Features
From colonial economy on track to a broken economy on tuk-tuk

by Rajan Philips
Last week I called Bangladesh burgeoning and Sri Lanka backsliding. Domestic demand has become the most important driver of Bangladesh’s rapid economic growth. Not that Bangladesh is not facing challenges, but it is in a better position to face them because of domestic demand. Sri Lanka does not have the advantage of size and domestic demand, but it is not the lack of size that has led to today’s broken economy. The hopes that President Wickremesinghe will fix the broken economy, at least will start its basic repairs, are also being broken with the government’s botching of the conduct of local government elections. So, now it is worse than backsliding.
The stunning Supreme Court ruling ordering a total compensation payment of Rs.311 million to the victims of 2019 Easter Sunday bombings should be sending shivers up and down the spines of decision makers in the echelons of power who have gotten accustomed to doing anything or nothing (never some good thing) and getting away with it. The Court has elevated individual responsibility by an astonishing 300 times over state responsibility. The State is ordered to pay Rs. One million for relying on the unreliables. Rs. 310 million will have to be coughed up by Maithripala Sirisena (Rs. 100M), Pujith Jayasundara (Rs 75M), Nilantha Jayawardene (Rs 75M), Hemasiri Fernando (Rs 50M) and Sisira Mendis (Rs. 10M). The Court ruling is in effect an order the government to stop making Nilantha Jayawardene the next IGP.
It remains to be seen if the long arm of the Court will reach Ranil Wickremesinghe when he is no longer President. For now, he is emptying his bag of political tricks to no effect and the IMF is keeping him waiting with no moneybags in sight. For others who made decisions in the Gotabaya Administration, whether on the economy or on security, it could be open season for litigations against them. If the Canadian government sanctions were to infect other governments as well, there will be no place to hide for those hounded by justice. Specific to our discussion involving LRT and tuk-tuk in Sri Lanka, what will be the fallout from the Supreme Court decision for those who made the decision to unilaterally terminate the Colombo LRT project that had been started based on a very favourable bilateral agreement with Japan for a very sensible project?
There is on record an Auditor General report dated 23 November 2022 (Special Audit Report on the Unilateral Termination of the Light Rail System by the Government of Sri Lanka). Will any action flow from it? We have to wait and see. It is now enough to say that the Special Audit Report is scathing in its censure of the government’s decision to unilaterally terminate “without formal, logical and justifiable grounds … a project proved to be environmentally, technically, economically and financially productive after incurring heavy costs on preliminary activities including feasibility studies conducted by foreign experts.” Be that as it may.
Colonial Economy on Track
“The Colonial Economy on Track” is the main title of Dr. Indrani Munasinghe’s pathbreaking historical study of the development of rail and road infrastructure in colonial Ceylon from 1800 to 1905. Roads came first; between 1800 and 1867 2,344 miles of road had been constructed, criss-crossing the island, with a concentrated radial network in the Central Province, the only mountainous region of the island. Rail construction came later beginning in 1858 with the Colombo-Kandy line. By 1905, Colombo was connected by rail to Kandy and Bandarawela upcountry, south to Galle and Matara, and north to Maho, Anuradhapura, Medawachchiya and Jaffna. The lines from Maho to Trincomalee and Batticaloa, and from Medawachchiya to Mannar would be added later.
Dr. Munasinghe calls the 100 year development of the road and rail network under colonial rule “remarkable achievements” for the plantation economy, but a “modest success story” for the large areas of the island left untouched by the new facilities. Yet, for Sri Lanka’s size and compactness, the colonial road and rail networks were relatively extensive compared to larger countries with more challenging geography. The location of the plantations also forced the new infrastructure to be concentrated in the challenging areas of the island.
Both roads and railways were owned by the government and the railways were run profitably to become a significant source of government revenue (29%) that enabled the expansion of social infrastructure in education, health and sanitary services. The tradition of colonial government (not quite public) ownership of transport infrastructure in Sri Lanka and other colonies is in contrast to the role played by private capital in the colonial centres in western countries.
The 19th century political economy of laissez-faire in Britain, Europe and the US facilitated the development of toll roads run by private trusts, and railways and urban transit operated by private companies. Of course, they depended on huge government subsidies, a feature that was not encouraged by governments in the colonies. Government interventions became necessary and increasingly extensive in the twentieth century to deal with the over-provision of rail lines by private investors, cutthroat competition between service providers, market failures, and the poor levels of service to the travelling public.
The 1930s depression experience and World War II imperatives also strengthened the role of government and the public sector in providing transport services in otherwise free market countries. In contrast, Sri Lanka and some of the other former colonies would seem to have moved in the opposite direction after independence. After inheriting a salutary colonial tradition of government ownership of public transport, Sri Lanka moved backward by privatizing its inheritances. That is a more recent development and there were other developments before we got to the point that has brought us to the pits now.
The Oldsmobile and the Omnibus
The two main transport developments in the early twentieth century were the arrival of motorized vehicles – cars and buses. The first to arrive, in 1902, was a two-seater steam car that ran on kerosene. The motorcycle followed in 1903, and two years later the first petrol car. Englishmen were of course the early importers and improvisers. Ceylonese were not late in joining the exclusive club and soon there were more auto-enthusiasts than auto-owners. E.L.F. de Zoysa of Moratuwa is credited with being the first Sri Lankan to own and drive a car – a black and blue one cylinder Oldsmobile imported from the US. A General Motors brand, Oldsmobile started production in 1897 and within ten years there were buyers in Sri Lanka.
The arrival of the private car on public roads marked the beginning of the private use of public infrastructure with practically little or no direct user-pay. The car was soon joined by private buses used for public transport. The first bus was imported in 1907 and bus services were provided by private owners. There were no regulations and the travelling public who depended on the bus had to survive the chaos of competing bus companies. Government regulations started in 1940 and 18 years later and 10 years after independence came the nationalization of bus transport, on January 1, 1958.
What is commonly known is the politics of nationalization. That the first non-UNP Prime Minister, SWRD Bandaranaike, nationalized the bus industry that had become a bulwark of the UNP. What is not generally known is that there were government commissioned studies (the 1948 Ratnam Survey, the 1954 Sansoni Survey, and the 1956 Jayaratna Perera Survey), all of which had recommended the nationalization of the private bus companies. The 1958 nationalization was certainly a political act but it was also predicated on sound policy. Nationalized bus transport was brought under a single institution, the Ceylon/Sri Lanka Transport Board, and the new system for all its shortcomings provided mobility to those who needed it most and who had no alternative mode of travel. Over time, it proved to be viable and improvable.
Significant improvements were made between 1970 and 1977 under the leadership of Anil Moonesinghe, which some have called the ‘golden age’ of public bus transport in Sri Lanka. Whether golden age or not, public bus transport had certainly come of age by 1977, and Sri Lanka was at a point where it could have focused its energies towards introducing bus-rapid-transit and rail-transit technologies for mass urban transport. There is no single modal solution for urban transport other than vigorously limiting the use of the private car in peak times and peak traffic conditions. And there is no private sector solution to public transport, although there are many areas in which the private sector can make efficient contributions but only as part of a public transport system.
The so called economic liberalization that began in 1977 was not without economic and political justifications. But some of the choices that were made were not motivated by good or bad economics but by corrupt politics. One of the worst choices was the privatization of bus transport beginning in 1979, along with the reckless neglect of rail transport. What was even worse was the manner of implementing bus privatization, later caricatured as ‘peoplization!’ It was an exercise that was bound to crash and its massive crash has been our national experience. World Bank officials were early cheerleaders of the Sri Lankan experiment, but were later forced by the experience to admonish that the bus story in Sri Lanka after 1979 was a model for not what to do, but what not to do in private/public transport. The bus blunder in Sri Lanka was and is unique among other Asian and South Asian countries. Burgeoning Bangladesh is its resounding proof.
Features
The Truth will set us free – I

Sri Lanka becoming a Macbethian sick state?
The traditional ritual of anointing medicinal oil (or ‘hisa thel gaema’ in Sinhalese, literally, applying oil to the head) is unique to the Sinhala Aluth Avurudda observances. This year, the ritual was performed at the auspicious moment of 9:04 a.m. (Sri Lanka time) on Wednesday April 16. It was observed at appointed venues across the country at the same time. The anointing was done, as usual, mostly by Buddhist monks in their monasteries.
Where they were not available for the purpose, a senior citizen would do the needful. The oil anointing ceremony was held to invoke blessings of good health on all the individuals who subjected themselves to the ritual. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya was shown participating in the oil anointing ceremony at the historic Kolonnawa Raja Maha Viharaya. There were many social media videos showing similar oil anointing scenes that included even elephants and hippos in a zoo receiving the compassionate treatment; this is not seen as going too far with traditions, for extending loving-kindness even to animals is taken for granted in the majority Buddhist Sri Lanka. Watching this ritual (that used to be so familiar for me in my childhood and youth) from abroad I couldn’t help my eyes filling with tears, feeling kind of homesick, in spite of me having spent more than forty-three years of my adult life living and working away from my Mother Country Sri Lanka.
Though usually Buddhist monks do the anointing, it is not considered a religious practice by the ordinary Buddhists. It is only a part of the completely secular Sinhala Aluth Avurudda festival. The most important annual religious festival for the Sinhalese (especially Sinhala Buddhists) is Vesak, which will be held next month. However, the oil anointing ceremony impresses on the Avurudu celebrants the great importance of maintaining their physical and mental health throughout the coming year, reflecting the high level of attention that our traditional culture pays to that objective.
However, the actual discrepancy that is noticed between the ideal and the reality in the mundane world, as in other countries, is a different matter. Shining beacons like ideals of a long-evolved culture are important for what they are; their importance doesn’t go away because those ideals are only imperfectly realised by the people of that culture. But the values endure.
The news of this happy occasion and my awareness of a deepening political and cultural malaise in my beloved Motherland back home reminded me of a book I read during the Covid-19 lockdown period of 2020-2022: OUR MALADY by American historian and public intellectual, the Yale University professor Timothy D. Snyder published in 2020. The book, whose subtitle is ‘Liberty and Solidarity’, is about the weakness of the American healthcare system that he himself got a taste of, privately.
Professor Snyder came to know first-hand how America failed its citizens in the public healthcare sphere as an inmate of a hospital ward, where he was admitted to the emergency room at midnight on December 29, 2019. He was complaining of a condition of severe bodily ‘malaise’. Doctors later told him that he had an abscess the size of a baseball in his liver. The emergency operation to remove the abscess was done after seventeen hours of his having had to wait confined to a hospital bed!
‘Rage’ is the word he repeatedly uses to describe how he felt during his hospitalisation. He was not raging against God or any particular person or a group or the bacteria that caused his illness. ‘I raged against a world where I was not’, Snyder writes in the Prologue to the book (implying how much he was angry about there not being a healthy enough healthcare system to look after Americans who fell ill like himself. The book grew out of entries he made in a diary that he maintained while recuperating in hospital. Proficient in a number of European languages including English, French and Polish, he adopts a sort of poetic idiom to deal with his naturally dull subject.
He imagined he was not suffering in solitude, though. He thought about other Americans in his situation, and empathised with them. The absence of a sound healthcare system is America’s malady according to Snyder. Probably, the current situation in America is different, having changed for the better. We must remember that the time he is talking about was the last year of the first term (January 20, 2017-January 20, 2021) of the 45th US president Donald Trump of the Republican Party.
Currently, Trump is serving as the 47th US president. The ideas that professor Snyder develops in the book have global topical relevance, I think. They are organised into four Chapters or ‘Lessons’ as he dubs them, which in my opinion, have implications that could be utilised even by the citizens of the Macbethian ‘sick state’ that Sri Lanka has become today, complete with a Macbeth (though a muppet) and a shadowy but more determined Lady Macbeth.
Timothy Snyder offers the four Lessons for his fellow Americans, and by extension, to fellow humans around the world including us, Sri Lankans. Perhaps these are uniquely American issues, with little direct relevance to a small country like Sri Lanka with no stake in the international pharmaceutical industry. But then no country can escape from the implications of the following facts (taken from Wikipedia): In 2023, the global pharmaceutical industry earned revenues of US $ 1.48 trillion, whereas the top 10 arms manufacturing companies earned only US $ 632 billion. In the same year, the global life and health insurance carriers industry, which is the biggest industry in the world in terms of revenue, earned US $ 4.3 trillion.
Our own late medical professor Senake Bibile (1920-1977), a pharmacology expert and a rare philanthropist and compassionate social activist of the Trotskyite Sama Samaja party persuasion who always had the welfare of the suffering poor at heart, met his death allegedly in mysterious circumstances in Guyana where he was attending a UN conference, promoting the domestic drug policy that he had developed for Sri Lanka, as a model for use in other countries and by the World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) for developing policies for ‘rational pharmaceutical use’.
It goes without saying that Sri Lankans are also highly vulnerable to the deleterious effects of the inhuman excesses of the purely profit oriented international Big Pharma; these harmful consequences get transferred to the innocent citizens magnified several times through the unholy alliance between the local corporate drugs mafiosi and corrupt politicians. Be that as it may, Snyder adds another three equally important related points, covering all four, each in a Lesson that must receive the utmost attention of all adult Sri Lankans: health care for children and children’s education, truth in politics, and the supremacy of the doctors’ role in a malady situation. We will look at these briefly, intermittently taking our eyes off America to reflect on our own country Sri Lanka.
Lesson 1 is ‘Health care is a human right’.
Despite its wealth, professor Snyder complains, America is a sick nation; life expectancy is falling for Americans. Moody’s Analytics suggests that US millennials will die younger than their parents or grandparents, though there is no lack of money spent. What is causing this decline in life expectancy? Snyder’s unsettling answer is that the American healthcare system prioritises profit over people’s lives. America still lacks a universal healthcare system, in spite of being a supporter of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and this leads to unequal access to health care, as Snyder asserts.
Exorbitantly priced commercial medicine has a devastating effect on the protection of the health-care rights of the people. It has robbed the American citizens of their health, in Snyder’s view. The American health-care system’s profit-focussed approach and lack of investment in protective equipment for medical professionals jeopardised their safety during the Covid-19 pandemic. In America, 20 million people lost their jobs and over 150,000 died from pandemic. Health insurance became too expensive, and health care unaffordable. Without a diagnosis, many became dangerously ill or unknowingly infected others with the virus.
Though poor, Sri Lanka beats America in respect of looking after public health. It has a better record in providing satisfactory health care for the citizens. The state runs an almost 100% free medicare service for all the citizens. There is a (kind of) parallel paid private hospital system as well, that caters to the better off segment of the population that can resort to it if they prefer to do so. This potentially eases the burden on the free state medical services, which can then focus more on attending to the needs of the economically weaker section of the population.
The maintenance by the state of such a public welfare-based healthcare system is desired and supported by our dominant socio-cultural background that strongly resonates with the humanistic spirit of the Aluth Avurudda that prioritises health over all forms of wealth. This is embodied in the principle Arogya parama labha ‘Good health is the greatest wealth’, the antithesis of the American attitude towards citizens’ health.
Sri Lanka was among the handful of countries that contained the Covid-19 pandemic most efficiently, minimizing deaths, whereas in America, according to Snyder, flaws in the healthcare system were aggravated by the contagion. This led to more deaths in America than in other wealthy nations like Japan and Germany. But the not so well-to-do Sri Lanka escaped with a minimum number of Covid-caused fatalities amidst obstacles mounted by antinationalist ill-wishers as I saw it at the time. That is Professor Snyder’s Lesson 1, which is about the human right of easily accessible health care. Sri Lanka is actually ahead of America in this respect in spite of relative poverty.
by Rohana R. Wasala
(To be concluded.)
Features
Four-day work week; too much rigidity; respectful farewell

I received a video that announced Japan was considering changing to a four-day work week. Suspicious of such news in my cell phone, I googled and found that certain countries had already opted for work weeks of four days and thus three-day weekends. This change too is a consequence of closedowns of work due to the Covid pandemic.
“Several countries are experimenting with or have implemented four-day work weeks, including Belgium, Iceland, Spain, the United Kingdom and Portugal. Other countries like Germany, Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the US have also shown interest in, or have tested the four-day work week model.”
The video I got was about Japan changing its government work week to four days from mid-April with many projected objectives. One is to improve government employees’ work-life balance and to address the country’s declining birth rate. Also, the hours of the work day are to be reduced so parents can spend more time caring for their kids termed: ‘Childcare partial leave’. Flexible work hours for women to be implemented so choosing between careers and family will not be necessary.
In Germany experimental trials were carried out in 2023-24 involving 43 companies; 73% plan to continue with the new work structure. Noted for productivity and efficiency, Germany has in addition to one day less working, on average only 34 hours per week. A five-day week of 9 to 5 has 40 work hours per week. Fewer hours at work has been found to promote smarter and more focussed effort with employees happier and more engaged.
Long ago in the 1970s Cassandra shifted from employment in the private sector to a semi government job. She was shocked at the laissez faire attitude of her co-workers in an information centre. Most came to work at around 9.00 am: discussed the bus journey and home; had breakfast; read the morning newspapers; did a bit of work and were ready to have lunch by 12.00 noon. Two hours for this and half for a small snooze. Work till 3.30 pm or so when books/files were closed and grooming selves commenced, to depart at 4.30 pm sharp.
The work ethic in a remote government school and a private school in a city were as opposed to each other as the proverbial chalk to cheese. Do minimum against teaching; don’t care attitude to dedication and commitment; take leave to maximum vs hardly taking leave in consideration of the fact parents of students pay fees; non disciplining principals to dedicated pedagogues who set an example.
Cassandra supposes, and correctly, that with the change of government and a system change, even though many offices are overstaffed, employees put in a solid day’s work. The public is better served, most definitely.
Hence how would it be for Sri Lanka to lop off one work day a week? There will certainly be benefits, but aren’t many of us complaining about the presence of too many public holidays; we enjoy 24 to 30 a year including every full moon Poya Day. A travesty!
The utter mayhem of Poya weekends
Those who lived through the period when the calendar in this overzealous Buddhist country went lunar (sic) and made the four Poya Days of a month and half the pre-Poya Day as the country’s weekend. It was a total mess since many a week had more than five week days in it till the moon changed from one phase to another. Ceylon was completely out of sync with the rest of the world. That was in 1966 with Dudley Senanayake as Prime Minister. Mercifully, in 1970, the Saturday Sunday weekend was reverted to, and sanity regained.
Conclusion is that making our week of four days’ work and weekend three days has to be carefully considered, tested and implemented, or kept as it is. Better it would be if government offices were pruned of excess staff recruited on politicians’ orders and genuinely legitimate officers made to work efficiently.
VVIP Mother in queue
A photograph made the rounds on social media of a frail looking, white haired lady in a queue in Kandy moving slowly to pay homage to the Sacred Tooth Relic. It was said to be President AKD’s mother who was hospitalised just a couple of months ago. Admired is her devotion as well as the fact she came incognito; not informing her son of her intended travel.
But Cass is censorious. Here was a genuine case of needing a bit of stretching of points and helping her to fulfil her desire to pay homage with ease. After all, he is working hard and very probably long hours to get this country on an even keel. He needs appreciation and if he refuses advantages, let a less able person benefit.
A truly honourable Pope
Roman Catholics across the globe mourn the death of the 266th Pope on the Monday after the Easter weekend; and the world respects and reveres him. People comment he must have willed himself to live through Easter, even presenting himself to crowds gathered in the huge grounds of St Peter’s Basilica.
Pope Francis was born Jorge Bergoglio on December 17, 1936, in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He was inspired to join the Society of Jesus or Jesuits in 1958 after a serious illness. Ordained a Catholic priest in 1969, he was the Jesuit provincial superior in Argentina from 1973 to 79. He became the Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998 and was created a cardinal in 2001 by Pope John Paul II. He was elected in the papal conclave following the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI as head of the Catholic Church and Sovereign of the Vatican City State in 1913, claiming many firsts: a Jesuit becoming Pope; first from America, from the Southern Hemisphere. He chose his papal name in honour of Saint Francis of Assisi, kind to all living beings. “Throughout his public life, Francis was noted for his humility, emphasis on God’s mercy, international visibility as pope, concern for the poor and commitment to interreligious dialogue. He was known for having a less formal approach to the papacy than his predecessors.”
We remember his visit to Sri Lanka from January 13 to 15, 2015, when he travelled to the Shrine of Our Lady of Madhu and canonized Sri Lanka’s first saint, Joseph Vaz. He conducted a Mass and bestowed blessings to the multitude at Galle Face Green. As he entered and left the Green, he placed his hands on the heads of infants, children, the very poor, the old and infirm; never mind oil and dirt on heads. A truly great and good person.
Features
Kashmir terror attack underscores need for South Asian stability and amity

The most urgent need for the South Asian region right now, in the wake of the cold-blooded killing by gunmen of nearly 30 local tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir two days back, is the initiation of measures that could ensure regional stability and peace. The state actors that matter most in this situation are India and Pakistan and it would be in the best interests of the region for both countries to stringently refrain from succumbing to knee-jerk reactions in the face of any perceived provocations arising from the bloodshed.
The consequences for the countries concerned and the region could be grave if the terror incident leads to stepped-up friction and hostility between India and Pakistan. Some hardline elements in India, for instance, are on record in the international media as calling on the Indian state to initiate tough military action against Pakistan for the Kashmiri terror in question and a positive response to such urgings could even lead to a new India-Pakistan war.
Those wishing South Asia well are likely to advocate maximum restraint by both states and call for negotiations by them to avert any military stand-offs and conflicts that could prove counter-productive for all quarters concerned. This columnist lends his pen to such advocacy.
Right now in Sri Lanka, nationalistic elements in the country’s South in particular are splitting hairs over an MoU relating to security cooperation Sri Lanka has signed with India. Essentially, the main line of speculation among these sections is that Sri Lanka is coming under the suzerainty of India, so to speak, in the security sphere and would be under its dictates in the handling of its security interests. In the process, these nationalistic sections are giving fresh life to the deep-seated anti-India phobia among sections of the Sri Lankan public. The eventual result will be heightened, irrational hostility towards India among vulnerable, unenlightened Sri Lankans.
Nothing new will be said if the point is made that such irrational fears with respect to India are particularly marked among India’s smaller neighbouring states and their publics. Needless to say, collective fears of this kind only lead to perpetually strained relations between India and her neighbours, resulting in regional disunity, which, of course would not be in South Asia’s best interests.
SAARC is seen as ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and its present dysfunctional nature seems to give credence to this belief. Continued friction between India and Pakistan is seen as playing a major role in such inner paralysis and this is, no doubt, the main causative factor in SARRC’s current seeming ineffectiveness.
However, the widespread anti-India phobia referred to needs to be factored in as playing a role in SAARC’s lack of dynamism and ‘life’ as well. If democratic governments go some distance in exorcising such anti-Indianism from their people’s psyches, some progress could be made in restoring SAARC to ‘life’ and the latter could then play a constructive role in defusing India-Pakistan tensions.
It does not follow that if SAARC was ‘alive and well’, security related incidents of the kind that were witnessed in India-administered Kashmir recently would not occur. This is far from being the case, but if SAARC was fully operational, the states concerned would be in possession of the means and channels of resolving the issues that flow from such crises with greater amicability and mutual accommodation.
Accordingly, the South Asian Eight would be acting in their interests by seeking to restore SAARC back to ‘life’. An essential task in this process is the elimination of mutual fear and suspicion among the Eight and the states concerned need to do all that they could to eliminate any fixations and phobias that the countries have in relation to each other.
It does not follow from the foregoing that the SAARC Eight should not broad base their relations and pull back from fostering beneficial ties with extra-regional countries and groupings that have a bearing on their best interests. On the contrary, each SAARC country’s ties need to be wide-ranging and based on the principle that each such state would be a friend to all countries and an enemy of none as long as the latter are well-meaning.
The foregoing sharp focus on SAARC and its fortunes is necessitated by the consideration that the developmental issues in particular facing the region are best resolved by the region itself on the basis of its multiple material and intellectual resources. The grouping should not only be revived but a revisit should also be made to its past programs; particularly those which related to intra-regional conflict resolution. Thus, talking to each other under a new visionary commitment to SAARC collective wellbeing is crucially needed.
On the question of ties with India, it should be perceived by the latter’s smaller neighbours that there is no getting away from the need to foster increasingly closer relations with India, today a number one global power.
This should not amount to these smaller neighbours surrendering their rights and sovereignty to India. Far from it. On the contrary these smaller states should seek to craft mutually beneficial ties with India. It is a question of these small states following a truly Non-aligned foreign policy and using their best diplomatic and political skills to structure their ties with India in a way that would be mutually beneficial. It is up to these neighbours to cultivate the skills needed to meet these major challenges.
Going ahead, it will be in South Asia’s best interests to get SAARC back on its feet once again. If this aim is pursued with visionary zeal and if SAARC amity is sealed once and for all intra-regional friction and enmities could be put to rest. What smaller states should avoid scrupulously is the pitting of extra-regional powers against India and Pakistan in their squabbles with either of the latter. This practice has been pivotal in bringing strife and contention into South Asia and in dividing the region against itself.
Accordingly, the principal challenge facing South Asia is to be imbued once again with the SAARC spirit. The latter spirit’s healing powers need to be made real and enduring. Thus will we have a region truly united in brotherhood and peace.
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