that the agreement would be “less than binding,” but U.S. negotiator John M. Leddy insisted that the written agreement “would be [the] governing instrument.” The crash exposed the structural contradiction between Denmark’s public nuclear stance and its tacit acquiescence to U.S. strategy.
The Thule incident is an extension of a much longer history of control imposed over Greenland. The Indigenous population suffered forced relocations, cultural suppression, and social disruption under Danish rule, which extended from the 18th century well into the 20th. In 1953, the Inuit community of Thule was moved to Qaanaaq to make way for the U.S. air base. Over 130 villagers lost their ancestral hunting grounds and traditional food sources. There was no massacre in the conventional sense, but the effects were immediate and enduring. Familial structures were broken, access to essential resources was severed, and a foreign administration dictated new patterns of living.
In the 1960s and 1970s, Danish authorities carried out a systematic campaign of reproductive control over Greenlandic women and girls. Thousands were subjected to contraceptive devices or hormonal injections without informed consent, often while still in their early teens. Some girls were as young as twelve when fitted with intrauterine devices. Estimates suggest that around 4,500 women and girls were affected, representing nearly half of all fertile Greenlandic women at the time. Many suffered long-term physical pain, infections, infertility, and psychological trauma.
This campaign, justified as population management, demonstrates another layer of coercion under Danish authority: the subordination of Indigenous autonomy to state priorities. The Danish government and the Government of Greenland have since formally apologized, acknowledging the harm caused and establishing compensation schemes. Personal testimonies describe lasting suffering and silence around these interventions, reflecting a legacy of control that extends beyond relocation and military exploitation.
Inter-generational effects of these policies included the loss of language, erosion of traditional knowledge, and increases in suicide and substance abuse. These measures were framed as development but were coercive, systematic, and implemented without consent.
U.S. military ambitions in Greenland date back to the early Cold War. The 1951 U.S.–Denmark Defence Agreement allowed the United States to operate bases, deploy personnel, and later station nuclear weapons with minimal restriction. NSA documents show that planners considered Greenland essential for missile early warning systems and as a base from which to project power across the North Atlantic. In 1957, the Joint Chiefs of Staff even proposed purchasing or leasing Greenland for 99 years. The State Department rejected the idea, noting that it “could well be regarded as an insult by the Danes and could be seriously damaging to U.S.-Danish relations.”
Nevertheless, U.S. officials treated strategic control as if it were implicitly theirs. Strategic Air Command flew daily nuclear-armed missions over Greenland, and weapons were stored near Inuit settlements without disclosure. The Thule crash made secrecy impossible, but the response prioritized containment of contamination over consultation with local communities. Danish scientists demanded “zero contamination” to protect subsistence hunting, yet U.S. plans included shipping irradiated ice and debris to American facilities. One official from the United States Atomic Energy Commission observed, “The Danish Government has a very paternalistic policy toward the Greenlanders and appears determined to look out for their interests as much or more than they would for themselves.”
Today, Donald Trump has articulated the stakes publicly; otherwise, such discussions and decisions have been made behind closed doors for decades. Trump’s approach follows the ‘Shylock’ logic, reflecting the belief that protectionism is more effective than mutual sharing. He framed Greenland as essential to U.S. national security, saying, “Greenland is very important for national security… and the problem is there’s not a thing that Denmark can do about it if Russia or China wants to occupy Greenland, but there’s everything we can do.” He claimed that “NATO becomes far more formidable and effective with Greenland in the hands of the UNITED STATES” and declared that “anything less than that is unacceptable.” When confronted with Greenlandic leaders affirming loyalty to Denmark, he dismissed them, stating, “I don’t know who he is,” signaling that the United States intends to assert control over Greenland regardless of local governance or existing agreements.
However, Danish and Greenlandic officials have resisted these pressures. The Danish foreign minister described a “fundamental disagreement” with American positions, and Greenlandic leadership has repeatedly emphasized autonomy and adherence to agreements with Denmark. Nevertheless, power imbalances make resistance provisional. Geography, global alliances, and U.S. military capability create conditions in which American ambitions are difficult to counter. Historical memory offers no leverage sufficient to override a nation with global reach. NSA records show that even in 1957 and 1968, Greenlandic voices were secondary in decisions determining nuclear deployments, base construction, and the allocation of critical resources. Present-day statements reproduce this dynamic on a larger scale.
Trump’s statements indicate that the United States intends to pursue control over Greenland openly. Historical precedents reinforce this expectation: the 1951 defence agreement allowed U.S. bases, the 1957 Joint Chiefs of Staff proposed territorial acquisition, and the 1968 nuclear accident prompted secret arrangements that subordinated Greenlandic welfare to military priorities. Statements such as “anything less than that is unacceptable” signal that the pattern of prioritizing strategy over local agency is likely to continue. European allies have limited leverage, and global strategic imperatives, particularly concerning NATO and Arctic security, are expected to override objections from Denmark or Greenland.
The historical record is unambiguous: Greenland has endured colonial governance, coerced relocation, environmental risk, and strategic exploitation for centuries. The United States’ ambitions today follow this trajectory. Indigenous suffering, documented in both the 1953 relocation, the forced contraception campaigns, and the 1968 nuclear incident, is neither forgotten nor compensated. The continuity from Danish colonial policy through Cold War deployments to contemporary American declarations shows that Greenland has been treated as a territory to be managed rather than as a community with rights and agency.
The powerful watch the prize, the subjugated watch the powerful, and the vulnerable watch only what is within immediate reach. As the Ethiopian proverb says, “The eye of the leopard is on the goat; the eye of the goat is on the leaf.” Greenland has occupied the position of the goat for centuries, caught between global ambitions and local survival, observed, managed, and constrained by forces whose calculations determine the fate of its land and people. Trump’s ambition over Greenland is a matter of time.
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa ✍️
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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