Features

Fieldwork and Travels in Rural Sindh, Pakistan

Published

2 years ago

2024/11/3

by Jayantha Perera

After completing my Ford fellowship at Oxford University in 1991, I joined the Indus River Left Bank Outfall Drainage Project in Sindh, Pakistan, as its Senior Socio-Economist and resident team leader. The project, sponsored by the World Bank, Asian Development Bank, and several other international donors, aimed at improving irrigated agriculture in Sindh. The Sindh Development Studies Centre (SDSC) of the University of Sindh in Jamshoro (near Hyderabad) oversaw the socio-economic studies of the project.

I arrived at Karachi Airport in late December. Parvez Pathan, my SDSC counterpart, met me at the airport. We discussed my accommodation and security on our drive to Jamshoro, about 220 kilometres from Karachi. He told me a beautifully furnished bungalow awaited me on the university campus. He opined that I should always have a trustworthy person with me for my security. SDSC had found a reliable young man to be my housekeeper, cook, and personal security guard.

It was a hot day, and the parched and dusty vast landscape looked like the moon’s surface. White sand dunes spread miles to the horizon on both sides of the highway. Occasionally, I saw small empty huts. The temperature was about 50 degrees centigrade. We drove through a desert on a melting tarred road. Sometimes, the van could not move fast without switching off its air conditioner. I thought that I might not survive in such harsh weather. I was not prepared to live in a desert. I missed Sri Lanka, where I see trees, water, blue sky, and greenery wherever I go. Thinking I would live five years in Jamshoro made me sick and sad. The journey to Jamshoro seemed never-ending.

The mirage ahead of us on the road suddenly transformed into an oasis with trees, houses, gardens, and kachcha (dirt) roads radiating from the highway. Parvez told me that we were in Jamshoro. He took me to the SDSC, where the Director and his staff were waiting for us. From the air-conditioned van, I walked to the scorching dusty veranda of the SDSC. I immediately entered the main building, which was ice cold as all air conditioners were at full speed. The Director and the staff were polite, genuinely warm, and welcoming, instantly making me feel at home. We chattered over lunch, which consisted of parathas, fried chicken, onion rings, and a tomato salad. The Director said he and his staff were happy to welcome me as a South Asian friend and brother. After lunch, Parvez took me to my bungalow in the university park.

After two days, I visited several water courses about 100 kilometres north of Jamshoro. Travelling in rural Sindh is a fascinating experience. However, it is always intertwined with the high risk of being kidnapped for ransom. In the early 1990s, a foreigner’s ‘head value’ was Pakistani Rs. 10 million. I heard a Chinese engineer had paid Rs. 8 million to his captors to return to freedom. When a victim is nabbed, dacoits (robbers) take him to the Indus Riverbank and keep him in a cave. A widespread rumour was dacoits do not capture a victim after 2 pm. It takes about 4-6 hours to reach the riverbank from the main trunk road and dacoits like to complete the task of kidnapping before sunset. They were backed by some powerful politicians and rich Zamindars (feudal landlords) who bribed the Police when a dacoit was arrested to get him released. Dacoits are ruthless and do not hesitate to behead a victim when ransom money is not delivered.

In some remote villages, one comes across old British bungalows built in the 19^th century for irrigation administration. Most are now abandoned, but a few still serve travellers and visitors. At a bungalow, a guest gets a large cot with a dirty bedspread and a pillow as hard as a stone. The bungalow keeper and the chokidar (guard) arrange guest beds in the foyer or compound. A visitor lies down and rests before engaging in any conversation. The bungalow keeper invariably serves Murry beer and local whiskey with fried chicken or karai (mutton cubes cooked in oil with onions) before the main meal is served.

Usually, guests bring beef and mutton in cool boxes. In the evenings, hot bread, unlimited onion rings, and large portions of fried meat keep a group talking for hours under the clear sky with bright and giant stars. Long spells of silence are a part of a conversation. After a few hours of eating and drinking, the dialogue moves to the past. Locals lament how badly the British treated them and, after independence, how the Punjab-led Pakistan State has usurped their assets, especially the water and land.

Once, I visited a feudal mansion with Memon, an SDSC colleague, on the border between Sindh and Baluchistan. It was in a remote village and was accessible only by a four-wheel-drive jeep. A large mango orchard surrounded the mansion. Memon’s father was a senior official at the Customs in Karachi and was known as ‘Chief.’ A kachcha (clay) parapet surrounded the mansion with one entrance. The Chief ordered his servants to organize a dabaar (audience) in the evening. They arranged two head chairs with armrests for the Chief and his guest. Two rows of chairs were placed in front of the two head chairs. The Chief and I occupied the two head chairs.

Memon, his relatives, and visitors occupied the chairs according to their family’s status. Once seated, no one started a conversation; instead, each acknowledged the others’ presence by nodding. After about 10 minutes, the Chief welcomed me to his ‘humble’ abode. He said he was responsible for my comfort, security, and happiness in the evening. Household helpers brought several bottles of Johnny Walker Blue label whisky to the dabaar. Large chunks of mutton were grilled on spikes on an open fire just behind us. The Chief and I opened the dabaar by hugging each other. In the dabaar, the Chief’s valet sat next to him on the floor. He had a large knife in his belt and did not allow anyone to get too close to the Chief.

A few hours later, the Police Chief of the area and his assistants arrived to chat with the Chief. A sub-inspector wanted to improve his English and talked to me with difficulty. He told me he knew me. “I handled your security file,” he said. Then, he revealed that he had obtained a copy of my CV from my computer with my secretary’s help while I was in Karachi. “What else do you know about me,” I asked him jokingly. The officer was too drunk to think. I told Memon what had happened, and he dismissed it as a joke. But when I showed my displeasure, Memon told the Police Officer that he was only a guest and should be careful about what he says. The officer apologized and said he would visit me for a friendly chat in Jamshoro.

When the Police officers and other visitors left the dabaar at midnight, four private armed guards emerged from nowhere. Each carried a machine gun and was dressed like a combat soldier. They checked the mansion’s interior, closed the entrance, and took position outside the wall. Memon told me armed private guards are necessary to protect life and property in rural Sindh.

The following day, I woke up to the noise of screeching parrots. The rising sun revealed a woven tapestry of beautiful clouds, and a gentle breeze brushed over the corn fields surrounding the mansion. Mustard fields at a corner gave the impression that we were in a hilly area. I went for a walk with Memon. Strong sunlight enveloped the mustard gardens, reflecting light from millions of mustard flowers. Hundreds of pheasants and wild pigeons busied around looking for worms and insects.

When I returned to the bungalow, I saw more than 50 men and women behind the kitchen waiting for their roti and subji (cooked vegetables). It was wage workers’ breakfast. An older woman (Memon’s grandmother) supervised the making and distributing chapati and subji. She joked with them and occasionally inquired about their children.

The Chief gave me two large boxes of mangoes and promised to send more. Memon and I travelled in his luxury jeep to SDSC, and my land cruiser followed it. The Chief was critical about constructing concrete irrigation canals to convey irrigation water from the river to the fields. He said kachcha (unpaved or unlined) natural canals suit the area. Due to the clay soil, the Indus River and its tributaries frequently change their paths. I pointed out that soil salinity and water logging were two critical challenges that Sinhdh farmers encountered. Kachcha canals formed shallow water pools in tributaries and watercourses, causing water logging. The concrete lining of watercourses would improve the speed of water conveyance, minimizing salinity and water logging.

On our field trips, Zamindars and Haris grieved about their lost grandeur and regional wealth. They lamented about the loss of great heroes and the failure of the new generation to look after their unique culture, which was fast disappearing. Some Zamindars and Haris served us lunch in the field, and workers sang songs before returning to work. Most folk songs they sang focused on the purity and bravery of women who stood up to powerful men. The story of King Omar falling in love with Marvi (shepherd girl) at a public well where the girl offered the king water to drink was famous. Some people had printouts of the paintings that depicted the king and the girl at the well.

Zamindars

were afraid of land reforms. As a result, they initially needed clarification about our fieldwork. They enthusiastically participated in discussions when they learned about our mission. Many of them needed to know how much land they owned. They had, however, a good idea about the boundaries of their property. They usually cultivated about half of the land in the Rabi (winter) season using rain and irrigation water; about one-fourth of the land during Kharif (summer) using only irrigation water. Often, crops failed, especially in Kharif, because of inadequate irrigation water supplies. On such occasions, tenants were burdened by the bulk of losses and were pushed into poverty and misery.

The relationship between a Zamindar and his Haris was cordial. A Zamindar selected Haris, prioritizing relatives and friends, honest and hard workers, and those with oxen and extra family labour. Haris consider Zamindars as their ‘father and mother’ (patrons) and depend on them for subsistence and protection. On average, a Hari gets 35% of the gross yield as his share. Soon after the harvesting season, hundreds of enormous camel carts with gunny bags full of wheat, mustard seeds, and rice can be seen on rural roads. At the same time, businesspersons from towns bring steel cabinets, agricultural utensils, and clothes to farmers’ doorsteps.

During the fish spawning season, Pallas (local salmon or Shrine) swim upstream of the mighty Indus River. But they can only swim up to the Kotri Barrage (dam) at Jamshoro, about 125km upstream from the sea. There is no fish ladder at the barrage. Thousands of fish get trapped at the barrage, and fishermen catch them in hundreds. Fish sellers clean Pallas on the road, and a kilogram of salt was rubbed inside each fish and then wrapped in several old newspapers. Intercity truck drivers bought the fish in bulk. They transported them to Punjab and North-Western Frontier Provinces with a lucrative profit margin.

In April, the news of the arrival of the annual World Bank mission excited the SDSC staff. The staff got busy writing project reports, printing them, organizing field visits, and arranging meetings with high-level government officials in Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad. My presence at SDSC generated some sense of relief among the staff. They expected me to write most of the reports and their executive summaries for the mission, which I gladly did.

The lunch and dinner menus at Jamshoro guesthouses, where most mission members stayed, changed overnight from chapati, lentil curry, and fried chicken to soups, boiled vegetables, steak, egg salads, and fried fish. The Bangladeshi cook at the main guesthouse collected money in advance from visitors for food and often tried to cheat them. Once, he returned from the grocery shop and complained that he had lost his wallet and all his money. The mission members gave him more money and helped him to overcome his anguish.

The final mission sessions were held in Islamabad and Lahore. Such meetings were often a disaster for the SDSC. Mission members criticized incomplete project reports, poor work progress, and rampant corruption at the project level. In 1994, the mission requested the change of the Director of SDSC. The State government agreed. The SDSC staff were happy because the new Director was a popular university professor. The ex-director thought I had masterminded the change and threatened that Sindh would not be a safe place for me anymore. He told the mission that local staff could do socio-economic surveys and social studies without any help from “outsiders”. The mission did not agree and extended my appointment by one more year.

Soon after the 1994 annual meeting, I went to Karachi to meet the State Secretary for Irrigation. Two SDSC colleagues joined me. We arrived at the Secretariat, and my two colleagues took the Jeep to collect their air tickets from a travel agent. My meeting with the secretary continued for two hours. I waited in his office for the Land Cruiser to return. Purbhan, my driver, returned to the Secretariat without the vehicle. His head was bleeding, and he looked severely shaken.

Purbhan had taken my two colleagues to the travel agent. He waited for them on the roadside while listening to a cricket match commentary on the radio. He forgot to lock the jeep doors. Two young men got into the vehicle from the front two doors; one pointed a handgun at Purbhan and told him to drive. After driving several kilometres, one of them hit him on the head with the gun butt, gave him twenty rupees, pushed him out of the vehicle, and drove away. The Police never found the Land Cruiser. Usually, robbers take stolen vehicles to Baluchistan. They repaint them with a different colour and change the chassis and engine numbers. Robbers hand over such stolen vehicles to politicians for a year or two to avoid police investigations.

My Land Cruiser had comprehensive insurance coverage from a leading bank in Karachi. When I reported the loss of the Land Cruiser to the bank, the clerk at the front desk told me that it had never been insured with the bank and that the insurance certificate I held was a fake document. Only then did I find out that the accountant had pocketed the money and given me a bogus insurance certificate. The World Bank blamed me for losing the Land Cruiser and not verifying the authenticity of the insurance certificate.

Parvez and I continued our field research in remote villages despite the threat of being kidnapped. We stayed at Zamindars’ houses during fieldwork. The houses were big and fenced with dry, thorny bushes to keep animals away. Large, open verandahs provided shade from the nasty sun and protection from fast-blowing dry winds that stirred fine dust. Lying on large wooden beds and cots with cotton mattresses, adults leisurely sipped hot tea or water. There was no hurry to do anything; things had to wait for a suitable time – it could be today, tonight, tomorrow or never!

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Features

Approach to constitutional reform

Published

24 hours ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

SWRD Bandaranaike

The S.J.V. Chelvanayakam KC Memorial Lecture delivered on 26 April, at Jaffna Central College, by Professor G.L. Peiris, an academic with outstanding credentials, was published, under the title, “Federalism and paths to constitutional reform,” in The Island of 27 April, 2026.

In Part II of the publication, titled “Advocacy of Federalism: Origins and Context,” Professor Peiris states: “At the core of political convictions he held sacrosanct was his unremitting commitment to federalism…”. Contrary to popular belief, however, federalism in our country had its origins in issues which were not connected with ethnicity. At the inception, this had to do with aspirations, not of the Tamils but of the Kandyan Sinhalese. The Kandyan National Assembly, in its representations to the Donoughmore Commission in 1927, declared: “Ours is not a communal claim or a claim for the aggrandizement of a few. It is the claim of a nation to live its own life and realise its own destiny”.

Commenting on S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike’s views, Professor Peiris states: “Soon after his return from Oxford, as a prominent member of the Ceylon National Congress, was an advocate of federalism. He went so far as to characterise federalism as ‘the only solution to our political problems”.

THE COMMON THREAD

The thread that is common to the sources cited above is that while their focus was on the political framework, there is not even a hint as to the territorial units to which the political framework of federalism is to apply. With time the Tamil “nation” claimed that their federal State was to be the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. However, the Kandyan “nation” was silent on this issue. Since Britain annexed the Kandyan Kingdom and the unified, then Ceylon in 1815, for all intents and purposes it would be reasonable to assume that the claim of the Kandyan “nation” was to be the region under the last Kandyan King, leaving the Western and Southern coastal regions for the Rest of the “nation”.

Chelvanayakam

Sri Lanka, while being a colony under the British, was not interested in political frameworks. Instead, the British were interested in structural arrangements that facilitated Administration. It is evident from the evolutionary processes explored by the British that subdivided units of a State are critical not only for effective Administration but also for the political framework that ensures political stability. Federalism, advocated by the Tamil and Kandyan Leaderships for territorial units, as claimed by them, would inevitably lead to political instability. The lesson to be learnt is not to start with political frameworks, such as Federalism, but to first decide on the territorial units, within which a State functions, to ensure stability, and then frame political aspirations of the People belonging to such a State, in order to ensure political and structural stability.

LESSONS of HISTORY

Material from an article, dated 16 June, 2016

“When the British took control of the Dutch possessions in former Sri Lanka, in 1796, the Kandyan Kingdom was independent and separate from the Maritime region. The Kandyan Kingdom consisted of the “central highlands with the eastern and southeastern coastal strips”. It was after ceding of the Kingdom, at the Kandyan Convention of 1815, and after the rebellion of 1817-1818, that the two regions were merged. However, despite the merger, the administration of the two regions remained divorced from each other, with the Kandyan region being divided into 11 Districts, and the Maritime region into five, creating a total of 16 Districts for the administration of the whole country (Sir Charles Collins, Public Administration of Ceylon, 1951, p. 49).

“The above arrangements continued until the recommendations of the Colebrook – Cameron Commission. In 1832, the recommendations of the Commission were accepted , “… and the separate administrative system for the Kandyan provinces was abolished and amalgamated with the territories on the littoral acquired from the V.O.C. in a single unified administration structure for the whole island. The existing provincial boundaries within the two administrative divisions – the Kandyan and maritime provinces – were redrawn, and a new set of five provincial units, of which only one – the Central Province – was Kandyan pure and simple, was established. The new provincial boundaries cut across the traditional divisions and placed many Kandyan regions under the administrative control of the old maritime provinces” (K.M.de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 1981, p. 263), continued until as late as 1889, resulting in nine Provinces for the sole purpose of facilitating the Colonial administration. In point of fact, the Province never functioned as the administrative unit. Instead, the administrative unit was essentially the District, and the situation has remained so throughout the Colonial period and into this day. According to Sir Charles Collins cited above: “Most provinces were divided into districts, each Government Agent having charge of his own district, with general supervision over the whole province. The districts not in the direct charge of Government Agents were under the control of assistant Government Agents”. (Ibid, p. 62.)

PRIORITISING POLITICS OVER STABILITY

The lesson learnt by the British was that if a Colony is to be Administered effectively, the Colonizer had to choose the most appropriate unit of administration. Similarly, to an Independent Sovereign State, Territorial Stability should be its foremost priority. This means deciding on the most structurally secure territorial unit within which political power sharing should operate and not prioritise political frameworks, such as Federalism, at the expense of the structural stability of the State. Political instability would have been inevitable had Sri Lanka succumbed to pressures from the Tamil and Kandyan Leaderships.

Although Britain was not concerned with territorial stability, they recognised that the District was the most effective unit for effective administration. In fact, the 1977 Constitution describes the Territory of Sri Lanka in terms of Administrative Districts. Despite this, it was the Indo-Lanka Accord that first recognised the Northern and Eastern Provinces as political units. Following this, the 13th Amendment of 1987 extended this recognition to all Provinces.

The adoption of the Province as the political unit may not have had an impact on the territorial integrity of the Sri Lanka State, except for the Northern and Eastern Provinces, judging from the events that followed over three-plus brutal decades. The transformation of the territory of Sri Lanka, from Administrative Districts to Provinces and Provincial Councils, is the direct result of prioritising politics over territorial stability. For India to be the handmaiden of this transformation is beyond comprehension because instability in Sri Lanka, in whatever form, would impact on India’s own territorial integrity. This serious blunder cannot be ignored any further for the sake of both Sri Lanka and India. It is imperative that measures are taken to engage in a course correction through Constitutional Reform.

PROPOSED CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS

The path to Constitutional Reform should start with the territorial subdivision of the Sri Lankan State into Districts, not only to ensure the territorial integrity of the State but also to improve administrative and development efficiencies coupled with Local Government units; a lesson learnt from the British. Any political powers devolved/decentralised to Districts should be the responsibility of District Councils, elected by representatives to Local Governments within each District.

Political power at the Centre should reflect the commitment to a single Sri Lankan Nation, through an elected Legislature, with Executive Powers being shared by a President/Prime Minister, with a Cabinet made up of all communities, in the ratio represented in Parliament. An attempt to share Executive Power with all communities, in an inclusive Cabinet, has not been the practice in the past, and under the present government, as well, despite its strident calls for unity and reconciliation. Consequently, the tendency for minority communities is to seek peripheral power to the maximum extent possible.

CONCLUSION

The approach to Constitutional making has been how best to accommodate political power in the form of Federalism, first by the Kandyan “nation” and later by the Tamil “nation”. The claim by the Tamil Leadership morphed from Federalism to a Separate State resulting in tragedies of an unimaginable order, to the point of threatening the very existence of the Sri Lankan State.

The current arrangement is based on Power being devolved to Provinces, in the form of Provincial Councils, with no regard the Province, makes to the territorial durability of the Sri Lanka State. How successive Governments hope to prevent threats to territorial vulnerabilities is to curtail the operation of sensitive provisions of devolved powers. This is being disingenuous.

On the other hand, the more direct and forthright approach to Constitutional Reform is to make the District the unit of peripheral power in order to ensure territorial stability and effective peripheral development and share Executive Power with communities in the ratio of their representation in the Legislature. The first could be achieved through a referendum and the second by the President/Prime Minister of any government. This approach prioritises territorial stability over political power; a change that has eluded policymakers. Therefore, it is imperative that territorial stability is given the foremost place in Constitutional Reform processes for the sake of not only Sri Lanka but also for India, for reasons of connectivity.

by Neville Ladduwahetty

Features

Time to get ready to face power

Published

1 day ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

The power cuts are already here. Perhaps, even before the date predicted by the Public Utilities Commision of Sri Lanka (PUCSL. The peak load has gone well past the threshold they indicated as the tipping point of 3030 MW of peak load. It is now will past 3100 MW and growing, perhaps triggered by the continued heatwave making the use of air conditioners and fans more frequent and by a wider group of consumers. The government insists there is no intention of power cuts but each of us have experienced some form of power outage, without notice, at some time or other.

It is in this scenario that the Ceylon Electricty Board (CEB), or whatever it is called now, had directed all roof top solar projects, over 300 MW capacity, to shut down for the period 10th April to 20th April.

This is in addition to the curtailment of all ground mounted solar and wind projects, and even mini hydro projects, without compensation, going on for some months.

One year of inaction by CEB with the problem staring in the face

If will be recalled that the same demand was made in April, 2025, after the debacle of the countrywide blackout on 9^th February, 2025, whether caused by a monkey or otherwise.

The question to be raised is what steps have been taken by the then CEB, or the Ministry to anticipate the situation this year, too, and to try and mitigate the same.

The easy answer is absolutely nothing. If at all what has been done is unilaterally prevent any further addition of Roof Top Solar PV, under the provisions of the Surya Bala Sangramaya (SBS), is, undoubtedly, the only short term and economical means to add low cost renewable electrical energy to the grid.

The architect of the SBS, the Sustainable Energy Authority is deafening by their silence, when their signature project of prime national importance has been sabotaged, and now even the performance of the already installed systems are being curtailed.

This action is totally unbelievable when the use of expensive oil-based generation will continue unabated, even during the day, when there is so much solar energy already installed. Of course, the age-old excuse will be trotted out, of the non-firm nature of Solar and Wind and problems of grid stability, etc.

Many useful and practical solutions to face the growing issue of how to integrate the essential low cost but variable resources of solar and wind to the grid as an aftermath of the blackout were discussed over a year ago.

But nothing seems to have even been attempted. The most prominent among these was the proposal to add 300 MW of grid scale batteries, as indicated in the already-approved Long Term Electricity Generation Plan ( LTEGP 2024 – 2044,) of which 100 MW should have been in use by 2026. The tender for the addition of 16 X 10 MW battery storage at selected grid substations was called over a year ago. Some expectation of sanity

It is under these circumstances that the PUCSL called for a stakeholder consultation on the 10th April, 2026, after circulating a concept note, which was well attended. It was a breath of fresh air, in view of the downhill slide of the entire electricity sector in the recent months compounded by the raging controversy of the coal scam and the rapidly increased use of expensive diesel, in addition to the other fossil fuels, just to keep up the generation to match the demand. The double whammy of the doubling of the fuel prices , exacerbated the hit on not only the consumer’s monthly bill, but the national economy and balance of payments.

Therefore, it was most encouraging to note from the PUCSL’s concept note that sanity has prevailed at last. We have been demandin–g some concrete strategies and time based targets to rid at least the electricity sector from the use of expensive, polluting fossil fuels, commencing with oil. This is the only means by which the utility could hope to achieve some degree of economic and financial viability. They have continued to burden the consumer and the country by continually jacking up the consumer tariff, while ignoring any prudent means to clean up their Act. As a matter of interest, the CEB’s own data of 2023 shows that it is possible to save some Rs 113 Billion annually by replacing all oil-based generation using renewables. The country could have saved over $ 700 Million in Foreign Exchange and the Consumer Tariff could have been lowered by Rs 7.00 per Unit across all segments of consumers.

Therefore, the PUCSL concept paper out lines, some credible measures to eliminate the use of all of forms of oil for power generation in stages. The three tier of approach, outlined as option 1 to 3, reproduced here, should be commended for adopting a pragmatic approach, with very good chance of success.

Proposed options by PUCSL

(See Options 1 Peak Shaving Approach by 2027 and Option 2: Eliminating 2.06 GWh/day of diesel-based generation)

Considering even the recent past when we achieved a status of zero oil use, as compared to the present sorry status, this is not an extremely difficult task. We will have to substitute Solar PV to bridge the gap of reduced Hydro during dry months.

(See diagram 1)

RE Contribution 69% % Oil Usage 6.2 % No Diesel

(See diagram 2)

In Contrast on 30^th March RE Contribution was only -43,5%

and oil use has gone up to -29.59%

However, as outlined in the introductory paragraphs of the concept paper, the driving force to promote this change is the early declaration of appropriately worked out tariffs for installation of storage batteries and delivery of the stored energy to the grid.

With the total lack of progress of proposals in the LTEGP 2025-2044 by the state institutions, it is prudent to assume any future initiatives can only come from private sector participation.

Using the power granted by the recently ratified Electricity Act NO, 36 (As amended) the PUCSL has moved with commendable speed to develop the Feed in Tariff declarations needed to enable the achievement of the above objectives and a further stakeholder consultation was held on the 24^th of April when more detailed proposals were put forward.

However, although the responsibility of publishing the tariff remains with the PUCSL, unless the National System Operator ( NSO ), tasked with the planning and implementation of Electricity Sector developments , takes urgent action to implement the desired changes as a highest priority task, nothing will be gained to help the country to get out of this quagmire.

The Consumer Continues to be Burdened.

Further, as the time table proposed by the PUCSL itself indicates, even the first of the options can be implemented only in 2027, with the others following up to the year 2030.

These are very encouraging time targets and the consumers will eagerly await their achievement.

However, the threat of power cuts, as well as continuing increase in consumer tariff to fuel the use of diesel for power generation, is real and current. A further tariff increase of 18% has been demanded by the NSO, on top of the 15% granted on 1^st April, 2026.

The Immediate Options Available to Consumers.

a) The CEB now refuses to provide any grid connection for integration of any rooftop solar PV systems under the Surya Bala Sangraamaya.

b) The only way available to the consumers is to install Off grid roof top solar systems with adequate batteries to be none dependent on the grid. Use the grid only during the off peak hours.

c) During most periods of the year, even under cloudy conditions there is some solar generation. To ensure the daily consumption is more than covered by the solar input and any surplus is used to charge the battery, to the level adequate to manage the evening and peak hour demand, the capacity of the solar panels and battery have to be determined.

d) It is to be noted that although only the relatively high-end domestic consumers could find the proposed scheme financially feasible under the present cost regimes, which will improve further when the second tariff increase is announced shortly, to those consuming over 250 Units/Month, their engagement has a sector wise positive implication which is beneficial to all levels of consumers.

e) The scheme will operate in an off grid mode, without exports to the grid at any time. Therefore, they will not contribute to the often voiced worries of over voltage, instability and variability in the national grid.

f) Once the PUCSL announces the required FIT and the NSO or the Distribution Companies institutes the necessary facilities, such as smart meters, such consumers, too, can further assist the grid by export of any excess they generate.

Proposal to Avoid Power Cuts Implementable by Domestic Consumers

There are several drivers which will attract the potential ” Prosumers” to adopt this option without delay.

* The consumer tariff will continue to rise

* Even the former Roof Top Solar Systems, without batteries, does not provide power during the power cuts or blackouts

* At present day prices, the investment is financially feasible, based on the savings of the current level of monthly electricity bill. A substantial bank loan can be comfortably settled from the savings

* Now cooking with electricity is no longer a financial burden but can save one from the cost and danger of LPG shortages and queues

* What you, do based on your economic ability, will be a service to all consumers as the resultant reduction of Peak Demand means the use of Diesel can be gradually reduced and the lower end consumers, too, will benefit.

* You will enhance your green credentials with your own financial benefits.

The overall benefit to the grid and other consumers

If the element of exorbitant cost of diesel-based generation is removed then there is no need for the increase of consumer tariff for all consumers.

What is more important is that trimming the peak load would drastically reduce the need for any power shredding that is happening on the sly now and thereby benefit all consumers,

The summary of Financial Analysis illustrating the viability based on currently available data is given here. This will improve drastically if a further increase in consumer tariff is granted, which appears inevitable. (See Table 01 – The basic data used for this analysis is available on request.)

by Eng Parakrama Jayasinghe

parajayasinghe@gmail.com

Features

From Coal to Solar: China’s sunken mines power a Green Revolution: Lessons for Sri Lanka

Published

1 day ago

2026/05/4

Thilina Walpola

A floating solar farm on a coal mining subsidence area in Panji district of Huainan, Anhui province, China, on June 7, 2017. (Image courtesy China Daily)

In a striking symbol of the global energy transition, vast stretches of once-abandoned coal mines in China have been reborn, not as relics of an industrial past, but as shimmering hubs of renewable energy.

What were once scarred landscapes, destabilised by years of mining, and later submerged by landslides and floods, have now been transformed into expansive artificial lakes.

Floating atop these waters are some of the world’s largest solar power installations, quietly generating clean electricity on a massive scale.

Among the most notable are the Fuyang Floating Solar Farm and the Huainan Floating Solar Farm. Together, they represent a remarkable engineering and environmental achievement.

The Fuyang facility boasts an installed capacity of 650 megawatts, producing approximately 700 million kilowatt-hours of electricity annually. Even more impressive, the Huainan project reaches a staggering 1 gigawatt capacity, generating nearly 1.8 billion kilowatt-hours each year. Combined, these floating giants produce enough electricity to power millions of homes without burning a single lump of coal.

A former General Manager of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), a veteran electrical engineer, described the development as “a glimpse into the future of energy systems.”

“What China has demonstrated is not just technological capability, but strategic foresight. Turning environmentally degraded land into clean energy assets is the kind of thinking countries like Sri Lanka must begin to adopt,” he said.

Why solar on water?

Floating solar, or “floatovoltaics,” offers a range of advantages that traditional land-based solar farms cannot easily match.

Water naturally cools solar panels, improving their efficiency by an estimated 10 to 15 percent. In hot climates, this cooling effect can significantly boost electricity generation.

Additionally, the panels reduce water evaporation, a crucial benefit in regions facing water stress. By limiting sunlight penetration, they also help suppress algae growth, improving water quality.

Perhaps, most importantly, floating solar eliminates the need for large tracts of land. In densely populated or agriculture-dependent countries, this is a game changer.

A dual economy: Fish and power

In an innovative twist, some of these floating solar farms incorporate aquaculture beneath the panels. Known as the “fisheries + solar” model, it allows communities to cultivate fish in the shaded waters below, creating a dual-income system, energy production above, food production below.

This integrated approach not only maximises resource use but also supports local livelihoods, blending sustainability with economic resilience.

Environmental dividends

The environmental benefits are substantial. The Fuyang project alone reduces carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 580,000 tons annually, while the Huainan facility cuts emissions by around 1.6 million tons each year.

Beyond emissions, these projects reclaim landscapes once deemed unusable—areas heavily damaged by coal extraction. In doing so, they rewrite the narrative of industrial decline into one of ecological restoration and innovation.

Sri Lanka: A nation poised for floating solar For Sri Lanka, the implications are profound.

Unlike China’s abandoned coal pits, Sri Lanka possesses thousands of irrigation tanks, reservoirs, and hydropower catchments that could serve as ideal platforms for floating solar. From the ancient tank systems of the dry zone to major reservoirs like Victoria Dam and Randenigala Reservoir, the country holds untapped potential to generate clean electricity without sacrificing precious land.

The country’s reliance on thermal power, particularly during drought periods when hydropower declines—has long been a challenge. Floating solar could provide a stabilising solution, reducing dependence on costly fossil fuels while complementing existing hydroelectric infrastructure.

Energy analysts note that integrating floating solar with hydropower reservoirs can create a hybrid system: solar power during the day, hydropower balancing supply at night. This synergy enhances grid stability and reduces overall generation costs.

The former CEB official stressed the urgency:

“Sri Lanka cannot afford to delay. With rising energy demand and climate pressures, we must explore every viable renewable option. Floating solar on our reservoirs is one of the most practical and scalable solutions available.”

Challenges and the road ahead

However, experts caution that careful planning is essential. Environmental assessments, grid integration, and financing mechanisms must be properly addressed. Community engagement, especially where fisheries are involved—will also be key.

Yet the blueprint already exists.

China’s transformation of submerged coal mines into renewable energy hubs offers more than inspiration—it provides a working model. For Sri Lanka, adapting that model to its own geography could mark a decisive step toward energy independence.

China’s floating solar farms stand today as one of the clearest symbols of a world in transition—from fossil fuels to renewables, from environmental degradation to restoration.

For Sri Lanka, the message is equally clear: the future of energy may not lie on land alone—but on water, where sunlight meets innovation.

If harnessed wisely, Sri Lanka’s vast network of reservoirs could one day mirror that transformation, turning calm waters into engines of sustainable growth.

by Ifham Nizam