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“Go Gota Go” = Abolish EP

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by Kumar David

It’s pandemonium, an undeclared uprising. Greedy Mahinda delayed his resignation far too long. It will remain unsettled until “unwept, unloved and unhanged” Gota too cuts and runs. Not one Minister, regime MP (hucksters Vasu, Wimal and Udaya included) or government supporter dares to mount an unguarded platform or walk the streets even in the heart of his own constituencies for fear of public ridicule and rotten eggs. The government’s May Day meeting in Nugegoda was milquetoast. No government, ever, has been so loathed, colonial administrations included. A Daily Mirror opinion poll found that 96% said “President and PM must resign”. The DM is an English paper but I think that even across Sinhalese society the ‘Go Gota Go, Go Mahinda Go’ cry is ubiquitous; among Tamils and Muslims it is 100%.

A nationwide hartal and general strike is strengthening; organisers coordinate and time events strategically. Gotabaya imposed a state of emergency for the second time in weeks; people largely ignore it. Strikes continue as and when they wish, the masses on the streets swell. Gota’s gamble has all the markings of another strategic disaster. Will he send out the troops to mow down the people? The police force is divided and dispirited, its loyalties mostly with the people. The military, notwithstanding generous recent pay increases and promotions, is not that stupid. If it kills people like dogs on the streets, remember Rajiv Gandhi; Indian muscle did at least on good thing! Sri Lanka is not an island separate unto itself. One-time Rajapaksa cheerleader Subramanium Swamy has tweeted “India must send in the Indian Army to restore constitutional sanity”. This is what Gota has exposed the country to. The military has been ordered to shoot on sight “anyone who plunders public property”. Will the Rajapaksa family be first in line; it best matches the criterion?

Wishful thinking to one side, coldly and rationally I think that Gota cannot last. Furthermore, odds of even 25 seats for the Plundering Paksa Peramuna at the next election is zilch. Who got rid of Mahinda and Cabinet? Was it the red-hot revolutionaries of the JVP-NPP or was it a spontaneous movement of wide-eyed youth and angry middle class activists? (The use of the term middle class for the modern working class is methodologically inaccurate). The trade unions intervened at the last moment and tilted the scales. For months I have been warning my red-hot revolutionary comrades that the brewing anger was serious and they must integrate with it; I was spurned and ridiculed. The JVP even issued a statement warning people to be cautious of the aragalaya. Now the JVP-NPP is powerless in directing events; it follows like a tail. The Front Line Socialist Party (FSP) led by Kumar Gunaratnam and Pubudu Jagoda though smaller has greater influence. It would be wise for the JVP-NPP and the FSP to coordinate their social and economic programmes.

It is no surprise that Anura and Sajith were cold shouldered (hooted according to some reports) by protesters when they visited the scene after all the fighting was over to secure opportunistic benefits. When Gota is kicked out, by whom will it be; by our red-hot revolutionaries? What a laugh! I futilely begged my comrades to learn how Lenin’s party took control of the ‘July Days’ and prevented anarchy; conditions are becoming anarchic. Government nominee Siyambalapitiya re-resigned as Deputy Spear within hours of re-election. Ali Sabry, sworn into the Cabinet, resigned within 24 hours, re-sworn-in he was kicked so hard on his spineless backside by the IMF that he won’t be able to re-park his precious re-sworn bum on a ministerial cushion for months. Mahinda once a charming rascal is lost in the woods, deaf, blind and ugly. This is the team of cretins, crooks and cripples that Gotabaya Rajapaksa captained till recently.

If this was all I intended to say you will yawn, every column in every media outlet says this ad nauseum. There is a more important subtext I am aiming at. Gotabaya’s removal must lead as quickly as constitutionally feasible to the abolition of the Executive Presidency (EP), root and branch. No humbug repeal of 20A and reverting to 19A except as a stop-gap. The evil system spawned by JR must be eradicated without trace. Even Sajith and the SJB have at last seen the light and demanded abolition of EP. Forget erstwhile chamber-pot carriers now high and dry with full pots on their hands; they will fall in line if or when a presumptive Sajith Administration gets round to handing out sinecures. Ingrained opportunism dies hard.

Another point. What balderdash to say that the minorities did better under EP than the previous parliamentary system. Sure amputation of the citizenship of Upcountry Tamils, Sinhala Only, stuffing Buddhism into the Constitution, “standardisation”, beating up Tamils on Satyagraha etc. are egregious crimes of Sinhala majority parliamentary governments. Compare that with 1983 government-military incited murder, rape and arson, the burning of the Jaffna Public Library, the alleged tens of thousands of civilians murdered in camps with presidential sanction by artillery shells in the closing stages of the Civil War, numerous Tamils and Muslims locked up under PTA, and so on. The kettle and the pot! Neither system provided a shred of protection for the minorities. The cancer of racism is buried elsewhere; a malignant “nationalist” mentality. The “achievement” of Sinhala nationalism, 1983 and the Executive Presidency after all was the consolidation of the LTTE and Prabakaran. The damning case against EP lies elsewhere, it harmed democracy on all sides for 50 years and continues to imperil it now! What a waste if aragalaya limits itself only to throwing out the Plundering Paksas. Must this noble efforts stop short of the golden dream of abolishing EP? Excruciating interruptus!

In respect of an interim administration under Gota even Sajith says “Why should the people make sacrifices only to back another corrupt and inefficient government? Why should people keep the Rajapaksas going?” Anura Kumara says the same on behalf of the NPP-JVP. Both go further and damn EP. Interesting point then, who favours retention of EP? The majority of SLPP MPs don’t care a hoot. They know that this is the last time they will be permitted to crawl into parliament; their only interest (the three con-artists named in my opening para included) is to prolong this their final climax. To do so they must bum the Paksas and dance to every Paksa tune. The only wretches who crave to retain EP are the inhabitants of the Plundering Paksa leper colony. But with such a tiny support base not only Gotabaya, not only the Clan, but the executive presidency too is doomed. Its death rattle jars; let’s hasten its death. Aragalaya must grab this chance by the forelock and not miss a once in a lifetime opportunity.

Lanka’s EP System is not an example of the classic separation of powers between three branches of state – Executive, Legislative and Judicial. Tragically for most of the last 50 years, with brief exceptions the higher judiciary has been a pliant tool in the hands of absolutist or corrupt and self-serving presidents. This limb of the three-legged stool has been as limp as a soon-to-rot pathola. In electoral politics in Lanka (USA and France are different) the pendulum of parliamentary majority has swung in synchronism with presidential elections. JR and Mahinda had stool-pigeon parliaments at their service and no constraints in enacting vile constitutional changes. Lanka has always had an authoritarian presidential scheme. On rare occasions when rogue-presidents were sans two-thirds, gross venality solved it; such is the calibre of our parliamentarians.

There is then a legitimate objection. If MPs are morally so paltry why prefer a parliamentary system? There are two answers, an idealist one and a more pragmatic one. The idealist version I have spoken in favour of at times but found no backers. Legislate to recall MPs; a provision now used elsewhere. But our MPs have invested so much at the hustings that they will never agree to let this outlay go down the tubes till they recover investment plus handsome returns (100 to 200% in five years; not bad eh?). More realistically however I need to concede that ‘recall of MPs’ is not a constitutional change that will happen. Hence by second argument. Even if MPs remain corrupt, a parliament stuffed with rogues is less expensive and less dangerous than EP. The cost side: Say each MP on average robs Rs 5 million during his term of office – the good ones will take nothing, the worst say Rs.10 million. The averaged-out total take of 225 persons is Rs.1,125 million (Rs.1.125 billion). What is the alleged take of the Brotherhood? Rumours put it at billions of dollars; a difference of two orders of magnitude!

I do not need to argue the democracy case; 225 headless chickens cannot inflict the Lasantha-Ekneligoda murders, White Vans and Flags, Easter Sunday terrorism cover-ups, human-rights violations that have brought shame on the country, incompetent military brass in key positions, and Muslim doctors locked-up on trumped-up PTA charges. It is really not debatable that EP has been a blight on democracy, worse than what we suffered in the previous parliamentary era. Surely it’s an open and shut case then that the parliamentary system has been less-worse than EP on violation of rights.

In the heartland of the division of power thesis, the USA, divisions have emerged. Many issues were simmering but came to a head with a leaked document, whose authenticity has been confirmed by John Roberts the CJ, that the Supreme Court may reverse its 1976 decision permitting abortion. It is feared this will open the door to a raft of reactionary decisions by the Court. The meddlesome hand of America’s most Neanderthal president is writ large. Trump and his Senate allies manoeuvred to have three justices appointed by this the nastiest president in US history, tipping the balance six to three in favour of bigots. America is on the eve of upheavals, protests and demands for constitutional reforms to prevent the Court being taken hostage by dinosaurs who have turned it into a third unelected legislative chamber. Term-limits, compulsory retirement age and expansion of the size of the Court are being canvassed. What we over here need to digest is that curbing presidential powers is on the agenda even on its home turf.

Under capitalism, democracy is key to protecting the rights of the peeditha panthiya and the minorities. An Interim administration seeking to overcome the current gridlock must be based on (a) the resignation of Gota and selection of an Interim president, (b) a caretaker government (Karu is trustworthy as PM but he must publicly distance himself from Gota), (c) elections within four months, and (d) agreement among all who accept the Interim Plan (need not participate in the administration) to repeal the Executive Presidency as soon as constitutionally feasible.

The initial outburst of violence last week was an outpouring of pent up anger. It was understandable, forgivable, therapeutic and mainly spontaneous. Now violence must stop! Lanka has to start work on the four-month Interim Plan. The Interim Administration must implement the Bunker Busting economic package I outlined last week and make drastic corrections while protecting the poorest. The medium term economic rescue programme to follow this is the task of the election winner. I have already offered my suggestions.



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The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran

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Iranians vowing resistance at a mass funeral of the victims of US-Israeli airstrikes

(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)

The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.

Iran not merely a state

Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.

In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.

Energy-embedded global economy

The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.

The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.

Decline of global order based on US hegemony

This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.

Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance

Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.

Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.

Transition shaped by paradoxes

In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.

The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.

This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.

by Gamini Keerawella ✍️

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The dawn of smart help for little ones

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How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care

For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.

In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.

Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.

What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?

Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.

The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.

The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.

Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen

AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:

1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles

One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.

2. The Sound of a Voice

Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.

3. Movement and Play

Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.

Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions

The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.

Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.

Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?

The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”

For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.

Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.

The Human Element: Proceed with Care

As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.

= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.

= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.

= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.

A Brighter Future

We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.

The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.

 The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months

The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.

Communication and Social Cues

= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?

= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?

= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?

= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?

Behaviour and Play

= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).

= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?

= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?

The “Golden Rule” of Regression

Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.

If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely

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The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.

Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?

Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.

This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.

The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.

For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.

The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.

Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.

Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.

This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.

by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com

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