Connect with us

Features

Getting appointed to a Colombo-based Indian Ocean Regional job with IPPF

Published

on

IPPF Colombo office

Political changes in 1977 and end to a fistful of dollars and luxurious nights in five star hotels

(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar, by Bradman Weerakoon)

I had finally got the break I was looking for in August 1976. The vacancy in the post of regional director in the International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF) for the Indian Ocean Region which I had sought and failed to obtain in 1972 had fallen vacant once again. I was 46 years old and it seemed to be time for a career change. I had been outstation now for seven years and it looked certain that as long as the government continued I would not be considered for an appointment in Colombo.

Although the general elections had been now rescheduled for 1977, there was yet the possibility of this being postponed. Esala was now back at the St. Thiomas’ Prep School in Kollupitiya studying for the NCGE examination with some new and innovative subjects, which needed some parental help. In fact I had begun to commute from Galle by express bus to be with him on especially important weekends. Although the official round in Galle continued to be interesting, our personal life was being made complicated with the frequent forays into Colombo. A change would be welcome.

Regional Director, IOR

The Indian Ocean Region in terms of population was the largest of the six regions of the IPPF at the time. China had not yet entered the Federation, which required a National Voluntary Family Planning Association to be in place, to qualify for membership. Whilst Sri Lanka was doing well in regulating population growth, India, Bangladesh and Pakistan were exhibiting high rates of growth. In Pakistan, the levels reached about three per cent increase per year and this was impacting badly on both resources and the environment.

My interview was at Karachi when the regional executive committee of volunteers had gathered to meet and speak with the eight candidates who had been short-listed for the job. Among the eight from the region were two Indians, two Pakistanis, a Nepalese and a Bangladeshi. Some of them were medical doctors, some communication experts, three called themselves management specialists and from Sri Lanka, two of us, V A J P Senaratne who was a few years senior to me, and myself.

What was common to the two of us was that both of us were former civil servants. Senaratne’s current position in the government was director of commerce and I was government agent, Galle. After a full day of questions and talk, during which my Ampara experience came in extremely useful (since it showed I could work with Muslim and Tamil people as well), I was selected. Senaratne who was nick-named ‘alphabet Senaratne’ while at school, because he had so many initials before his name obviously, came second.

I settled down to work in Colombo with a staff of 12 in the regional office on Flower Road almost opposite the prime minister’s office. I had a Pakistani as my assistant and a Britisher called Jim Collins (he was a favourite with the girls) as my finance manager. We enjoyed the many visits to the region. I had been in Bombay (now Mumbai), Madras (now Chennai), Calcutta (now Kolkata), Dhaka and Kathmandu on my trips abroad with the prime ministers, but this was different.

Here, one was going into the heart of the country, or the over crowded slums in the teeming cities and meeting very poor and very ordinary people. We made ‘treks’ into the foothills of the Himalayas, long jeep drives along the dusty fields of Orissa and walked in tiny villages deep inside the deserts of Rajasthan.

In the months that followed I got a view of the immense size of the population problem in the South Asian region. In comparison, the effort that governments were making to contain it seemed puny, except in India, where the position was different. The southern states, namely Tamil Nadu and Kerala, had done extremely well and growth rates were around 1.5 per cent. Kerala particularly where the demographic picture was similar to Sri Lanka, with high literacy levels also among the females, was doing as well as we were in Sri Lanka.

This was the time, the 1970s when Indira Gandhi as the prime minister, gave family planning very high priority. Her aim for a rapid decrease in the overall growth rate however backfired, due to the over-enthusiasm with which her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi, who took on population control as his special concern, pursued the subject. The government programme wars being charged with insensitivity to the need and choice of the individual and to the rigid pursuit of targets regardless of the human rights concerns.

But some statistical success was recorded with a fantastic array of instant incentives being offered to all men and women who subjected themselves to sterilization. I was invited as regional director to visit some of the sterilization camps especially in the slums of Bombay and Calcutta. The camps were like carnivals, lots of people milling around, lots of loud music and lots of announcements. Men walked in through one door into the vasectomy tents, which operated on an assembly-line approach and walked out through another nervously clutching a radio set or a wad full of rupees.

But in the conservative ‘Hindi belt’ of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan the news of the arrival of a sterilization camp sent a shiver of fear among rural folk who were still for large families. The fall-out was predictable. Some political analysts averred that one of the principal reasons for Indira Gandhi’s loss in the next general elections was her attempt to force family planning on the mass of the Indian population.

The concept of ‘planned parenthood’, which my organization the IPPF was propagating throughout the world, meant something more than merely reducing or controlling the growth of population. As I soon learnt, it had a lot to do with the empowerment of men and women so that they could personally exercise the choice to have the family of the size they desired. Government programs of family planning generally focused on the numbers game.

Had the rates of growth of the population and the fertility of women, and so on, been reduced and by how much? The principal concern was economic; the correct balance between the size of the population and the availability of resources to feed, clothe and house them, among other human needs. While IPPF was cognizant of this national preoccupation – and we used to call this the ‘demographic rationale’ – we were also concerned about the human rights implications (was it a voluntary decision or were there elements of coercion and compulsion) and the health implications (did it conduce to physical and mental good health or not) of family planning.

These – the human rights and health rationales – had been the principal motivations of the early pioneers6 of this international voluntary movement. They continued to be the raison d’etre for its global work in the late seventies but the validity of the demographic imperative, since the time for national populations to double themselves was shortening, could also not be denied, especially in South Asia. Within IPPF the fascinating debate was reverberating and I was going to be part of it.

So the work was going to be intellectually stimulating, interesting and tiring. It meant lobbying with political leaders and persuading them for support to ‘grass-roots’ projects, which would be conducive with their national programs. The field inspections were legion; to see how the funds were actually spent on the ground. I was not surprised that often I would find that, either deliberately or through lack of sufficient care, there was fraud and loss.

At times we at the regional office in Colombo would find that the entire policy making body at the top of a national FPA would be involved in some corrupt activity. But unlike in government it was more difficult to ferret out information and impose sanctions since the association was autonomous. Being regional director, I found, was essentially a management job, requiring some general knowledge of the subject matter and the philosophy which drove the organization. Most of the detail could be left to the specialists the gynaecologists and communicators either paid or voluntary, and the volunteers who would be at the frontline. I perceived my role as being a combination of providing leadership, program management, and active lobbyist for the cause.

The terms, which IPPF called `compensation’ and not ‘salary’, were attractive. An annual figure of US$ 12,000, with quite a lot more to come in the way of per diems on travel and hotel stays which took up, at least, half of one’s time. There was a round of meetings for planning, programming, budgeting in the regional office, and in the national headquarters of the eight countries which comprised the IOR, and at least three times a year trips to the London headquarters.

It represented quite a change from being a government agent of a district in terms of the scale of the operation. But not too much of a difference when one considered the actual functions of management and supervision. As far as the `politics” was concerned, although the district political authority whom I had grown familiar with was not around, there was just as much or more going on in the national FPAs, than in the average district administration.

But events back at home – for I found myself abroad most of the time – were moving fast to close another fascinating chapter of experience. Sirimavo announced that there would be elections in July 1977. After the grand spectacle of the Non-aligned Summit in Colombo of Heads of State and Government between August 16-19, 1976 – perhaps the ‘greatest show on earth’ as far as Sri Lanka was concerned – at which more than 80 non-aligned member states participated, the prime minister felt justifiably confident that the country would return her to power.

But the majority of the Sri Lankan people once again, as they had done before, and would continue to do, confounded all the expectations. Sirimavo’s government suffered an overwhelming defeat at the hands of J R (as we shall read later) and I received a message from Lalith Athulathmudali – a kinsman of my wife – to see J R as early as possible. So it was going to be good bye, if only for some years, to international family planning, a fistful of dollars and luxurious nights in five-star hotels of the Indian sub-continent.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Voting for new Pope set to begin with cardinals entering secret conclave

Published

on

By

Voting desks for 133 cardinals have been set up inside the Sistine Chapel ahead of the conclave.

On Wednesday evening, under the domed ceiling of Michelangelo’s Sistine Chapel, 133 cardinals will vote to elect the Catholic Church’s 267th pope.

The day will begin at 10:00 (09:00 BST) with a mass in St Peter’s Basilica. The service, which will be televised, will be presided over by Giovanni Battista Re, the 91-year-old Cardinal Dean who was also the celebrant of Pope Francis’ funeral.

In the early afternoon, mobile signal within the territory of the Vatican will be deactivated to prevent anyone taking part in the conclave from contacting the outside world.

Around 16:15 (15:15 BST), the 133 cardinal electors will gather in the Pauline Chapel and form a procession to the Sistine Chapel.

Once in the Sistine Chapel, one hand resting on a copy of the Gospel, the cardinals will pronounce the prescribed oath of secrecy which precludes them from ever sharing details about how the new Pope was elected.

When the last of the electors has taken the oath, a meditation will be held. Then, the Master of Pontifical Liturgical Celebrations Diego Ravelli will announce “extra omnes” (“everybody out”).

He is one of three ecclesiastical staff allowed to stay in the Sistine Chapel despite not being a cardinal elector, even though they will have to leave the premises during the counting of the votes.

The moment “extra omnes” is pronounced marks the start of the cardinals’ isolation – and the start of the conclave.

The word, which comes from the Latin for “cum clave”, or “locked with key” is slightly misleading, as the cardinals are no longer locked inside; rather, on Tuesday Vatican officials closed the entrances to the Apostolic Palace – which includes the Sistine Chapel- with lead seals which will remain until the end of the proceedings. Swiss guards will also flank all the entrances to the chapel.

Getty Images Saint Peter's statue appears in the foreground.  Dozens of cardinals, wearing red, are seen during the funeral ceremony of Pope Francis at Saint Peter's Square in Vatican on April 26, 2025.
Cardinals gathered during the funeral of Pope Francis at Saint Peter’s Square in Vatican in April [BBC]

Diego Ravelli will distribute ballot papers, and the cardinals will proceed to the first vote soon after.

While nothing forbids the Pope from being elected with the first vote, it has not happened in centuries. Still, that first ballot is very important, says Austen Ivereigh, a Catholic writer and commentator.

“The cardinals who have more than 20 votes will be taken into consideration. In the first ballot the votes will be very scattered and the electors know they have to concentrate on the ones that have numbers,” says Ivereigh.

He adds that every other ballot thereafter will indicate which of the cardinals have the momentum. “It’s almost like a political campaign… but it’s not really a competition; it’s an effort by the body to find consensus.”

If the vote doesn’t yield the two-third majority needed to elect the new pope, the cardinals go back to guesthouse Casa Santa Marta for dinner. It is then, on the sidelines of the voting process, that important conversations among the cardinals take place and consensus begins to coalesce around different names.

According to Italian media, the menu options consist of light dishes which are usually served to guests of the residence, and includes wine – but no spirits. The waiters and kitchen staff are also sworn to secrecy and cannot leave the grounds for the duration of the conclave.

Getty Images Pope Francis, wearing white, waves as he leaves St. Peter's Square at the the end of Palm Sunday Mass on March 29, 2015 in Vatican City, Vatican.
Pope Francis died at the age of 88 on Easter Monday 2025 [BBC]

From Thursday morning, cardinals will be taking breakfast between 06:30 (05:30 BST) and 07:30 (06:30 BST) ahead of mass at 08:15 (07:15 BST). Two votes then take place in the morning, followed by lunch and rest. In his memoirs, Pope Francis said that was when he began to receive signals from the other cardinals that serious consensus was beginning to form around him; he was elected during the first afternoon vote. The last two conclaves have all concluded by the end of the second day.

There is no way of knowing at this stage whether this will be a long or a short conclave – but cardinals are aware that dragging the proceedings on could be interpreted as a sign of gaping disagreements.

As they discuss, pray and vote, outside the boarded-up windows of the Sistine Chapel thousands of faithful will be looking up to the chimney to the right of St Peter’s Basilica, waiting for the white plume of smoke to signal that the next pope has been elected.

[BBC]

Continue Reading

Features

Beyond Left and Right: From Populism to Pragmatism and Recalibrating Democracy

Published

on

Jagmeet Singh: Leader of Canada’s Progressive Voice, the New Democratic Party

The world is going through a political shake-up. Everywhere you look—from Western democracies to South Asian nations—people are choosing leaders and parties that seem to clash in ideology. One moment, a country swings left, voting for progressive policies and climate action. The next, a neighbouring country rushes into the arms of right-wing populism, talking about nationalism and tradition.

It’s not just puzzling—it’s historic. This global tug of war between opposing political ideas is unlike anything we’ve seen in recent decades. In this piece, I explore this wave of political contradictions, from the rise of labour movements in Australia and Canada, to the continued strength of conservative politics in the US and India, and finally to the surprising emergence of a radical leftist party in Sri Lanka.

Australia and Canada: A Comeback for Progressive Politics

Australia recently voted in the Labour Party, with Anthony Albanese becoming Prime Minister after years of conservative rule under Scott Morrison. Albanese brought with him promises of fairer wages, better healthcare, real action on climate change, and closing the inequality gap. For many Australians, it was a fresh start—a turn away from business-as usual politics.

In Canada, a political shift is unfolding with the rise of The Right Honourable Mark Carney, who became Prime Minister in March 2025, after leading the Liberal Party. Meanwhile, Jagmeet Singh and the New Democratic Party (NDP) are gaining traction with their progressive agenda, advocating for enhanced social safety nets in healthcare and housing to address growing frustrations with rising living costs and a strained healthcare system..

But let’s be clear—this isn’t a return to old-school socialism. Instead, voters seem to be leaning toward practical, social-democratic ideas—ones that offer government support without fully rejecting capitalism. People are simply fed up with policies that favour the rich while ignoring the struggles of everyday families. They’re calling for fairness, not radicalism.

America’s Rightward Drift: The Trump Effect Still Lingers

In contrast, the political story in the United States tells a very different tale. Even after Donald Trump left office in 2020, the Republican Party remains incredibly powerful—and popular.

Trump didn’t win hearts through traditional conservative ideas. Instead, he tapped into a raw frustration brewing among working-class Americans. He spoke about lost factory jobs, unfair trade deals, and an elite political class that seemed disconnected from ordinary life. His messages about “America First” and restoring national pride struck a chord—especially in regions hit hard by globalisation and automation.

Despite scandals and strong opposition, Trump’s brand of politics—nationalist, anti-immigration, and skeptical of global cooperation—continues to dominate the Republican Party. In fact, many voters still see him as someone who “tells it like it is,” even if they don’t agree with everything he says.

It’s a sign of a deeper trend: In the US, cultural identity and economic insecurity have merged, creating a political environment where conservative populism feels like the only answer to many.

India’s Strongman Politics: The Modi Era Continues

Half a world away, India is witnessing its own version of populism under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. His party—the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—has ruled with a blend of Hindu nationalism, economic ambition, and strong leadership.

Modi is incredibly popular. His supporters praise his development projects, digital push, and efforts to raise India’s profile on the global stage. But critics argue that his leadership is dividing the country along religious lines and weakening its long-standing secular values.

Still, for many Indians—especially the younger generation and the rural poor—Modi represents hope, strength, and pride. They see him as someone who has delivered where previous leaders failed. Whether it’s building roads, providing gas connections to villages, or cleaning up bureaucracy, the BJP’s strong-arm tactics have resonated with large sections of the population.

India’s political direction shows how nationalism can be powerful—especially when combined with promises of economic progress and security.

A Marxist Comeback? Sri Lanka’s Political Wild Card

Then there’s Sri Lanka—a country in crisis, where politics have taken a shocking turn.

For decades, Sri Lanka was governed by familiar faces and powerful families. But after years of financial mismanagement, corruption, and a devastating economic collapse, public trust in mainstream parties has plummeted. Into this void stepped a party many thought had been sidelined for good—the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist group with a history of revolutionary roots.

Once seen as radical and even dangerous, the JVP has rebranded itself as a disciplined, modern political force. Today, it speaks directly to the country’s suffering masses: those without jobs, struggling to buy food, and fed up with elite corruption.

The party talks about fair wealth distribution, workers’ rights, and standing up to foreign economic pressures. While their ideas are left-leaning, their growing support is driven more by public frustration with current political leaders than by any shift toward Marxism by the public or any move away from it by the JVP.

Sri Lanka’s case is unique—but not isolated. Across the world, when economies collapse and inequality soars, people often turn to ideologies that offer hope and accountability—even if they once seemed extreme.

A Global Puzzle: Why Are Politics So Contradictory Now?

So what’s really going on? Why are some countries swinging left while others turn right?

The answer lies in the global crises and rapid changes of the past two decades. The 2008 financial crash, worsening inequality, mass migrations, terrorism fears, the COVID-19 pandemic, and now climate change have all shaken public trust in traditional politics.

Voters everywhere are asking the same questions: Who will protect my job? Who will fix healthcare? Who will keep us safe? The answers they choose depend not just on ideology, but on their unique national experiences and frustrations.

In countries where people feel abandoned by global capitalism, they may choose left-leaning parties that promise welfare and fairness. In others, where cultural values or national identity feel under threat, right-wing populism becomes the answer.

And then there’s the digital revolution. Social media has turbocharged political messaging. Platforms like Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube allow both left and right movements to reach people directly—bypassing traditional media. While this has given power to progressive youth movements, it’s also allowed misinformation and extremist views to flourish, deepening polarisation.

Singapore: The Legacy of Pragmatic Leadership and Technocratic Governance

Singapore stands as a unique case in the global political landscape, embodying a model of governance that blends authoritarian efficiency with capitalist pragmatism. The country’s political identity has been shaped largely by its founding Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, often regarded as a political legend for transforming a resource-poor island into one of the most prosperous and stable nations in the world. His brand of leadership—marked by a strong central government, zero tolerance for corruption, and a focus on meritocracy—has continued to influence Singapore’s political ideology even after his passing. The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP), which has been in power since independence, remains dominant, but it has had to adapt to a new generation of voters demanding more openness, transparency, and participatory governance.

Despite criticisms of limited political pluralism, Singapore’s model is often admired for its long-term planning, public sector efficiency, and ability to balance rapid economic development with social harmony. In an era of rising populism and political fragmentation elsewhere, Singapore’s consistent technocratic approach provides a compelling counter-narrative—one that prioritises stability, strategic foresight, and national cohesion over ideological extremes.

What the Future Holds

We are living in a time where political boundaries are blurring, and old labels don’t always fit. Left and right are no longer clear-cut. Populists can be socialist or ultra-conservative. Liberals may support strong borders. Conservatives may promote welfare if it wins votes.

What matters now is trust—people are voting for those who seem to understand their pain, not just those with polished manifestos.

As economic instability continues and global challenges multiply, this ideological tug-of-war is likely to intensify. Whether we see more progressive reforms or stronger nationalist movements will depend on how well political leaders can address real issues, from food security to climate disasters.

One thing is clear: the global political wave is still rising. And it’s carrying countries in very different directions.

Conclusion

The current wave of global political ideology is defined by its contradictions, complexity, and context-specific transformations. While some nations are experiencing a resurgence of progressive, left-leaning movements—such as Australia’s Labour Party, Canada’s New Democratic Party, and Sri Lanka’s Marxist-rooted JVP—others are gravitating toward right-wing populism, nationalist narratives, and conservative ideologies, as seen in the continued strength of the US Republican Party and the dominant rule of Narendra Modi’s BJP in India. Amid this ideological tug-of-war, Singapore presents a unique political model. Eschewing populist swings, it has adhered to a technocratic, pragmatic form of governance rooted in the legacy of Lee Kuan Yew, whose leadership transformed a struggling post-colonial state into a globally admired economic powerhouse. Singapore’s emphasis on strategic planning, meritocracy, and incorruptibility provides a compelling contrast to the ideological turbulence in many democracies.

What ties these divergent trends together is a common undercurrent of discontent with traditional politics, growing inequality, and the digital revolution’s impact on public discourse. Voters across the world are searching for leaders and ideologies that promise clarity, security, and opportunity amid uncertainty. In mature democracies, this search has split into dual pathways—either toward progressive reform or nostalgic nationalism. In emerging economies, political shifts are even more fluid, influenced by economic distress, youth activism, and demands for institutional change.

Ultimately, the world is witnessing not a single ideological revolution, but a series of parallel recalibrations. These shifts do not point to the triumph of one ideology over another, but rather to the growing necessity for adaptive, responsive, and inclusive governance. Whether through leftist reforms, right-wing populism, or technocratic stability like Singapore’s, political systems will increasingly be judged not by their ideological purity but by their ability to address real-world challenges, unite diverse populations, and deliver tangible outcomes for citizens. In that respect, the global political wave is not simply a matter of left vs. right—it is a test of resilience, innovation, and leadership in a rapidly evolving world.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT , Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

Continue Reading

Features

An opportunity to move from promises to results

Published

on

The local government elections, long delayed and much anticipated, are shaping up to be a landmark political event. These elections were originally due in 2023, but were postponed by the previous government of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. The government of the day even defied a Supreme Court ruling mandating that elections be held without delay. They may have feared a defeat would erode that government’s already weak legitimacy, with the president having assumed office through a parliamentary vote rather than a direct electoral mandate following the mass protests that forced the previous president and his government to resign. The outcome of the local government elections that are taking place at present will be especially important to the NPP government as it is being accused by its critics of non-delivery of election promises.

Examples cited are failure to bring opposition leaders accused of large scale corruption and impunity to book, failure to bring a halt to corruption in government departments where corruption is known to be deep rooted, failure to find the culprits behind the Easter bombing and failure to repeal draconian laws such as the Prevention of Terrorism Act. In the former war zones of the north and east, there is also a feeling that the government is dragging its feet on resolving the problem of missing persons, those imprisoned without trial for long periods and return of land taken over by the military. But more recently, a new issue has entered the scene, with the government stating that a total of nearly 6000 acres of land in the northern province will be declared as state land if no claims regarding private ownership are received within three months.

The declaration on land to be taken over in three months is seen as an unsympathetic action by the government with an unrealistic time frame when the land in question has been held for over 30 years under military occupation and to which people had no access. Further the unclaimed land to be designated as “state land” raises questions about the motive of the circular. It has undermined the government’s election campaign in the North and East. High-level visits by the President, Prime Minister, and cabinet ministers to these regions during a local government campaign were unprecedented. This outreach has signalled both political intent and strategic calculation as a win here would confirm the government’s cross-ethnic appeal by offering a credible vision of inclusive development and reconciliation. It also aims to show the international community that Sri Lanka’s unity is not merely imposed from above but affirmed democratically from below.

Economic Incentives

In the North and East, the government faces resistance from Tamil nationalist parties. Many of these parties have taken a hardline position, urging voters not to support the ruling coalition under any circumstances. In some cases, they have gone so far as to encourage tactical voting for rival Tamil parties to block any ruling party gains. These parties argue that the government has failed to deliver on key issues, such as justice for missing persons, return of military-occupied land, release of long-term Tamil prisoners, and protection against Buddhist encroachment on historically Tamil and Muslim lands. They make the point that, while economic development is important, it cannot substitute for genuine political autonomy and self-determination. The failure of the government to resolve a land issue in the north, where a Buddhist temple has been put up on private land has been highlighted as reflecting the government’s deference to majority ethnic sentiment.

The problem for the Tamil political parties is that these same parties are themselves fractured, divided by personal rivalries and an inability to form a united front. They continue to base their appeal on Tamil nationalism, without offering concrete proposals for governance or development. This lack of unity and positive agenda may open the door for the ruling party to present itself as a credible alternative, particularly to younger and economically disenfranchised voters. Generational shifts are also at play. A younger electorate, less interested in the narratives of the past, may be more open to evaluating candidates based on performance, transparency, and opportunity—criteria that favour the ruling party’s approach. Its mayoral candidate for Jaffna is a highly regarded and young university academic with a planning background who has presented a five year plan for the development of Jaffna.

There is also a pragmatic calculation that voters may make, that electing ruling party candidates to local councils could result in greater access to state funds and faster infrastructure development. President Dissanayake has already stated that government support for local bodies will depend on their transparency and efficiency, an implicit suggestion that opposition-led councils may face greater scrutiny and funding delays. The president’s remarks that the government will find it more difficult to pass funds to local government authorities that are under opposition control has been heavily criticized by opposition parties as an unfair election ploy. But it would also cause voters to think twice before voting for the opposition.

Broader Vision

The government’s Marxist-oriented political ideology would tend to see reconciliation in terms of structural equity and economic justice. It will also not be focused on ethno-religious identity which is to be seen in its advocacy for a unified state where all citizens are treated equally. If the government wins in the North and East, it will strengthen its case that its approach to reconciliation grounded in equity rather than ethnicity has received a democratic endorsement. But this will not negate the need to address issues like land restitution and transitional justice issues of dealing with the past violations of human rights and truth-seeking, accountability, and reparations in regard to them. A victory would allow the government to act with greater confidence on these fronts, including possibly holding the long-postponed provincial council elections.

As the government is facing international pressure especially from India but also from the Western countries to hold the long postponed provincial council elections, a government victory at the local government elections may speed up the provincial council elections. The provincial councils were once seen as the pathway to greater autonomy; their restoration could help assuage Tamil concerns, especially if paired with initiating a broader dialogue on power-sharing mechanisms that do not rely solely on the 13th Amendment framework. The government will wish to capitalize on the winning momentum of the present. Past governments have either lacked the will, the legitimacy, or the coordination across government tiers to push through meaningful change.

Obtaining the good will of the international community, especially those countries with which Sri Lanka does a lot of economic trade and obtains aid, India and the EU being prominent amongst these, could make holding the provincial council elections without further delay a political imperative. If the government is successful at those elections as well, it will have control of all three tiers of government which would give it an unprecedented opportunity to use its 2/3 majority in parliament to change the laws and constitution to remake the country and deliver the system change that the people elected it to bring about. A strong performance will reaffirm the government’s mandate and enable it to move from promises to results, which it will need to do soon as mandates need to be worked at to be long lasting.

by Jehan Perera

Continue Reading

Trending