Opinion
Fragile chances of recovery from current economic crisis
By Chandra Amerasekare
For most Sri Lankan expatriates concerned about the plight of their kith and kin struggling to survive in Sri Lanka, it was heartening to see the peaceful Aragalaya unfolding at the Galle Face Green against the corrupt and extremely inefficient government of Gotabaya Rajapaksa responsible for dragging the country into bankruptcy. A cross-section of the population lent their support to the demonstrators, for they had a common grievance and wanted either to force the government to change course or to make way for another government.
The protesters had neither political affiliations or a leader nor a planned course of action. They had no idea of the constitutional limitations to a change of government within the next two years. They were unarmed and peaceful. Economic difficulties and uncertainty about their future propelled them to the streets to voice their concern. It was easy for people looking for pleasure or free food or for opportunities to further their political agendas, to enter GotaGo Gama and become part of the crowd. Nobody knew from where the money flowed to finance the ad-hoc activities in GotaGoGama starting from spontaneous cultural shows to a free restaurant continuously supplying good food in the context of a national scarcity of food. However, the initial phase of the Aragalaya (before May 9th) though without a decisive plan or goal, won the hearts of Sri Lankans and was successful in achieving three significant changes in the country.
The first phase of the Aragalaya forced Mahinda Rajapaksha and his cabinet to resign. Secondly, Aragalaya awakened the voters to the reality and effectiveness of peoples’ sovereignty, to the fact that they have the power to elect the MPs but need to be careful in selecting their representatives and watch how they perform once elected. The other achievement was demonstrating the value of thinking as Sri Lankans, and not as Sinhalese, Tamils, or Muslims. No social reformer or social/political leader has been able to do this so effectively.
After May 9, the Aragalaya became ugly, destructive, and hate-driven. Rajapaksha supporters attacked the peaceful protesters and it was seen that the peaceful protesters were the victims and did not retaliate violently. But by this time other elements, some with political agendas backed by political parties and numerous leaders claiming ownership of the Aragalaya plus others with unholy personal agendas had infiltrated into the Aragalaya and they took over the task of retaliating against the SLPP for the May 9th attack. These elements went on a rampage of destruction creating a fear psychic and spreading hatred.
Burning private residences cannot be condoned in a decent society. Surprisingly, not a single expression of disapproval could be seen in Sri Lanka against the murder of a legislator and burning down houses of politicians that sheltered their innocent children and women. The reason for this may have been the fear psychic and fear of retaliation by violent elements of the Aragalaya. Sri Lankan culture is certainly not this. Even today one could see the accommodating, tolerant and hospitable nature of Sri Lankans in rural areas. The second stage of the Aragalaya destroyed that image of Sri Lanka and the image of the peaceful Aragalaya of the youth. These youths who were genuine protesters need to come forward and join democratic forces to change politics in Sri Lanka.
The demonised elements that took control of the Aragalaya had no respect for life and property, the rule of law, the forces and the police trying hard to maintain law and order, or even the constitution of the country. They pronounced that what they say is the constitution. There are indeed corrupt elements in the Police. But it is to the police that every Sri Lankan runs for help when in need of protection or to settle disputes. The tri forces always came to the rescue of civilians during war and natural disasters. The abusive manner in which some protesters reacted to them was not only appalling but extremely ungrateful. The violent demonstrators would have made Sri Lanka a stateless country had the police and the forces failed to hold them back after the nerve centres of administration were captured and plundered by them. Had that happened, it would have taken months to form a government for the various factions would have fought for leadership and power. Even after forming a government, it would have taken a long time to be recognised internationally as a legitimate state, and by that time a significant segment of the population would have succumbed to starvation and disease.
By no stretch of imagination can anyone say these Aragalaya members (second phase) had any concern for the struggling people. If they had, they would not have tried to dismantle the government that was trying to distribute the essential items to give relief to the people. The social and political unrest they created pushed back the assistance the country could have received in August to alleviate the people’s misery.
When IMF discussions were pushed back due to the social unrest, bilateral donors ready to open their aid windows to help Sri Lanka hesitated, and that prolonged the agony of the people. Added to this, the deceit of a few who took advantage of the scarcities to find new avenues of income by hoarding oil and gas disillusioned many including those who stretched a helping hand.
Now that a beginning has been made to stabilise the country socially and politically, there is law and order and there is a skeleton of a government. All political parties have a responsibility to work together to rescue the country. If this happens and an all-party government is formed, it will give a more democratic face to the government and make social and political stability sustainable until the country can afford an election as early as possible. Most importantly this will give a signal to the international community, both multilateral and bilateral donors that there is no power struggle and the country is serious about recovering the economy.
Political parties and society need to recognise the political and economic realities prevailing at this moment. Then only the country can move forward. We need to realise that everything has to happen according to the constitution to avoid anarchy and complete breakdown. There is no constitutional provision to dissolve parliament for the next two years. Any government formed within the present parliament needs to have a working majority in parliament. It is the SLPP that has a majority. The current President has the support of 134 members. The present economic situation demands immediate action and the prospects of making it better are dim and uncertain for at least another six months. Further struggles will push recovery beyond the horizon. Sri Lanka cannot come out of this situation without foreign assistance. To get foreign assistance a precondition is political and social stability and the willingness of the country to work to revive the economy.
Given these preconditions and the country’s inability to stand on its own feet at this moment, the best course of action is to go along with the present government whether we like it or not, and work together to retrieve a bleeding economy and save the lives of people without further delay. The opposition parties owe it to the people who elected them to help the government in this effort to recover and maintain social and political stability to facilitate the recovery. If they do that they will be able to share the credit for helping the people to emerge from the current disaster. Personal ambitions are high. If opposition parties keep looking for prospects of grabbing power at the expense of making people suffer, leaders stick to their guns and refuse to join the government laying down impossible conditions, they can end up as losers in the next election. People certainly will not consider them as politicians who love the country and the people.
In this effort to rebuild the economy, Government needs to give due place to youths who initiated the peaceful Aragalaya and others who have ingenuity and leadership. The maiden speech made by a young Sri Lankan woman in the Victorian parliament revealing her carrier prior to entering parliament as a voluntary social worker to uplift the lives of many and how she learnt from experienced people in her life, gives an idea about how youth could become leaders. The Government should look for youths like that and give them space in the legislature and other decision-making centers.
System change
The general opinion now in Sri Lanka is that there should be a system change to usher in an era of corruption-free government and people-friendly development. What is this system change? In simple language, a system means the way a human being does something to fulfill a need or get something done. In a parliamentary democracy what systems are used in governance? The constitution provides the framework for all the systems of governance and for protecting the individual and society. It is the fountain of all laws, lays down the individual rights and freedoms, the limitations to the exercise of such freedoms and rights, and the sub-systems necessary to govern the country. As such we have the following systems in governance:
· The legislature to make laws in keeping with the constitution and decide on policies and control government expenditure and revenue as well as borrowings.
· The executive, including the presidency and the Cabinet, answerable to parliament for implementing policy.
· The judiciary, responsible for implementing the laws according to the constitution.
· The Public service and the Judicial service responsible for implementing government policy, and managing the administration.
One needs to first identify the defects and loopholes in the existing systems that allow corruption, inefficiency, waste, and indifference to people’s welfare, to bring about the changes necessary to remove them. For example, consider the constitution that provides the framework for all the other systems. Any government with a two-thirds majority could change the constitution to further its political agenda to the detriment of the welfare of the people. Such changes have increased the powers of the president excessively and compromised the independence of the Public, Judicial, and Police services Commissions and the Elections Commission. The result was the politicisation of these Commissions and the public service leading to inefficiency and corruption due to political patronage replacing meritocracy in recruitment, promotion and postings in these services.
If one considers the Legislature, more than sixty percent of the members do not play a role in legislative or overseeing functions. Most MPs attend parliament to meet the minimum requirement of attendance and give their vote to support the party when a vote is taken. They earn a special fee for attendance when voters have sent them there for that purpose. There are no minimum educational or legal requirements in the election law for a candidate to contest parliamentary elections. The same law has no provisions to prevent MPs from crossing over seeking greener pastures. The conduct of most MPs during parliamentary sessions exceeds the limits of decency. The debate is mostly motivated to damage the image of opponents for electoral gain. Accusations are made against opponents based on social media without presenting evidence. The code of conduct for MPs is toothless to prevent such actions.
There is no provision in the existing structure of the overseeing committees in parliament for outside social groups and interest groups to contribute to policy making or overseeing policy implementation. The cost of maintaining an MP and a Minister is a huge burden to the taxpayer. Extravagant remunerations and perks, expenditures on office facilities, transport as well as escorts given to Ministers and MPs are unsustainable in a debt-dependent poor country.
Similarly, the existing defects of the other systems mentioned above are known to the public. Constitutional changes and new laws, regulations, changes in procedures and record keeping, as well as improving the use of modern day technology in administration are required for a system change.
In conclusion, the most important factor necessary for a system change is the commitment of the people to understand the current realities and change their perspective and attitude. They must adhere to basic values and adopt a lifestyle that is within their means. More importantly, they must exercise their vote intelligently to appoint the most suitable candidate to parliament and subsidiary political assemblies. The entire society has the responsibility to create a social environment where ethics such as honesty, fairness, tolerance, respecting diversity, respecting women and elders are the norms.
The writer is a retired SLAS officer who has worked in the Ministries of planning and Finance for over two and a half decades. She can be contacted at amerasekare@gmail.com
Opinion
Why Sri Lankan sports need science, sanity, and substance
Beyond hype and headlines:
Media Sensationalism,Hyperbolic Language, and the Fragile Psychology of High-Performance Athletes – From the Cricket Pitch to the Javelin Runway
By a Sporty Enthusiast
When a nation’s heroes and heroines in sport step onto the intensely competitive national and international stage, they carry far more than their sporting attire, athletic gear, and personal ambitions. On their shoulders rests the weight of millions of hopes, hyper-fixated media coverage, and unprecedented national expectations. Yet in modern sport, the boundary between healthy national pride and destructive psychological pressure has become alarmingly thin.
High-performance athletes often operate on extremely fragile mental ground, are exposed to continuous public scrutiny, subject to unyielding media hype, and even volatile public commentary. In Sri Lanka, where sport, particularly cricket and track events, is practically elevated to the status of a national religion, this phenomenon has reached a critical juncture that demands urgent re-examination.
The rise and fall of national icons across various disciplines reveals a troubling cycle. When an athlete or a team achieves a sensational performance, the media creates a frenzy of adulation and then the public demands continuous perfection. Then, at the first sign of human vulnerability, accolades turn into brutal criticism.
To build a sustainable, world-class athletic culture in Sri Lanka, we must dismantle this toxic cycle. We must temper sensationalist reporting, eliminate violent and hyperbolic terminology from sports discourse, integrate professional Sports Medicine and Sports Psychology into athlete care, and recognise that failures are not national disgraces, but the indispensable stepping stones toward true athletic greatness.
The Double-Edged Sword of Media Hype: Lessons from Sri Lankan Cricket
There is perhaps no clearer illustration of the volatile relationship between media hype and performance pressure than the experiences of the Sri Lankan Men’s and Women’s National Cricket Teams. For decades, cricket has been the epicentre of Sri Lankan sporting identity. However, the relentless media spotlight on these teams has created a high-pressure crucible-type environment where players are subjected to extreme emotional swings. A victory is met with extravagant headlines, parades, and declarations of undisputed dominance; conversely, a defeat triggers public inquests, powerful vitriolic criticism, and extremely harsh media condemnations. Add to this challenge the ubiquitous social media, which can be totally heartless, and the picture becomes even more gloomy and even more powerfully destructive.
This culture of extreme publicity and hype places an unbearable burden on both veteran players and young talents entering the national sports system. When a young batter or bowler scores a brilliant century or takes a match-winning haul, he or she is instantly anointed as the next national saviour. Yet, cricket is inherently a game of fine margins and unpredictable conditions. When form inevitably fluctuates, as it does for even the greatest legends of the game, the very media outlets that elevated these athletes to deity status often lead the charge in pulling them down.
Our Women’s Cricket Team, which has made remarkable strides on the global stage in recent years through sheer grit and resilience, now faces a similar peril. As their profile rises and international victories mount, the general public’s attention on them has intensified. While recognition and equitable coverage are vital and long overdue, the accompanying hyper-fixation risks creating the same pressure-cooker environment that has long plagued the men’s game.
A case in point is the banner headline on the Sports Page of a national daily (Not The Island Newspaper) published on the morning of 22nd September 2026, when the Sri Lanka-India Final of the Asia Cup T20 was to be played in Japan. The two teams had met less than 10 days ago in the Asia Cup Final in Dubai, and India won it easily. For the T20 Final on the 22nd of September, too, we were meeting a very strong Indian team performing superbly well. To make matters worse, two of our really good players were sidelined with injuries. The banner headline of the newspaper alluded to above, screamed on the 2nd of September 2026, “History to repeat or rewrite today in Japan.” The mental pressure that would have been inflicted by that headline on our team is indescribable. A much more encouraging line would have been “Go for it, Girls: We believe in you.” India became the champions with a stellar performance by midday in Sri Lankan time. The very same newspaper, in its sports page on the very next day, reported in banner headlines that Sri Lanka was “thrashed” by India. I do hope the readers would understand what I am pointing to. Our girls would have been heartbroken at the loss to India, and the newspaper goes and rubs salt into the wound.
When media narrative shifts from constructiveness to hysteria, athletes begin playing and trying to perform out of fear: the fear of failure, fear of public humiliation, and fear of media backlash. Playing out of fear is the absolute antithesis of elite athletic performance. When a narrative shifts from constructive analysis to sensational hysteria, athletes stop playing to win and start competing out of fear. Fear is the ultimate enemy of elite performance.
Sensationalism and the Language of Excess: Unpacking Sports Terminology
A central contributor to this unhealthy atmosphere is the vocabulary employed by sports journalists, commentators, and headline writers. In the competitive race for clicks, clichés, television ratings, and newspaper sales, sports reporting has increasingly adopted violent, destructive, and aggressive language. Headlines routinely declare that one team has “thrashed,” “annihilated,” “demolished,” or “overwhelmed” another. Such terminology is not only inappropriate for describing sporting contests, but it is also fundamentally intellectually dishonest and psychologically damaging. It must be pointed out that the very same team or the player who was at the receiving end of such vitriolic comments may turn around and produce a scintillating and victorious performance in the very near future. The fundamental truth of athletic competition is that those who “thrash” an opponent today may well find themselves on the receiving end of a bitter defeat tomorrow. High-performance sport is fluid; conditions change, opponents adapt, and physical capacity fluctuates, a set of variables that ultimately determine the outcome.
When headlines use words like “annihilated,” they inflict deep psychological wounds on losing teams and losing players, only to instil an unwarranted sense of invincibility in winners. For the defeated athlete, reading that they were “demolished” deepens feelings of shame and embarrassment, making psychological recovery infinitely more difficult. For the victor, hyperbolic praise creates an unsustainable baseline of expectation that makes subsequent performance drop-offs feel catastrophic. Responsible sports journalism requires precision, respect, and restraint. Describing a match through technical accuracy, focusing on tactical execution, physical endurance, and strategic decisions, elevates the reader’s understanding without degrading the dignity of the competitors.
Sports are meant to celebrate human physical excellence, discipline, tactical skill, and camaraderie. Describing a match with terms borrowed from warfare reduces a nuanced athletic competition to a spectacle of subjugation. Furthermore, this language fails to account for the cyclical nature of elite sport.
Protecting Our Gems: The Case of Rumesh Tharanga Pathirage
This tendency toward excessive hype is currently playing out in real time with Sri Lanka’s latest athletic sensation, Rumesh Tharanga Pathirage. As a champion javelin thrower, Pathirage has demonstrated world-class technique, phenomenal physical power, and an extraordinary capacity for international competition. He represents a really magnificent gem in the future of Sri Lankan athletics, possessing the talent and discipline required to compete at the absolute highest levels of track and field.
Predictably, the media machine has begun to spin rather spectacularly around him. Rumesh has quickly become the new darling of national sports pages and television sports segments. While celebrating his achievements is entirely and utterly justified, there is an urgent need to caution against making an overwhelming “song and dance” around his every movement. Converting an intensely promising young athlete into an overnight national messiah places an unnecessary psychological burden on his shoulders just as he enters the most delicate phase of his elite career development.
Javelin throwing, like all technical field events, requires precise biomechanics, intense nervous system focus, and long-term physical conditioning. It is a discipline where fractions of a second in release timing can mean the difference between a podium finish and a modest throw. What Rumesh Tharanga Pathirage needs right now is not relentless media circuses, commercial distractions, and lofty public demands for instant Olympic medals. Instead, he requires a quiet, structured, and fully funded support ecosystem that allows him to train without distraction, refine his technique under intense specialised guidance, and build physical and mental resilience over time.
The Imperative of Science: Sports Physicians and Sports Psychologists
If we are to be serious about sustaining elite athletic performance and protecting the well-being of our athletes, Sri Lanka must modernise its sporting infrastructure by prioritising two essential fields: Sports Medicine and Sports Psychology. Historically, sports administration in developing nations has treated these disciplines as secondary luxuries rather than non-negotiable fundamentals. This outdated perspective must change.
A qualified Sports Physician is far more than a medical doctor who treats injuries after they occur. They are medically trained experts in exercise physiology, injury prevention, biomechanics, recovery science, and clinical nutrition. They are most definitely not Glorified Physiotherapists, although physiotherapy is an essential component of an athletic training programme. Elite modern sports demand that the human body to perform at its absolute physical limit. Without dedicated and extensively trained Medical Sports Physicians managing physical workloads, monitoring overtraining syndromes, and designing individual recovery protocols, athletes are exposed even to career-ending injuries and physical burnout. Treating an international athlete’s body without specialised medical oversight is akin to driving a Formula 1 car without a team of extremely competent mechanical engineers.
Equally critical, and often even more neglected, is the role of the qualified Sports Psychologist. The mental strain under which international athletes operate is absolutely immense. They have to cope with performance anxiety, fear of failure, recovery from traumatic injury, public criticism, media pressure, and the personal sacrifices required by elite training schedules. A qualified Sports Psychologist works proactively with athletes to build cognitive resilience, develop emotional regulation techniques, enhance focus under pressure, and construct healthy self-identities independent of competitive outcomes.
Mental toughness is not an innate trait that an athlete either possesses or lacks; it is a psychological skill set that must be systematically as well as studiously developed, trained, maintained, and nurtured. Expecting athletes to endure immense public pressure through sheer willpower alone is naive and negligent. Integrating specially trained mental health professionals into every national squad is an essential duty of care that national sporting bodies owe to their performers. Mental toughness is a trainable science, not an innate miracle.
Redefining Failure: The True Path to Greatness
To foster a healthier sporting culture, society as a whole must undergo a fundamental shift in how it views athletic failure. In Sri Lankan sports culture, failure is too frequently treated as an unforgivable defect or a national disgrace. In reality, failure is an indispensable structural element of true athletic excellence. The much-bandied adage that “failures are the pillars of success” is not merely a cliché; it is a proven historical reality observed in every legendary sporting career.
Consider the career of Usain Bolt, universally acknowledged as the greatest sprinter in human history. To the casual observer, Bolt’s career appears to be an uninterrupted chain of golden glory. However, the path to his transcendent dominance was paved with repeated setbacks, physical injuries, and international defeats. Before he ever won his first Olympic Gold medal in Beijing in 2008, Bolt suffered around 13 high-profile losses in international events. Early in his career, at the 2004 Athens Olympics, a young Bolt was eliminated in the very first round of the 200-metre sprint event due to a hamstring injury. He faced severe criticism from domestic fans and media who questioned his big-stage composure.
Had Usain Bolt broken under the weight of those early failures and the accompanying media criticism, world sport would have been deprived of one of its greatest icons. Instead, supported by a structured coaching system, medical care, and psychological fortitude, Bolt used those 13 international defeats as diagnostic tools. He analysed his technique, improved his physical strength, refined his mental preparation, and eventually emerged to secure 8 Olympic Gold medals and establish 3 World Records that still stand untouched today. Failure was not the opposite of Bolt’s success; it was the raw material from which his success was forged and the golden thread that was used to weave an amazing tapestry of an unmatched sporting career.
Rewards, Support, and the Way Forward
None of this suggests that athletic success should go unrecognised. That is as far away as one could get from it. When our sportspersons achieve spectacular victories on the continental or global stage, rewarding them with financial security, national honours, and public recognition is entirely fitting and absolutely necessary. Rewards provide tangible validation for years of unseen sacrifice and inspire the next generation of youth to pursue athletic excellence.
However, rewards must be accompanied by sustainable structural support. Financial compensation after a medal win cannot compensate for a lack of professional coaching, inadequate medical infrastructure, or absent psychological support during the years leading up to that victory. We must invest in the process, not merely celebrate the result. As that great actor Tom Cruise once said, “Success is rarely achieved overnight. Behind every achievement are years of dedication, persistence, setbacks, and continuous learning. People celebrate the final result, but they may not always see the effort, sacrifices and determination that made it all possible.”
For national heroes like Rumesh Tharanga Pathirage, our cricket teams, and emerging athletes across all sporting disciplines, the message must be crystal clear: the nation stands behind you not because you are invincible, but because you represent the best of our national effort. The media must commit towards balanced, constructive, and dignified reporting, abandoning violent headlines and hyperbolic worship. Sporting administrators, in addition to everything else they are supposed to do, must invest in qualified Sports Physicians and Sports Psychologists as mandatory pillars of athlete development. As fans, we must learn to celebrate victories with humility, accept defeats with empathy, and understand that every great champion must first master the art of standing up after a fall before he or she can soar to even greater heights.
Opinion
R. S. (Siri) Palihawadana
Appreciation
R. S. (Siri) Palihawadana received his early education at the school now known as Malimbada North Maha Vidyalaya. The school was founded by Siri’s father, D. C. Palihawadana, on a plot of land donated by him, and Siri was the first student entered in its student register.
Siri entered Kotte Ananda Shasthralaya in 1940 and continued his education there until 1949. In 1950, he entered Ananda College, Colombo, to sit the Advanced Level examination. He later obtained an Honours Degree in Economics from the University of London.
During his distinguished career, he served as Chief Accountant and Business Manager of the Ceylon Plywood Corporation, Director of Investments at the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (now the Board of Investment of Sri Lanka), Deputy Executive Director of the Sri Lanka Centre for Business Development, Consultant to the World Institute for Development Economics Research in Finland, and Director of a professional services and consultancy firm.
On days when Siri had to work until very late at the Greater Colombo Economic Commission, his driver would drop him home in his official car. Siri would then get into his own car and drive the driver all the way back to his home in Homagama, even in the dead of night. Such was his sense of responsibility and integrity. On these occasions, Dr. Adikaram would ask me to accompany Siri, in case of an emergency such as a flat tyre.
It is said that to be universally interesting, one has to be universally interested. Siri was just such a person. He was an award-winning orchid grower and a key member of the well-known cooperative orchid nursery and florist, Lakmalsala. He had a deep interest in organic farming and freely shared his knowledge and advice with many budding organic farmers.
Siri was also an enthusiastic photographer during the era of black-and-white film photography and had his own darkroom where he developed his photographs. He took a keen interest in the socio-economic developments taking place in Sri Lanka and served as the Honorary Treasurer of the Dr. E. W. Adikaram Foundation. I also had many illuminating discussions with Siri on the teachings of J. Krishnamurti.
From 1945 to 1975, Siri Palihawadana lived in the house on Pagoda Road, where Dr. E. W. Adikaram also resided. In 1975, a large jak tree fell onto the house, rendering it unfit for further occupation.
Siri subsequently built a new house on Mirihana Road in the remarkably short period of about four months and moved there with Dr. Adikaram. Until the new house was completed, Dr. Adikaram and the Palihawadana family stayed at the residence of Professor Mahinda Palihawadana on Pamunuwa Road, Maharagama.
Dr. Adikaram lived in Siri Palihawadana’s Mirihana Road home from 1975 until his death in 1985. Siri and his wife, Lakshmi, cared for Dr. Adikaram with great love, affection and devotion, treating him with the same respect and care they would have given to their own father.
Siri Palihawadana will be remembered not only for his distinguished professional career, but also for his integrity, generosity, wide-ranging interests and deep concern for the welfare of others.
Ravi Palihawadana
Opinion
The prelate who walked the talk
A monk’s four days in Jaffna, another monk’s restored prison term, and a party visit to Delhi are one argument: trust follows conduct, and the North will not be healed by a file.
By Mahil Dole
Senior Superintendent of Police (Retd.)
The sea, the monk writes, brings us all sorts of things. One slipper arrived five days after the other, and he was wearing the pair. It is a small opening for a large account, and it is the right one. What Ven. Dhammananda Thero brought back from four days at Thapovanam, an ashram beside a lagoon in Allaippiddi, is not a matched set of slogans. It is two things that arrived separately and only make sense together: an extraordinary welcome, and a street that would not smile.
I write this as a Muslim, and I write it as a citizen. I served this country in law enforcement and in intelligence, with the duty of keeping the peace, the security and the sovereignty of the republic. For service in the operational districts I was awarded the Purna Bhumi Padakkama. I do not mention the medal to decorate a paragraph. I mention it so that what follows is not mistaken for a petition from outside the state. The North and East are not a foreign file to me. They are districts in which I served, and people among whom the peace of this country is either kept or lost.
I know the difference between a communiqué and a witness. The piece published by the Walpola Rahula Institute on 20 September 2026 is a witness. From dawn on 22 August until the night of 25 August, a Buddhist monk stayed with Professor Daya Somasundaram, formerly Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Jaffna, in a fishing village the war emptied more than once. He peeled onions. He sat mindfulness with Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim medical students. He chanted the Karaniya Metta Sutta while a former combatant’s lotus seeds went into a pond. On the last day, at Tellippalai, he met faces of unease, dislike and rejection, and was told why. That sequence is what we need today. Not another resolution. The action, and the moral sense, of the prelate.
What he showcased was not Buddhism as a heritage claim. It was Buddha Dhamma as conduct, and ahimsa as a method rather than a motto. He left Wellawatte late on 21 August, reached Jaffna at dawn, and was taken by Mariyadas of Batticaloa, who speaks Sinhala, through Mandaitivu and Kayts. The man who opened the gate, bare-chested, in a short sarong, about seventy-five, was the professor. He sleeps on a concrete terrace under a palmyrah slope too small for a night of rain, eats one meal a day, wakes to yoga, and swims in the lagoon for about two hours each afternoon. None of this is theatre. It is the opposite of possession.
Policy makers should not skip what the place actually does. Allaippiddi was forced out more than once. Many lived in the Vanni before they returned. Almost all the men, the monk was told, are heavily addicted to alcohol. Crystal methamphetamine, the drug our streets call ice, is widespread. Domestic violence is extremely high. Some children do not sleep at home. They go to their grandparents to escape the fighting. Surroundings of that kind teach a child that drunkenness is normal, and that a man who does not beat his wife is weak. In the holidays the children come to Thapovanam for drama, dance, music, drawing, karate, swimming and sand sculpture. The characters are animals. The stories are the real problems of the families. Nothing is aimed at an examination. Each child is fed. On 22 August about fifty came. The monk joined the kitchen and chopped some forty onions for a tomato sambol, beside Mariyadas, his wife Tamil Selvi of Mannar, and women of the village. Selvi’s father supported a separate state, and began each child’s name with the word Tamil. On the evening of 25 August, she still knelt, and so did her husband. No communiqué I have sat through has produced a moment of that weight.
A second classroom answers who a Sri Lankan is more honestly than any clause we have drafted. Dr S. Sivadas, once Somasundaram’s student and now a consultant psychiatrist at Jaffna Teaching Hospital, brought medical students to the ashram — Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim, curious about mindfulness. The next day, at the hospital, the monk guided twenty minutes of anapanasati for first-year students of all three communities. They issued no statement. They breathed in the same room. That is a wider definition than the one announced from Colombo: not a bloodline, not a language, not a monument on a contested coast, but a person willing to sit with the other long enough to become real.
The lotus planting carries the lesson onto scorched ground. The seeds were brought by a former combatant living with post-traumatic stress, who on some nights wakes on the battlefield again. From the bank the monk recited the Karaniya Metta Sutta. He adds what commemorations omit. Former soldiers carry the same nights, known mostly to their families. Ahimsa that cannot see both is not ahimsa.
Then Tellippalai, and the account refuses to flatter us. The town lies about fifteen kilometres from Jaffna, on the road to Kankesanthurai. At midday on 25 August the monk went alone to meet a group of the Chelvanayakam Memorial Trust. At the junction the faces showed unease, dislike and rejection. Not a single smile. Inside, they did not console him. After he left, they said, they too would have to answer the questions people asked. The reason they named was Tissa Raja Maha Vihara, about four kilometres away. Because of that temple, people there have come to see Buddhist monks as persons who arrive to seize land. His sentence belongs in every secretariat and every chapter house. What a terrible misfortune. He asks that it be read by the officers who built the temple, by the monks who live there, and by the lay devotees who travel from Colombo for sil on poya days. The more we try to possess, the more we lose. When we let go, a whole world becomes ours.
The same weeks have given us the opposite conduct, and the country should be made to look at both robes together. Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero was sentenced in 2018 to an effective six years for contempt of court, over his conduct at the Homagama Magistrate’s Court in 2016 during proceedings on the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda. In May 2019 a presidential pardon released him. On 10 September 2026 the Supreme Court held that pardon unlawful. He did not appear when called on 29 September. An open warrant and a travel ban followed. Police arrested him on 3 October at an aranya in Thiniyawala, Kalutara. Today, 5 October, the Court of Appeal ordered the remaining period of that sentence enforced. A separate warrant had already been issued after he failed to appear in a case concerning an alleged statement insulting Islam.
I am not interested in a further quarrel with the man. I am interested in the robe. The Buddha’s instruction on who may wear it is not obscure. The robe is for a life of restraint, of truthfulness, of harmlessness, and of respect for the discipline that keeps a community from fear. It is not a costume in which to storm a courthouse, to be pardoned out of a sentence, and then to stay away when the highest court restores the sentence. Dhammananda Thero took the night bus to Jaffna, chopped onions, chanted metta over a former fighter’s seeds, and wrote down the street that would not smile. Gnanasara Thero’s recent path was the avoidance of a warrant. One conduct leads human beings towards a peaceful path. The other teaches every community, mine included, to distrust the cloth. Religious leaders who still share a platform with that second example should ask which of the two they are prepared to defend.
This contrast is not a private matter for the Sangha. It lands in the same week in which the North has again become a diplomatic file. Tilvin Silva, general secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and a powerful figure in the ruling National People’s Power, has just concluded a five-day visit to India, from 27 September to 1 October, at the invitation of the Bharatiya Janata Party under its Know BJP programme. He met senior party figures, among them B. L. Santhosh and the BJP’s national president, and on the last morning he met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, who described India as a trusted partner in Sri Lanka’s progress. The shift is real. The JVP was for years sharply critical of India’s stance on devolution. In 2008 Vijitha Herath, now our foreign minister, called Indian ideas on devolution an indirect support to the LTTE ideology, and said no country had a right to interfere in our problem. New Delhi is now courting the party it once found obstructive.
The hope in Delhi, as set out by those watching the visit, is that JVP leaders can be brought to see devolution not as a stepping stone to separation but as a counter to it, and as necessary to the economic progress of the Northern and Eastern provinces. India has pressed for early Provincial Council elections and for the constitutional provisions that meet Tamil aspirations to be made real. Its interest in the North is not sentimental.
It is geopolitical and practical: connectivity, projects such as the Jaffna airport expansion, a shipping link towards Kankesanthurai, and a stable Tamil-majority littoral that does not become anyone else’s lever. That interest is legitimate for a neighbour. It is not a substitute for our own policy.
The stance of our government is the unfinished half of this story. The party that once treated Indian devolution as a foreign design is now the dominant partner in office, and its general secretary has gone to Delhi as a guest of the ruling party there. Cordiality is not a policy.
Colombo has yet to say, in language a villager in Allaippiddi or Tellippalai can test, whether the North and East are to be governed as equal parts of the republic, with elections and a share of development, or managed as a sensitive file between two capitals. Devolution sold only as an answer to separatism will be heard, in the North, as a security device. Devolution refused because a foreign capital favours it will be heard, in Delhi and in Jaffna, as the old refusal. Neither reading builds the confidence the monk found only when he arrived without a claim.
I say this as an officer who spent his service against separatism in arms, and who does not confuse a provincial council with a separate state. The armed challenge to the sovereignty of this country was defeated. What was not defeated was the inference a street draws from conduct. Tellippalai did not close its face because a constitution was incomplete. It closed its face because a temple was read as seizure. Allaippiddi did not open its kitchen because a delegation had been to Delhi. It opened its kitchen because a monk chopped onions and left. India’s diplomatic approach can support ports, power and elections. It cannot supply the trust. That remains a Sri Lankan task, and it will not be performed by a government that is eloquent in New Delhi and silent on the robe that frightens its own citizens.
The eye-opener is therefore for more than one audience. It is for the Buddhist clergy and laity, who have been shown two paths in the same season and must choose which one the robe will mean. It is for the imam, the priest and the Hindu leader who still announce coexistence and rarely cross the village they have stereotyped. It is for a government that can sit with Jaishankar and has not yet sat, in policy, with the meaning of Tellippalai. And it is for Delhi, which is entitled to its interests and not entitled to mistake a party visit for the healing of a province. Trust is an inference from conduct. People who never enter the room can revoke it.
What is required is a team, in little steps, not a new ministry and not a new patron. Somasundaram has made that team for years. Dr Sivadas carried it into a hospital classroom. Mariyadas and Selvi carried it onto a doorstep. A Muslim leader can take students and stay long enough to work. Trustees of a contested site can say plainly what is worshipped and what is not being taken. A government can enforce a court order without selectivity, and can say what it will and will not devolve without waiting to be asked in Delhi. None of this is a giant leap. Giant leaps here have never been legislated. They are the late result of people who refused, in small rooms, to behave as the stereotype predicted.
The hope is real, and conditional. A lotus pond does not cancel a war, and one cold junction is not the North. The space remains large. It closes where we possess, where a robe is worn against the discipline of the robe, and where the North is discussed over our heads. It opens where someone arrives without a claim. Who a Sri Lankan is will not be settled by a gazette, or by a photograph in New Delhi. It will be settled by whether the next visitor to Tellippalai meets a question or a closed face. Little steps of that nature make the leaps of tomorrow. When we let go, a whole world becomes ours. It was true on a pond bank in Allaippiddi. It remains the only terms on which this island will hold.
( This analysis is offered in the interest of national security, institutional reform, and public safety)
Notes
Dhammananda Thero. (2026, September 20). A lotus pond on scorched earth: A few days of healing at Thapovanam. Walpola Rahula Institute.
Court of Appeal order of 5 October 2026 enforcing the remainder of the sentence on Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, following the Supreme Court ruling of 10 September 2026 that the pardon of 23 May 2019 was unlawful. Arrest reported on 3 October 2026 at Thiniyawala, Kalutara.
Tilvin Silva led a JVP delegation to India from 27 September to 1 October 2026 at the BJP’s invitation under the Know BJP programme, and met External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on 1 October. The reading of New Delhi’s hope on devolution follows M. R. Narayan Swamy, “Why India is wooing Sri Lanka’s JVP,” Rediff, 5 October 2026.
The Purna Bhumi Padakkama was awarded to police and service personnel for qualifying service in designated operational districts between 1977 and 2010.
The writer is a retired Senior Superintendent of Police, former head of the counter terrorism desk at the state intelligence service, a former member of the Sri Lanka Wakfs Board, and the author of Security Beyond Enforcement: Practical Approaches for a Safer Nation (2026).
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