Connect with us

Features

Five second escape for Prez and PM

Published

on

The Ino-Lanka Agreement being signed by President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Gandhi

August 1987 parliament grenade attack

By Nihal Seneviratne

President J.R. Jayewardene had only a few days before, on July 29, 1987, signed the very controversial Indo- Sri Lanka Pact with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi of India. Most observers take the view that Jayewardene fighting a JVP insurrection in the South and a LTTE insurgency in the North had little option but to sign this agreement very much loaded on Indian terms.

The LTTE were determined to win a separate state of Eelam for the Tamil people even at the expense of a long, ferocious, war by spurning all Government efforts at coming to a peaceful solution offered to them. The JVP’s second insurgency had created a near anarchy in the South. There was no possibility of engaging in war on two fronts and Jayewardene signed the agreement which brought the IPKF here.

In signing this agreement, JRJ had not consulted his Prime Minister or his Cabinet colleagues. Possibly only Minister Gamini Dissanayake knew about it. After signing the agreement at Republic Square that day, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was accorded a guard of honour. A naval rating who was part of the guard of honour assembled opposite President’s House, struck a heavy blow on Gandhi’s shoulder with the butt of his gun.

Very fortunately the PM was not seriously hurt but possibly suffered only a few bruises. Immediately his own Indian security and Sri Lankan naval security pushed the Indian PM forward to escape the severity of the blow and took the naval rating into custody. This single incident captured headlines all over the world. If the blow ended in the death of the Indian Prime Minister, the consequences would have been even too terrible to comprehend.

Revisiting the 1987 Parliament bomb blasts

It was just two days later that President Jayewardene was due to attend a session of Parliament as he wished before that to address his own UNP Parliamentary Group in Committee Room 1 to explain to the Members why he signed the Agreement. Parliament was scheduled to sit the same afternoon for its regular business – President Jayewardene had arrived at the Parliamentary premises that morning around 9 a.m. and was due at Committee Room 1, the longest committee room in Parliament with a seating capacity of almost 150.

But since it was the Head of State and Government summoning me, I felt obliged to go. Both President Jayewardene and Prime Minister Premadasa were seated at the polished table with Premadasa on the President’s right and Chief Government Whip Vincent Perera on his left. In front over 100 Govt Ministers and MPs were seated facing the President, PM and Chief Government Whip.

When I went to the committee room and bent down to hear the seated president, he asked me what business was due to be taken up that afternoon. Very fortunately I had taken along the Order Paper for the day and together we went through the 25 items of Government business listed on it. Once this was over I went back to my office on the second floor of the building.

Not even half an hour later, my peon rushed into my room saying excitedly, “Sir, the Prime Minister is calling for you.” In blissful ignorance of what was in store I rushed to the ground floor. At the very entrance to the lift I met Prime Minster Premadasa with his national dress partially raised, excitedly exclaiming to me, “Nihal a bomb has exploded in the Committee Room. Search the room and have the Police surround the building.”

As I rushed into the Committee Room, I saw President Jayewardene being hurriedly escorted out of the room and building to a vehicle parked outside the Members’ entrance. When I went to the Committee Room, it was in complete shambles with the room full of smoke and splintered glass from the doors and shrapnel all over the place.

Some members were lying prostrate on the floor trying to protect themselves. I then saw Minister Lalith Athulathmudali on a stretcher, bleeding very heavily and being rushed to an ambulance which I had arranged to be at the Members’ entrance. He was rushed immediately to the Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital through the back entrance of Parliament. For security reasons this gate was closed but we kept it open on sitting days as it was only a mile away from the Sri Jayewardenapura Hospital.

Very sadly, the only casualty that day was Mr. Keerthi Abeywickreme, MP for Akmeemana, who had been hit by shrapnel on his temple. His widow later told me that she had asked him to be careful, but he had replied that he was only going to Parliament which was safe and for her not to be worried.

As at that time I did not know how the explosion had occurred. I immediately rang my University colleague, Frank de Silva, IGP, and asked him to come immediately and to provide adequate security by surrounding the precincts of Parliament to prevent anyone from leaving. I then ordered the Parliament Sergeant-of-Arms and police to ensure that no MP. staff member or visitor be allowed to leave the building.

At that time an MP told me that someone had thrown the bomb from a backdoor of the committee room and said all he saw was a hand with long white sleeves throwing something at the head table. Immediately I ordered the 950 parliament staff on duty that day not to leave the building. Even after the police contingent arrived, no one was sure whether it was a bomb and how it exploded or whether it was some other missile.

I, for one, then began speculating whether it could be one of my own 950 staff or whether it was even a member of the president’s staff who had accompanied him. We did not know whom to suspect. The IGP in his conversation with me mentioned that it may have been a gunshot from a pistol and then asked me to get everyone on duty that day to have both their hands checked for possible traces of gun powder.

A search for a weapon was then undertaken by the Police. Everyone’s hands were scanned for gunpowder and no one was allowed to leave the building. It was past 9 p.m. when the meticulous checking was over. A few MPs then told me that all they saw was this hand clothed in a white sleeve throwing something onto the polished table at which the President and Prime Minister sat. It was almost midnight when I left the building.

The very next morning I asked the Sergeant-at-Arms to check whether all the staff had returned to work. All were present except for four. One was in hospital, two were on approved leave but one was missing and that was Ajith Kumara, a sweeper I had recruited. Police searched his house around Kadawatha and found it closed. Neighbours then had told the Police that the chief occupant had left the house at night taking his family with him.

So all suspicion then centered around him and Police started a nationwide search. After a few days we were able to pull the pieces of the puzzle together. It transpired that Ajith Kumara had come that morning with a hand grenade hidden in his shoe. The police at the entrance had missed it. The President’s security staff had checked all the rooms and doors leading to the committee room and locked it up.

It then transpired that Ajith Kumara, using a false key he had made, had opened the room and hidden behind a big painting standing on the ground. He had then opened the door leading to committee room and flung the hand grenade aiming at the president. The grenade ricocheted off the polished table at which the three VIPs sat and rolled under the chair Lalith Athulathmudali was sitting on in the front row of seats.

It had then exploded blasting a large hole on the ground and severely injuring Lalith’s entire back. When he was recovering at the Sri Jayewardenpura Hospital I called on him and chatted for a while. He was full of praise for Dr. K. Yoheswaran, an eminent surgeon who operated on him, saving his life. He told me he had particularly wanted Dr Yoheswaran to undertake the complicated surgery which was done so successfully.

Later on, after Lalith recovered, he walked into my room and discussed the incident with me. He told me that Ajith Kumara had made the fundamental mistake of hurling the grenade after the pin was released. With Lalith’s deep knowledge of such matters and arms, he said that after the pin is pulled, one has to count, one thousand, two thousand, three thousand and then throw the grenade. If this had been done, the grenade would have exploded on the polished table surface and all the VIPs would not have survived.

So the President, Prime Minister and Chief Whip escaped instant death by just five seconds. Instead the grenade ricocheted off the polished table and injured Lalith very badly. Six months had passed by and the Police was still looking for one of the most wanted men in Sri Lanka for nearly assassinating the President and Prime Minister.

It so happened that the police in the Kegalle district had come to a paddy field searching for those distilling kasippu, a local brew. Ajith Kumara had been in a village shed and on seeing a police team, had fled. The Police, seeing a person fleeing, gave chase and arrested him. All that time, they did not know at all that they had caught the most wanted fugitive from justice.

When the police contacted me, I was able to confirm that the person caught was none other than Ajith Kumara himself. A week later, the suspect was brought under heavy security to Parliament. He had then confessed to his crime and explained in detail how he had brought the grenade in his shoe – and how he had hidden behind the painting. After the Presidential Security had checked that very room, used a false key he had had made to surreptitiously enter the room. He confessed to throwing the hand grenade.

Two days later, Speaker E.L.Senanayake and I were summoned to appear before Cabinet. The Speaker very diplomatically refused to go saying that it was incorrect for him to appear before Cabinet. That left me with no option but to go before the Cabinet myself. I nervously walked in since I had never before been summoned like this feeling like the Christian being thrown to the wolves in Roman times.

I knew the ministers would cross-examine me on how I recruited Ajith Kumara, so judiciously I went with a Police CID report which had cleared him and allowed his recruitment. Armed with the file I sat before the entire Cabinet. Minister Montague Jayawickreme pounced on me asking how I recruited him and I politely showed the clearance file issued by the CID. Many other questions were fired at me which I politely answered.

I was then allowed to leave. It later transpired that after the clearance report had been issued by the Police, the JVP had secretly recruited him as they found in him the ideal person to carry out the mission of assassinating the president and prime minister since he was already working in Parliament and had access.

A few days later I had a request from Mrs Jayewardene to see the room in which her husband escaped assassination by seconds. She was accompanied by two grandchildren, Ravi’s two sons. They inspected the polished table from which the grenade had bounced. I was very moved by her presence and the gracious lady moved on without making any comment.

This saga has had a strange ending. When Ajith Kumara was produced as an accused before court, his counsel took up the defence that the police relied only on his confession and he was acquitted. Regrettably the Attorney General’s Department had mishandled the prosecution and the Judge acquitted Ajith Kumara who left the court a free man.

History will record how a President and Prime Minister escaped death by a few mere seconds.

(The writer is a retired Secretary General of Parliament)



Features

Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda

Published

on

It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.

The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.

These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.

This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.

The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.

Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.

Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.

India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.

Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)

By Milinda Moragoda

Continue Reading

Features

Father and daughter … and now Section 8

Published

on

Members of Section 8

The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.

Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.

Shafi: Guitar wizard, at the helm of Section 8

Jana: Dynamic and captivating lead vocalist

He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.

Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.

Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.

The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.

In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.

Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.

The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.

Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.

What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.

With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.

Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.

The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:

Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.

Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.

Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.

Continue Reading

Features

Celebrations … in a unique way

Published

on

The attraction on 14th July

Rajiv Sebastian could be classified as an innovative performer.

Yes, he certainly has plenty of surprises up his sleeves and that’s what makes him extremely popular with his fans.

Rajiv & The Clan are now 35 years in the showbiz scene and Rajiv says he has plans to celebrate this special occasion … in a unique way!

According to Rajiv, the memories of Clarence, Neville, Baig, Rukmani, Wally and many more, in its original flavour, will be relived on 14th July.

“We will be celebrating our anniversary at the Grand Maitland (in front of the SSC playground) on 14th July, at 7.00pm, and you will feel the inspiration of an amazing night you’ve never seen before,” says Rajiv, adding that all the performers will be dressed up in the beautiful sixties attire, and use musical instruments never seen before.

In fact, Rajiv left for London, last week, and is scheduled to perform at four different venues, and at each venue his outfit is going to be different, he says, with the sarong being very much a part of the scene.

Continue Reading

Trending