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GOSL in Geneva etc.

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By Sanja De Silva Jayatilleka

The new Sri Lankan administration continues to fail spectacularly at an alarming rate, both nationally and internationally. Internationally, Resolution HRC/51/L1/Rev1 is the ninth resolution to be adopted on Sri Lanka at the United Nations Human Rights Council since 2009. The vertical slide at the UNHRC since 2012 which accelerated under the Gotabaya Presidency, reached a new low under the Ranil Presidency with just seven votes in its favour. All of the resolutions on Sri Lanka at the Council since May 2009 have been primarily on post-war reconciliation, devolution of political authority and accountability for alleged human rights violations and transgressions of international humanitarian law by both sides to the conflict.

The latest resolution however, drafted in the aftermath of an unprecedented people’s uprising against the government which saw the dramatic overthrow of the President following the resignation of the entire cabinet including the Prime Minister, introduces for the first time an economic dimension, calling upon the government to address the economic crisis and to investigate and prosecute corruption, in addition to the usual war-related concerns. The uprising popularly referred to as the “Aragalaya” (Struggle), had as its main grievances the corruption of the ruling elite and its mismanagement of the economy, which plunged the country into bankruptcy.

Predictably, the resolution was vehemently rejected by Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Sabry participating at the 51st session in Geneva on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka. The government having elected its longtime political opponent Ranil Wickremesinghe (who lost his parliamentary seat at the last elections) as President to replace the ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa, recovered its composure and continues to insist that the economic crisis was a result of the Covid pandemic and the war in Ukraine, and that its role in the collapse of the economy was marginal.

NATIONAL NARRATIVE

Neither its own citizens nor the international community are buying it. There are daily manifestations of protests, probably indicating that the country is on the cusp of another ‘Aragalaya’. Following close on the heels of the resolution, the Supreme Court has granted leave to proceed on three Fundamental Rights cases holding the former President, former Prime Minister and former Finance Minister (the most politically prominent members of the Rajapaksa family) in addition to their Cabinet and top officials, naming 39 individuals as responsible and accountable for the economic crisis. Together, these developments may lead the IMF and the creditors in negotiations with the government of Sri Lanka on debt restructuring, and other stakeholders, to insist on early elections to obtain a fresh mandate from the people.

The disproportionately repressive methods being sought to be implemented by the security bureaucracy as pre-emptive measures against a repetition of the uprising are only proving to be propellants of their worst fears. The aggressive conduct of the Police this week at a peaceful vigil planned by a few hundred protesters at Galle Face, shocked the nation, especially when they rushed at parents carrying children in an attempt to arrest them. The traumatized children were pulled away from the parents by the Police while people screamed at them in horror.

The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) has since called the Police officers in as part of their investigation in to this new and unsanctioned conduct, except it seems by President Wickremesinghe, who in response to this incident, bizarrely suggested new legislation to prevent children from being taken to protests and spoke not a word on unprovoked, unwarranted Police brutality!

The government’s attempt to declare several areas in and around the city as High Security Zones was challenged in the courts and was subsequently withdrawn by President Wickremesinghe. The arrests and continued detention of high-profile protesters under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) which gets a mention in the Geneva resolution, has increased public suspicion and the unpopularity of the government.

The Foreign Minister was grossly in error in his criticism that the Council had neither the mandate nor the expertise in economic matters. In the founding document of the UNHRC, Resolution 60/251 of the General Assembly specifically clarifies that all human rights, including civil and political rights are indivisible and should be regarded with the same attention. The Council has long appointed international experts known as Special Procedures, who are experienced in the relevant fields to report to the Council on diverse matters. These Special Rapporteurs conduct field visits, consultations with stakeholders, collect evidence and present their reports both to the Council in Geneva and to the General Assembly in New York. As of 2021, there are 45 thematic Special Procedures of the Council ranging from experts on Climate Change to Extreme Poverty.

Significantly for Sri Lanka, there is also a Special Procedure called “the Independent Expert on the effects of foreign debt and other related international financial obligations of States on the full enjoyment of all human rights, particularly economic, social and cultural rights”.

At the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, the membership of 47 is assured of equitable geographic representation, with each region proportionately representing its share of humanity and each member holding an equal vote, with no veto held by any member. It’s composition attempts to reflect world opinion fairly.

GENEVA STORY

The story of the resolutions and their voting records in Geneva reflect Sri Lanka’s relationship with the world community and its conduct of international relations. The results of the votes at the UNHRC stand as independent witness to Sri Lanka’s capacity for negotiating its national interest in the world system.

The first resolution was adopted at a Special Session of the Council on May 27. 2009, just over a week after the Sri Lankan state prevailed over the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, bloodily ending a three decades old war. It is remarkable that Sri Lanka managed to get 29 votes in its favour, by far the greatest number it has ever managed (over 60% of the membership), in the immediate aftermath of the war (2009), when the lowest number was gained 13 years after the war ended and in peacetime (2022). Sri Lanka’s votes at the Council have declined steadily since 2009, never managing to get more than 15 (2012) and going down to just seven votes in 2022.

The numbers are important because they are clearly reflective of an important underlying factor of Sri Lanka’s conduct of international affairs. The highest votes were achieved when Sri Lanka regarded the UN Human Rights Council as well as the United Nations system as deserving of full engagement and unstinting support, becoming an active participant in shaping the role that the Council would play in the UN system. Scholarly studies have described this variety of Sri Lankan diplomacy as “norm entrepreneurship”, i.e., influencing the “norms” by which the Council operates, challenging the old and helping shape the new.

This was a critical contribution at a time when the old way had discredited the UN Human Rights Commission as biased, causing it to be closed down by the member states and replaced by the new UN Human Rights Council in 2006. At the time, Sri Lankan diplomacy did not regard the promotion and protection of human rights as contrary to its national interest. Despite propaganda conducted at the time locally by those who contrived to discredited Sri Lanka’s success in 2009, its diplomacy engaged with every country, every human rights organization, every NGO including those representing the views of the LTTE, in open discussions and debate at events held on the sidelines of the Council, while standing confidently for the enlightened national interest, using persuasion to convince and building firm coalitions of states to prevail in a vote. This approach saw most of Asia, Latin America, and Africa vote with Sri Lanka with only the collective vote of the EU (12) voting against. In retrospect, this approach has proven to be rare, and its achievement unique.

The vertical drop in numbers came when the Council and at times the UN system as a whole were regarded by Colombo with hostility, and its diplomacy became a reflection of the prevailing administration’s self-image, at times overconfident and at others seeing itself as a victim of a global conspiracy either of the member states or the Tamil Diaspora. Colombo’s discourse became hostile as it failed to convince the Council of its position, having also failed to make significant progress on the wartime and postwar promises made by its leadership and restated at the Council.

The UN Human Rights Council is not an alien or abstract idea imposed on countries. It is composed of UN member states and as such its membership is open to persuasion by a state’s conduct and discourse. It is true that the hegemonic powers have a distinct advantage in many matters as they largely control the global media and fund many UN initiatives through voluntary contributions. It is however as an equal member of the United Nations that Sri Lanka can contribute to minimizing those advantages enjoyed by a few. One such proven achievement was the initiative of the Global South for the ‘equitable geographic distribution’ of the Council’s membership. Even though regularly used, the “powerful countries” argument made by Sri Lanka to explain its poor performance in Geneva is hardly convincing when it overcame those obstacles in 2009 by creative diplomacy at the worst of times. However, in the absence of respect for human rights by the state itself, diplomacy however skilled, can only play a limited, increasingly marginal role.

[Sanja de Silva Jayatilleka is author of Mission Impossible-Geneva, Vijitha Yapa, Colombo, 2017]



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Features

US’ anti-migrant stance set to intensify tensions in Western camp

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Migrant boats land on Western beaches. Credit: PA

The announcement by the US authorities of an anti-migrant stance during a recent commemoration in France of the epochal D-Day Landings of June 6, 1944, ought to strike impartial observers as a supreme irony. Whereas what should have been expected was a vibrant celebration of the beginning of the process of Western Europe freeing itself decisively from Nazi or fascist control during the crucial stages of World War Two, this was not to be.

What the world heard instead was a call to contemporary Western Europe to arm itself against a seemingly rising and threatening migrant presence in the region. In other words, the migrant must be despised and ‘shown the door’.

Instead of a commemoration that rejoiced in the flourishing of liberal democracy and its values what one got was a strong affirmation of fascism and racial chauvinism. US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vented his spleen against the migrant or foreigner presence in Europe reportedly thus: ‘Sadly today different European beaches are stormed by different dangerous ideologies.’ To ‘beaches in Spain and Italy and Greece and Bulgaria, boats and men arrive. When will European capitals do something about that invasion?’

While at the outbreak of World War Two it was Nazi Germany that was doing the invading and bringing some principal European countries under its suzerainty, this time around we are being given to understand that it’s migrants to the West who are seeking to colonize the latter. It goes without saying that such inflammatory rhetoric would have the deleterious effect of keeping racial tensions alive in the West and jeopardize all possibilities of the countries concerned cementing and maintaining social stability.

The Trump administration gives the impression of taking a leaf from the politically underdeveloped regions of the South to keep the US polity stable and united. In South Asia, for instance, we are not short of ambitious demagogues who use what is referred to as the ‘race card’ to gather unto themselves a following and thereby further their political fortunes. By seeking to stir and sustain anti-migrant hysteria, the Trump administration is also essentially replicating Nazi Germany’s policy of anti-Semitism. That is, fascism is very much alive in the US under President Trump.

Such efforts at churning racial hysteria at this juncture in the US should not come as a surprise. For all intents and purposes, the Trump administration is nowhere near achieving its aims in West Asia, for instance, in the short term. It has failed to bring Iran down to its knees, as it hoped to do, but is adopting the expedient of keeping the world guessing and confused on what it is doing in the region, since it cannot withdraw from the theatre in a hurry without losing face.

While perhaps working out an escape strategy the Trump administration it seems, is hoping to maintain its following at home intact and silent by playing on their racial biases and insecurities. Hence, the anti-foreigner campaign.

Simultaneously, the Trump administration will need to keep a close eye on how economic pressures on the domestic front are panning out. Anti-administration sentiments first break to the surface at meal tables. On this score, the news cannot be good because the average US family’s spending power ought to be shrinking on account of rising energy and oil prices. Consequently, it would not be a bad idea to keep the attention of the US consumer diverted by adeptly playing ‘the race card’; once again, lessons from intellectually bankrupt Southern politicians are coming in handy.

To be sure such comparisons many politicians in vibrantly democratic countries would find quite unflattering. But the stark truth is that racism cannot be tolerated in civilized societies and those politicians who resort to it risk being branded as racists of the first degree. In fact they could be seen as being on par with the likes of German dictator Adolph Hitler and his close collaborators.

However, on the question of migrant policy the Trump administration would likely be at polar opposites with the most vibrant of liberal democracies of the West. This will be the case with the UK, France and Italy for instance. The latter continue to keep their doors open to legal migrants and they are likely to view a virtual blanket ban on migrants as reprehensible.

Moreover, in the foremost democracies of the West debates are vibrantly ongoing on the need to keep racism or any hint of it completely outlawed in the public plane. There is the case of the UK, for instance, where the authorities continue to emphatically pinpoint their adherence to the principle of anti-racism in the conduct of public affairs.

One proof of the above was the parliamentary debate relating to the killing of 18-year-old Henry Nowak in Southampton. Police handling of the victim came in for sharp scrutiny by particularly the opposition in the House of Commons but there seemed to be a consensus over the main political divide that the matter should not be politicized.

Moreover, the UK authorities stressed in the House the government’s strict adherence to the policy of non-racism. It was also pointed out that British institutions set up to manage racism at the national, county and neighbourhood levels, for example, were very much intact. In fact, Sri Lanka could gain considerably by studying and implementing locally, legislation modeled on the relevant UK laws if it is in earnest when it speaks of ‘reconciliation’.

Accordingly, it is highly unlikely that Western Europe would ‘cave in’, so to speak, to US pressure on issues related to migration. The liberal democracies of Western Europe in particular would remain for the foreseeable future migrant-welcoming, multi-ethnic and plural democracies.

Nor is it likely that Western Europe would be passively receptive to US demands that it drastically increases its defense spending to meet the latter’s demands. Within the Western fold the EU is remaining committed to backing Ukraine, for instance, in its ongoing armed resistance to the Russian invasion and it is not giving any indication of being deferent to US pressure.

However, although tensions would continue to bristle within US-Western Europe relations on the above and numerous other matters of contention it would be far too premature to announce a parting of company between the two sections of the West. In that sense, the post-World War Two order remains essentially intact. There are still many things in common between the two, particular on the economic plane, that will ensure the continuance of the partnership.

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A decade among Yala’s ghosts of gold

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YM75 "James" surveys his territory from a tree-top vantage point, demonstrating the leopard's commanding presence in the landscape.

The first rays of dawn creep over the ancient rocks of Yala. The Indian Ocean glimmers in the distance, and the wilderness slowly awakens. Somewhere amid the scrub jungle, a pair of amber eyes scans the landscape.

For wildlife conservationist and leopard researcher Milinda Wattegedara, moments such as these have defined more than a decade of dedication to one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic creatures—the Sri Lankan leopard.

What began as fascination evolved into a remarkable conservation journey that has transformed the understanding of Yala’s leopard population and placed Sri Lanka firmly on the global wildlife research map.

“Long before I ever lifted a camera, leopards had already captured my imagination,” says Wattegedara. “What fascinated me was not merely their beauty but the complexity of their lives—their hunting strategies, movements, reproductive behaviour and their remarkable ability to adapt to changing environments.”

That fascination led to the birth of the Yala Leopard Diary in 2013, an ambitious long-term project dedicated to documenting individual leopards and unraveling the mysteries surrounding their lives.

For many visitors, a leopard sighting is a fleeting thrill. For Wattegedara and his team, every encounter is a chapter in an ongoing scientific story.

“Each photograph was never the end of an encounter,” he explains. “It was the beginning of deeper questions. How did a particular leopard use the landscape? How did its behaviour change with the seasons? What environmental pressures shaped its decisions?”

These questions drove years of meticulous fieldwork. Every sighting was carefully recorded with details including location, habitat, behaviour, date and time. Photographs were analysed to identify individual animals through unique spot patterns, allowing researchers to distinguish one leopard from another with remarkable accuracy.

What followed was groundbreaking.

YF77 “Shelly” pauses in quiet observation, embodying the alertness
and grace that define Yala’s leopard population.

From 2013 to 2026, the Yala Leopard Diary identified an astonishing 189 individual leopards within the Yala Block 1. The research revealed a leopard density of approximately 0.524 leopards per square kilometre, making Yala one of the highest leopard-density landscapes ever recorded anywhere in the world.

Such findings have elevated Yala’s status among global wildlife researchers.

Nestled between the Indian Ocean and a mosaic of habitats, ranging from rocky outcrops to dense scrub forests, Yala offers an ecological stage unlike any other.

Here, leopards are photographed silhouetted against ocean horizons, perched atop ancient granite formations, resting on tree branches and stalking prey across sunlit grasslands.

The images tell stories of extraordinary lives.

There is Haminee, a devoted mother navigating the challenges of raising cubs in a competitive landscape. There is Lucas, one of Yala’s most frequently documented males, striding confidently across the Gonalabba Plains with the vast ocean forming an unforgettable backdrop.

There is Ruki demonstrating the species’ incredible strength by hoisting prey onto branches, and Shelly, quietly surveying her surroundings in a moment of feline vigilance.

Together, these individuals have become familiar characters in a living wilderness drama.

YM31 “Ruki” secures prey on a branch, illustrating the remarkable strength and coordination of the Sri Lankan leopard.

Recognising the immense value of long-term documentation, Wattegedara joined forces with fellow researchers Dushyantha Silva, Raveendra Siriwardana and Mevan Piyasena to establish the Yala Leopard Centre in 2020.

Located at the Palatupana entrance to the Yala National Park, the centre is believed to be the world’s first information facility dedicated exclusively to leopards.

“The centre serves as a repository of knowledge, accumulated through years of observation and research,” Wattegedara says. “Our goal is to connect visitors with the science behind conservation and foster a deeper appreciation of these magnificent animals.”

The project’s impact extends far beyond Sri Lanka’s borders.

Research arising from the Yala Leopard Diary has been published in internationally recognised scientific journals. One study introduced an innovative framework for identifying individual leopards, while another documented an extraordinary and previously unrecorded case of a leopard cub being consecutively adopted by two different adult females—first a relative and later an unrelated leopardess.

The discovery attracted international scientific attention and highlighted the complexity of leopard social behaviour.

Yet for Wattegedara, the most important lesson remains one of humility.

“One conclusion has become increasingly clear,” he reflects. “Our understanding of these leopards remains far from complete. We are only beginning to understand how they live, adapt and persist in one of Sri Lanka’s most dynamic protected landscapes.”

YF15 “Hope” descends Rukvila Rock at dawn, showcasing the agility and adaptability of Yala’s leopards.

His words underscore an essential conservation truth: the more we learn about nature, the more mysteries emerge.

As Sri Lanka navigates growing environmental challenges, the Yala Leopard Diary stands as a shining example of what sustained observation, scientific curiosity and public engagement can achieve.

Beyond the stunning photographs and remarkable sightings lies something even more valuable—a growing body of knowledge capable of informing future conservation decisions and ensuring that future generations inherit a wilderness where leopards continue to roam free.

For more than a decade, Wattegedara and his colleagues have followed the tracks of Yala’s elusive predators through dust, rain and scorching heat.

Their work has revealed that every leopard has a story, every sighting has significance and every photograph can contribute to conservation.

And perhaps, most importantly, it has reminded us that the golden ghosts of Yala still have many secrets left to share.

By Ifham Nizam

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Glamour, music and community spirit …

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Sri Lankans are quite active, all around the globe.

News has just come my way, from Glasgow, in Scotland, where the glamour of masks, music, dancing, and community spirit, came together, in spectacular fashion, at Masquerade Night, bringing together members of the Sri Lankan community for an evening filled with music, fashion, food and entertainment.

Organised by Mahesh Balaaratchi (DJ Mowgli) together with Sulochana Asmone, Hiroshini, Prasad, Ashi, and Shawn, the evening provided guests with an opportunity to socialise, enjoy live entertainment, and celebrate in a unique and elegant setting.

Guests arrived from 6:00 pm, dressed in formal attire and decorative masks, creating a colourful and vibrant atmosphere throughout the venue.

DJ Mowgli: The main
organiser of
Masquerade Night

There was a delicious selection of Sri Lankan cuisine and street food, which proved popular throughout the evening.

The buffet offered a variety of traditional favourites, giving attendees a taste of home while adding to the festive atmosphere.

Entertainment was provided by DJ Mowgli, whose performance kept the audience engaged throughout the night. His playlist featured a mixture of popular favourites, dance classics, and cultural music, remixed for a younger generation.

One of the highlights of the evening was the Baila session, which brought a distinctly Sri Lankan flavour to the event.

The Baila segment highlighted the importance of preserving and celebrating cultural traditions, while bringing people together through music and dance.

As familiar rhythms filled the room, guests enthusiastically took to the dance floor, creating one of the most memorable moments of the night.

The crowd was described as lively, energetic, and welcoming, with attendees embracing the spirit of the masquerade theme while enjoying the opportunity to reconnect with friends and meet new people. The family-friendly atmosphere ensured that guests of all ages could take part in the celebrations.

The festivities continued until midnight and included a range of competitions and entertainment.

Children and adults alike participated in fashion shows, while guests competed for awards in several ‘Best Dressed’ categories.

The creativity and effort displayed in both costumes and formal wear added an extra layer of excitement to the evening.

As the final songs played and guests prepared to leave, many were already looking forward to the next Event Night.

The evening’s proceedings were handled by Sam, Mahela and Isuru.

Their enthusiasm reflected the growing popularity of these gatherings and their increasing importance, within the local community calendar.

A series of community events has continued to grow in popularity among the Sri Lankans in Glasgow, with Halloween Night coming up on 31st October.

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