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Find new fuel supplies to avoid fueling new protests in August

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byRajan Philips

President Ranil Wickremesinghe might be feeling satisfied over his two recent accomplishments which have eluded him ever since he became UNP leader after 1994. First, a seemingly secure majority in parliament and, second, an intriguingly evolving and mutually supportive relationship with the military. At the same time, Mr. Wickremesinghe finds himself in circumstances that none of his predecessors have ever encountered. The current domestic circumstances of economic hardships could undermine his power and authority and even force him out of office, the same way they forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office.

There are already calls for another wave of protest and another monthly culmination and resignation on August 9! Still haunting the domestic scene are the Rajapaksas. Apparently, they are here, there, everywhere and the one who flew to Singapore is now planning a return flight. Rightly or wrongly, Ranil Wickremesinghe, grandson of Cyril Wickremesinghe and DR Wijewardena (there is no higher bourgeois rung in the Sinhalese social ladder), is now widely viewed as a Rajapaksa clone, and that adds to a rather long list of presidential liabilities. That is the domestic scene.

The external scene is worse both for the President and more so for the country. For all the powers he has under Sri Lanka’s constitution, the President is utterly powerless to get anything done outside the country. It is over two months since Ranil Wickremesinghe became Prime Minister with inflated expectations that he is the man of the moment, who would draw on his goodwill capital in the west and pull Sri Lanka out of its current mess. But nothing moved or got pulled out. Only the people’s frustrations and their queue lengths grew.

The story is the same more than two weeks after Mr. Wickremesinghe got a quick job promotion. A double promotion in fact, in as many months. The reality is that nothing could have been changed so quickly, and by anyone for that matter. The mistake was in the expectations that were bandied to justify Mr. Wickremesinghe’s double promotion. In fairness, he made biweekly statements in parliament on the depth of Sri Lanka’s crises, but he never provided any details on how he was going to address the country’s manifold economic problems. By details I do not mean technical details, which no one expects the President to do – otherwise, we would be back to Cabraal-square. But details of organization and delegation.

Even after two months, the President has still not shared with the country if he has assembled any team or teams of experts to address the country’s economic problems, the most pressing among them now are all external. The fact is that he has not assembled any, and it is all a one-man band whatever music that might be playing. The new reality is also that global economic conditions have gotten a whole lot worse in the two months since RW became Prime Minister.

In its recent update the IMF has characterized the world economic outlook as “Gloomy and More Uncertain.” The IMF notes that rising inflation in western economies, China’s slowdown and spillovers from the war in Ukraine are sudden “shocks” that the have hit the world economy when it was already weakened by the pandemic. As “tighter global financial conditions … induce debt distress in emerging market and developing economies,” the already debt-stressed and forex-starved Sri Lanka will have to compete with other developing countries for debt relief and financial assistance.

In what would appear to be a new direction from the IMF, Krishna Srinivasan, director of the IMF’s Asia and Pacific Department, has told Reuters that Sri Lanka should directly engage with China and other creditors to restructure the respective bilateral debts independent of its negotiations with the IMF. China is a big creditor and is not easily amenable to restructuring its debt, because it deals bilaterally with borrowing countries and giving concessions to one country (Sri Lanka) will open the door for other debtors to start lining up. China is also having its economic problems and, unlike India, has not been particularly generous to extend a helping hand to Sri Lanka when it direly needs help.

Even two years ago, Sri Lanka was a “donor darling” in global economy according to Anne Krueger, a former World Bank and IMF economist. She attributes this to the island’s “relatively high standard of living, good social services, and robust economic growth.” It is now “a lesson to other governments” on how quickly and tragically things can go downhill due to ignorant decision making and stubborn refusal to change course even after the unfolding disaster becomes all too evident. How will decision making be different in the new (and old) Wickremesinghe Administration?

There is nothing new about President Wickremesinghe and he has the same cabinet of ministers (minus GL Peiris) who served under Gotabaya Rajapaksa and resigned multiple times to assuage the aragalaya protesters. Can the President and his ministers act any differently now – from what they have been known for, all their political life? The initial signs are not very promising, but it is still early to condemn them as failures.

At the same time, one cannot help thinking that the Wickremesinghe Administration has so far taken every step backward politically and no step forward economically. And this will have, and is already having, implications not only internally but also internationally. Whether the decision making processes and responsibilities in the new Administration could change for the better in the days ahead depends on the political relationship between Ranil Wickremesinghe and the SLPP, which gave Mr. Wickremesinghe a solid base to score a convincing victory in parliament to become President. It is fair to say that Ranil and the SLPP have entered into a marriage of convenience, but inconveniently so.

Inconvenient Marriage

President Jayewardene was known to have mused frequently that his penchant for a presidential system was duly compromised by his desire to marry the presidential system and the parliamentary system for consummation in Sri Lanka. I am of course paraphrasing ultra vires! But marriage of a different kind is now in place between President Wickremesinghe and the SLPP in parliament. They both need it for their convenience – for Ranil to become President and for SLPP MPs to ward off aragalaya threats to their political survival. But where do the country’s economic imperatives find a place in this marriage? So far, there is no sign of the Ranil-SLPP arrangement in parliament giving priority to the economic question.

The first outcome of the marriage has been the clampdown on aragalaya protesters, forcibly evicting them from protest sites after the protesters had announced that they were leaving the sites voluntarily anyway. The eviction took place soon after Mr. Wickremesinghe was sworn in as President in the new and old parliamentary premises, apparently as a symbolic act to emphasize the supremacy of parliament. The eviction drew significantly negative international attention, but that did not stop the Administration from targeting and arresting individual protesters.

To cap it all, parliament by a comfortable majority endorsed the Emergency Rule imposed by Mr. Wickremesinghe while he was still Acting President, or simply acting up in his new role as president. From what the numbers say, not all of the 134 MPs who voted for Ranil Wickremesinghe to be President were SLPP MPs. There were secret-ballot defections from all the parties in parliament including the SJB and the TNA despite their official party-line support for Dullas Alahapperuma. The latter was a lacklustre candidate who was cut to size by the Rajapaksas for having dared to challenge Mahinda Rajapaksa for premiership earlier.

Only the three JVP MPs voted without defecting but the fact that Anura Kumara Dissanayake could not get any other MP to vote for him speaks to the JVP’s lost opportunity to strengthen its presence in parliament with all the protest upheavals occurring outside parliament. A majority of the Tamil, Muslim and Indian Tamil MPs reportedly voted for Alahapperuma, while a significant minority of them including CV Wigneswaran voted for Wickremesinghe. It was a classic split-vote by Tamil MPs, with TNA deciding to go against Ranil Wickremesinghe and Wigneswaran supporting his one time bête noire presumably to spite the TNA.

The change in the vote distribution from the vote to elect the president (134-82-3) to the vote on the Emergency resolution (120-63 with 41 abstentions) is also revealing. As many as 41 MPs did not bother to attend parliament and vote on the Emergency resolution. And Wimal Weerawansa was a surprise vote supporting Emergency Rule after voting against Ranil Wickremesinghe earlier. It is not clear how his other nine ‘comrades’ in the group of ten voted on the Emergency. Many were absent.

The SJB, the TNA and the JVP voted against the Emergency resolution, along with the emerging SLPP rump that includes Dullas Alahapperuma and, of all people, GL Pieris who seems to be suddenly remembering that he was once a law professor and that he should be vigorously opposing any emergency rule imposed by the executive! Even so opposition to emergency garnered 19 votes fewer than the 82 votes polled by Allahapperuma.

Sajith Premadasa’s decision to withdraw from the contest for presidency and support Dullas Allahapperuma was as predictable as it has become controversial among SJB MPs in parliament. Sarath Fonseka was not at all pleased that he was not given a chance to throw in his name as a candidate. He is now breathing fire and calling for another protest wave on August 9. Mr. Fonseka’s problem seems to be that when he starts taking himself too seriously, everyone stops taking him seriously. Surprisingly, however, no one has defected from the SJB to join the new Ranil-SLPP government after Harin Fernando and Manusha Nanayakkara.

It might change now that parliament has been prorogued from July 28 to August 3. A new session of parliament will begin with the President presenting his first Policy Statement on the state of the country and what he is proposing to do about it. The President will use his speech to set the tone for his government, but whether it would be enough to facilitate a more representative cabinet, let alone address the pressing problems faced by the people, remains to be seen.

Even as he prorogued parliament, President Wickremesinghe has acknowledged that his government’s main priorities are to fix the country’s ailing economy and end the severe fuel shortage that has exacerbated after the last shipment under the Indian credit line arrived in June. This is the first time, as reported by the Press Trust of India, Mr. Wickremesinghe has publicly acknowledged the severity of the fuel crisis. It was the fuel shortage and its poor distribution that proved to be the last straw that broke the Rajapaksa presidency on July 9.

A new rationing system for fuel distribution has since been introduced, but there are no new shipments breaking through Sri Lanka’s gloomy horizons. A continuing fuel shortage will fuel a new protest wave and its anticipated culmination on August 9. It is for the President to forestall protests by finding timely fuel supplies and avoid the alternative of clamping down on protesters after failing to satisfy the people’s basic needs.



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Features

Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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