Midweek Review
Field Marshal won’t quit SJB
Field Marshal Fonseka’s meeting with President Wickremesinghe, in early Feb this year, in Parliament, during its reconvening, has fuelled speculation of a secret understanding between them. Denying such claims, Fonseka disclosed he met Wickremesinghe not as the President but the Minister in charge of the Finance portfolio regarding some of his funds held by the government. According to Fonseka, his Feb meeting, on the day the President delivered his latest policy speech, was the third. “There were two other previous meetings regarding the same matter,” Fonseka said, adding that the other officials who dealt with the issue at hand were the Governor, CBSL, Treasury Secretary and the Attorney General. Disclosing the Feb meeting lasted just 10 minutes, Fonseka appreciated the fact that the President didn’t discuss politics at all on all occasions. “Perhaps, regarding the same matter, I may have to meet the President again.” The funds held by the government are widely believed to be received by Fonseka in the run-up to 2010 presidential polls.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka insists he’ll remain with the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) regardless of the continuing dispute with an influential section of the party.
The bone of contention is SJB and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa’s decision to grant membership to General Daya Ratnayake who served as Commander of the Army (2013-2015) during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s turbulent second tenure as the President.
Tough talking war-winning Army Commander Gardihewa Sarath Chandralal Fonseka, in an exclusive interview with The Island last week, at his political office at Thalahena, Malabe, discussed the developing situation in the SJB, the unceremonious ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, forthcoming national elections, his contact with President Ranil Wickremesinghe, the challenge posed by a resurgent Janatha Vimukthi Peremuna (JVP), predicament of the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the Gaza war where the US-backed Israel is engaged in a ruthless campaign, despite widespread allegations of committing genocide on hapless Palestinian civilians, by way of relentless bombardments and even by withholding food to them.
Declaring both Palestinians and Israelis have the right to live in their territories, Fonseka stressed that the Gaza war couldn’t be compared with the local brutal conflict that was successfully dealt through military means against the opinion of so many pundits both here and abroad, who openly declared that Lankan security forces were incapable of defeating the Tigers.
The Sinha Regiment veteran, as his family name Gardihewa denotes is from a fighting stock, didn’t mince his words when he questioned the rationale in appointing General Ratnayake, who had been with the Rajapaksas, as SJB advisor on public policy.
Acknowledging that there had been differences between him and the party on some matters of importance, the 73-year-old Gampaha District lawmaker alleged that the situation took a turn for the worse when the party leader brought in Ratnayake, who served the infantry with distinction.
A former military spokesman (2004-2006), Ratnayake served as the General Officer Commanding, 23 Division from Dec 2005 to August 2007 during the campaign in the East.
Fonseka stressed that the party couldn’t have accommodated Ratnayake under any circumstances as he was a beneficiary of successive Rajapaksa administrations.
Asked why he moved court against the party on the premise that the leadership wanted to sack him over his recent criticism of General Ratnayake’s move and what prompted him (Field Marshall) to do so if he felt the SJB didn’t want him, Fonseka said: “This situation was caused by my strong opposition to accommodating General Ratnayake in the SJB. I conveyed my disapproval to the party leader, General Secretary of the party, etc. They ignored my views on this matter. There were several reasons for me to oppose General Ratnayake. He served in different capacities, under the utterly corrupt Rajapaksa administrations, the FM claimed.
Ratnayake also played a significant role in two corrupt military courts which dealt with me. The government reciprocated by elevating him to the Army No. 02 slot over 166 other officers. That was wrong. Therefore, General Ratnayeke received benefits, unlawfully. Ratnayake was one of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Viyathmaga activists. He was a key Viyathmaga speaker. Then Ratnayake received appointment as Secretary to the then Industries Minister Wimal Weerawansa and then as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA).”
How could the party take in such a person even without asking me, the Field Marshal queried, pointing out that as the person who conducted the successful war against the LTTE, the Chairman of the SJB should have been consulted before taking retired military commanders. That was done in a clandestine way, the Field Marshal alleged.
The Field Marshal stressed that there was absolutely no basis for the party leader’s public declarations that he (Fonseka) acted against the powers bestowed on the party leader by the SJB’s Working Committee. Fonseka questioned the basis for the party leader’s declaration that those who opposed forming of an ex-military organization, within the party, should be dealt with firmly.
Field Marshal Fonseka denied the party leader’s accusations that he talked ill of the late President Ranasinghe Premadasa and former First Lady Hema. Field Marshal said that in the wake of a section of the print media reporting punitive disciplinary measures the party intended to take against him over previously mentioned unsubstantiated allegations, he was compelled to resort to legal action to protect his position in the party as well as his organizer’s post.
Fonseka declared: “I have never violated party discipline. My crime was talking against corrupt elements. I have never betrayed the party or its supporters. Those who took corrupt elements into the party were the ones who betrayed the party. Therefore, I will remain with the party. However, there were sorts of harassment.”
Field Marshal alleged that the party leader ordered the Mahara SJB organization not to give him an opportunity to address a recently organized rally. In spite of being present at the meeting on the invitation of the Mahara organizer, the Chairman of the party was prevented from addressing supporters, the Field Marshal alleged.
Quoting those who had been present there, Fonseka claimed that the party leader went to the extent of threatening the organizers that he wouldn’t attend the meeting if Fonseka turned up. Fonseka pointed out that the party leader acted in a way contrary to the court order obtained by him. Therefore, the party leader could be charged for contempt of court, Fonseka said, adding that he received a warm welcome from those present there though the party leader despised him for speaking the truth.
Future plans
Responding to a query on the Field Marshal’s short and long term plans against the backdrop of national elections scheduled for later this year (presidential) and next (parliamentary), the lawmaker said that his intention was for a clean administration thereby paving the way for Sri Lanka to stand alongside with the international community.
Fonseka said that having entered politics, 14 years ago, he was yet to see leaders and their followers working with a vision or a commitment to develop the country. Those who had served as the President since the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009 didn’t really work towards achieving the targets he, as the former Army Chief, expected them to do, Fonseka declared.
The Field Marshal admitted that he was in a dilemma as to what to do in the current circumstances as political parties, in the absence of tangible action plans to meet mounting challenges, simply struggled to cope with developing situations.
Asked whether he felt confident the presidential and parliamentary polls would be held as scheduled later this year and early next or whether there was a likelihood of President Wickremesinghe advancing the general election to this year, the Field Marshall said that regardless of the party they represented MPs liked presidential polls first though a few would take a different view.
Pointing out that President Wickremesinghe is most likely to contest the next presidential election with the backing of a significant section of the SLPP parliamentary group, regardless of the official position of the party, the writer asked Field Marshal whether he was confident of challenging the incumbent President.
Fonseka said that he hadn’t declared his intention so far to contest the forthcoming presidential poll. A section of the SLPP parliamentary group, including members of the Cabine, backed Wuckremesinghe’s candidature. In addition to that group, Wickremesinghe received the backing of some MPs, led by Nimal Lanza, Fonseka said, pointing out that in case the Rajapaksas fielded a candidate of their own their party would be divided. Fonseka explained: “…the President has yet to decide whether to contest the presidential poll. If the President is not sure of victory, he may not contest. The President hasn’t confirmed his intention to contest yet, though there are different views. We know in the past the UNP leader threw his weight behind common candidates on three occasions: me in 2010, Maithripala Sirisena in 2015 and Sajith Premadasa in 2019. Perhaps, Wickremesinghe did so because he wasn’t sure of the political terrain.”
Asked whether Fonseka would get an opportunity to contest the presidential poll for the second time, a smiling Field Marshal said that such an eventuality hadn’t been discussed at all. Fonseka said that he was still the number two of the SJB and that the Working Committee early last year declared party leader Sajith Premadasa as their candidate. That declaration had been made in a hurry at a time when the presidential election wasn’t even discussed, Fonseka said.
The SJB made the announcement on May 16, 2023. Fonseka said that in other countries political parties conducted surveys before making such announcements.
JVP’s unmistakable challenge
Commenting on the status of the JVP-led Jathika Jana Balawegaya campaign, Fonseka said that the Marxist party commanded the support of about 500,000 until recently. However, they appeared to have increased their support among the electorate and now could poll nearly two million votes. Of some 35% of floating vote and young voters, the JVP could secure a significant percentage, Fonseka asserted, declaring the Marxist party posed quite a challenge to major political parties now.
Fonseka asserted that the SLPP must have recorded a significant drop in support, whereas we (SJB) had a 2.7 mn voter base, and the NPP/JJB continued to expand, and all have to consider the developments taking place in post-Aragalaya politics.
Asked whether the JVP could win the next national election, Field Marshall explained: “That is an issue which needed careful examination. Whatever various interested parties say, there are three major political groups now. For the first time there is a genuine third force. The party that secured the largest block of seats at the next general election will have no option but to seek cooperation from other big players.”
Referring to the outcome at the recent Pakistan general election, Fonseka said that political parties here have to be mindful of that situation.
Fonseka declined to comment on the likelihood of JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake winning the next presidential poll. The former Army Chief said that there would be fierce competition among candidates and the electorate would also examine the qualities of the candidates in addition to the performances of the parties they represented.
Responding to a query on the SJB accommodating ex-military officers as if it was engaged in a competition with the NPP/JJB that has attracted a significant number of ex-military officers from a wide array of ranks, Field Marshall emphasized that some definitely didn’t deserve party membership. The NPP/JJB has initiated a unique campaign to attract ex-military personnel and they seemed to be successful in their efforts, Fonseka said.
SF, GR meet and post-Aragalaya developments
The Field Marshal, during a nearly 70-minute interview, discussed his meeting at the height of a public protest campaign to force the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to step down. In the run-up to the July 09, 2022 explosion of public anger, primarily instigated by outside forces or otherwise, Fonseka said that he received a message from President Rajapaksa, who served with him in the Army during the war. The President’s call was not to discuss the post of premiership but to take stock of the situation in the wake of May 9/10, 2022, violence that caused serious destruction of property. The ministers and ordinary members of Parliament couldn’t come out on to the streets, therefore the President was very much anxious of the security situation, hence the discussion. “If the invitation was to discuss post-Aragalaya political arrangements, I wouldn’t have accepted the President’s invitation.”
After having dealt with the security situation/developments for about one hour at the President’s House, the President while referring to the invitations that had been extended previously, invited the Field Marshall to accept the premiership. The President wanted Fonseka’s help to overcome the crisis and consolidate the government. Fonseka declined to disclose who else attended that meeting though he said the President sent one person to pick him up.
Commenting on Indian and US interventions here and National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa’s allegations pertaining to his alleged covert contacts with General Shavendra Silva (incumbent Chief of Defence Staff) during the unprecedented security crisis, Field Marshal Fonseka was of the opinion that Weerawansa talked irresponsibly.
Denying claims that he talked with General Silva on 13 occasions on the day crowds surrounded the Parliament, Fonseka disclosed they got in touch over the phone thrice. Fonseka alleged that Weerawansa was a habitual liar. By the time I contacted Gen. Silva, the crowds had overrun police barriers and were pressing the Army. Fonseka quoted Gen. Silva as having told him that the situation on the ground was not that good. About 30 minutes later Gen. Silva phoned Fonseka to report further deterioration of the situation and had been worried as his house, too, was within the area of continuing turmoil.
Fonseka said that he advised Gen. Silva to take measures to bring the situation under control but not order troops to open fire at surging crowds under the circumstances. Fonseka recalled how he advised the military, deployed near the President’s House on July 09, 2022, not to open fire.
For the third time Fonseka had called Gen, Silva later in the day but then the situation was out of control though the Army thwarted the attempt to march on Parliament. Fonseka explained that as the former Commander of the Army and an MP he was constantly in touch with the Army. Fonseka explained the facilities provided to him by the Army over the years.
Fonseka said that only a madman would say a former Army Commander talked to a serving General to conspire.
Fonseka mentioned that Sri Lanka was in such a desperate situation it couldn’t overcome the 2022 crisis without heavy international support. Appreciating the support extended by the international community, including India and the US, the Field Marshall emphasized he didn’t see any harm in receiving US and Indian support. Fonseka underscored the pivotal importance of substantial Indian financial and material support that helped the country to overcome the crisis and then make gradual progress.
“We should be grateful to them,” MP Fonseka said, urging the powers that be to secure whatever support the international community was ready to provide to the country.
Fonseka dismissed allegations of Western conspiracy pointing out that those who ruled the country should accept the responsibility for creating an environment for mass scale public rising due to the collapse of the economy.
Fonseka’s entry into politics
The ex-Army Chief said that it was the then Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe who personally invited him to be the common candidate at the 2010 presidential election. Without disclosing where the meeting took place within days after he relinquished command responsibilities in July 2009, Fonseka said the UNP leader was accompanied by the late Mangala Samaraweera.
Fonseka urged that his resignation and entry into politics be examined against the backdrop of the Rajapaksas’ decision to appoint an officer investigated by him, as his successor as well as post-war corruption and ‘deals.’
The meeting with Wickremesinghe was followed by a powwow with the JVP leadership. Fonseka declared that there was no likelihood of the formation of an alliance like the one that supported him at the 2010 presidential poll.
Pointing out that the 2010 alliance consisted of the UNP, JVP, TNA, SLMC and CWC, Fonseka stressed that unlike previous national polls now there were three political forces. The challenge posed by the JVP couldn’t be underestimated, Fonseka said.
Commenting on the possibility of the SLPP fielding a candidate of its own, Fonseka said that at a recent meeting in Matale the party announced Namal Rajapaksa as their candidate. An influential section of the SLPP remained with President Wickremesinghe though some obviously dreamt of Namal Rajapaksa’s candidature. Fonseka expressed serious doubts over such a political experiment.
Asked whether he would like to compare his strategy with that of Patali Champika, Fonseka stressed that though being elected on the SJB ticket the latter operated separately. Fonseka said that he hadn’t even considered leaving the party, while PCR already established his own party though it didn’t have recognition from the Election Commission. “I want to continue with the SJB. In case, the developments lead to the formation of an alliance and the need for a common candidate arises, I wouldn’t refuse that opportunity to be that candidate.”
Midweek Review
AKD’s Jaffna visit sparks controversy
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s (AKD) recent visit to Jaffna received significant social media attention due to posting of a less than a minute-long video of him going for a walk there.
An unarmed soldier was captured walking beside AKD who is also the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces in addition to being the Defence Minister. A soldier carrying an assault rifle was seen walking behind AKD. There was another soldier in a pair of shorts walking just behind the President. AKD’s Personal Security Officer (PSO) was not on that video. By January 26th morning that video received 378 K ‘hits’ and 9.8 K reactions.
AKD was in a pair of shorts and running shoes. There hadn’t been a previous occasion in which AKD was captured in a pair of shorts during his time as a lawmaker or the President. AKD was there on a two-day visit that coincided with Thai Pongal.
AKD’s latest visit to Jaffna for Thai Pongal caused a huge controversy when he declared that those who visited Buddhist shrines there influenced and encouraged hate. “Coming to Jaffna to observe sil on a Poya Day, while passing the Sri Maha Bodhi, is not virtue, but hatred,” AKD declared. The utterly uncalled for declaration received the wrath of the Buddhists. What made AKD, the leader of the JVP, a generally avowed agnostics, as well as NPP, to make such an unsubstantiated statement?
Opposition political parties did not waste much time to exploit AKD’s Jaffna visit to their advantage. They accused AKD of betraying the majority Buddhists in the country. Those who peruse social media know how much AKD’s Jaffna talk angered the vast majority of people aware of the sacrifices made by the armed forces and police to eradicate terrorism.
If not for the armed forces triumph over the LTTE in May 2009, AKD would never have ended up in the Office of the President. That is the undeniable truth. Whatever, various interested parties say, the vast majority of people remember the huge battlefield sacrifices made by the country’s armed forces that made the destruction of the LTTE’s conventional military power possible. Although some speculated that the LTTE may retain the capability to conduct hit and run attacks, years after the loss of its conventional capacity, the group couldn’t stage a comeback, thanks to eternal vigilance and the severity of its defeat.
AKD’s attention-grabbing Jaffna walk is nothing but a timely reminder that separatist Tamil terrorism had been defeated, conclusively. Of course, various interested parties may still propagate separatist views and propaganda but Eelam wouldn’t be a reality unless the government – whichever political party is in power – created an environment conducive for such an eventuality.
The JVP/NPP handsomely won both the presidential and parliamentary polls in Sept. and Nov. 2024, respectively. Their unprecedented triumph in the Northern and Eastern provinces emboldened their top leadership to further consolidate their position therein at any cost. However, an unexpected and strong comeback made by one-time LTTE ally, the TNA, appeared to have unnerved the ruling party. On the other hand, the TNA, too, seems to be alarmed over AKD’s political strategy meant to consolidate and enhance his political power in the North.
Perhaps, against the backdrop of AKD’s Jaffna walk, we should recollect the capture of Jaffna, the heart of the separatist campaign during President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s time. Jaffna town was regained in the first week of December, 1995, 11 years before the outbreak of Eelam War IV (August 2006 to May 2009).
Operation Riviresa
In the run-up to the January 2015 presidential election, Kumaratunga, who served two terms as President (1994 to 1999 and 2001 to 2005), declared that her administration liberated 75% of the territory held by the LTTE. That claim was made in support of Maithripala Sirisena’s candidature at the then presidential election. Kumaratunga joined hands with the UNP’s Ranil Wickremesinghe, the JVP (NPP was formed in 2019), the SLMC and the TNA to ensure Sirisena’s victory.
Liberating 75% of territory held by the LTTE was nothing but a blatant lie. That claim was meant to dispute war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s bid for a third term. Ahead of the 2005 presidential election, Kumaratunga’s administration lost the capacity to conduct large-scale ground offensives in the Northern theatre of operations. In fact, the last major offensive, codenamed Agni Kheelsa in April 2001, had been undertaken in the Jaffna peninsula where the Army suffered debilitating losses, both in men and material. That was President Kumaratunga’s last attempt to flex military muscle. But, she should be credited for whole-heartedly supporting Operation Riviresa (Aug. to Dec. 1995) that brought back Jaffna under government control.
In spite of several major attempts by the LTTE to drive the Army out of Jaffna, the military held on. The largest ever combined security forces offensive, under President Mahinda Rajapaksa, with the Navy and Air Force initiating strategic action against the LTTE and the triumph over separatist terrorism in two months short of three years, should be examined taking into consideration the liberation of the Jaffna peninsula and the islands.
If President Kumaratunga failed to bring Jaffna under government control in 1995 and sustain the military presence there, regardless of enormous challenges, the war wouldn’t have lasted till 2006 and the outcome of the war could have gone the other way much earlier. Whatever the criticism of Kumaratunga’s rule, liberating the Jaffna peninsula is her greatest achievement. Regardless of financial constraints, Kumaratunga and her clever and intrepid Treasury Secretary, the late A.S. Jayawardena, provided the wherewithal for the armed forces to go on the offensive. After the successful capture of Jaffna, by the end of 1995, Kumaratunga ordered Kfirs and MiG 27s, and a range of other weapons, including Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRLs), to enhance the fire power, but the military couldn’t achieve the desired results. While she provided any amount of jaw, jaw, it was Amarananda Somasiri Jayawardena who ensured that the armed forces were provided with the necessary wherewithal, under difficult circumstances, especially in the aftermath of the later humiliating Wanni debacle, when he was the Central Bank Governor.
AKD is certainly privileged to engage in morning exercises in a terrain where some of the fiercest battles of the Eelam conflict were fought, involving the Indian Army, as well as other Tamil groups, sponsored by New Delhi, in the ’80s.
When the Army secured Jaffna, in 1995, and lost Elephant Pass in 2000, the forward defence lines had to be re-established and defended at great cost to both men and material. By then, the Vanni had become the LTTE stronghold and successful ground offensive seemed impossible but under President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political leadership the combined armed forces achieved the unthinkable – the annihilation of the LTTE in a way it couldn’t make a comeback at any level. AKD’s post that went viral recently is evidence that peace has been restored and maintained for the Commander-in-Chief to take a walk on a Jaffna street.
Social media comments on AKD’s Jaffna walk reflected public thinking, especially against the backdrop of that unwarranted claim regarding Buddhists influencing hatred by visiting Jaffna on a Poya Day to observe sil, having passed the Sri Maha Bodhi.
UK anti-SL campaign

President Dissanayake taking a walk
It would be pertinent to ask the Sri Lanka High Commission in the UK regarding action taken to counter the continuing propaganda campaign against the country. Sri Lankan HC in the UK Nimal Senadheera owed an explanation as UK politicians seemed to be engaged in a stepped-up Sri Lanka bashing with the NPP government not making any effort to counter such propaganda against our country.
Interestingly, the UK government is on a collision course with no less a person than President Donald Trump over his recent humiliating comments on NATO troops who fought alongside the Americans in Afghanistan.
British Prime Minister Keir Starmer is on record as having said that President Trump’s comments were “insulting and frankly appalling.” Starmer suggested the US President apologise for his remarks. Amidst strong protests by humiliated NATO countries, President Trump retracted his derogatory comments.
But the UK’s position with regard to Tamil terrorism that also claimed the lives of nearly 1,500 Indian officers and men seemed different. The UK continues to ignore crimes perpetrated by the LTTE, including rival Tamil groups, political parties and Tamil civilians.
The Labour Party that promoted and encouraged terrorism throughout the war here raised the post-war Sri Lanka situation again.
The Labour Party questioned the British government in the House of Commons recently on what action it was taking to support Tamils seeking justice for past and ongoing abuses in Sri Lanka.
Raising the issue on 20 January 2026, Peter Lamb, the Labour MP for Crawley, asked: “What action is the UK Government taking to support Tamils in seeking justice for past and current injustices?”
Responding on behalf of the government, Hamish Falconer, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office, said the UK remained actively engaged in accountability for crimes committed against the Tamil people.
“The UK is active in seeking justice and accountability for Sri Lanka’s Tamil community,” Falconer told the House. He said Britain continues to play a leading role at the United Nations Human Rights Council on resolutions addressing Sri Lanka’s human rights record.
Falconer added that the UK had taken concrete steps in recent years, including imposing sanctions. “Last year, we sanctioned Sri Lankans for human rights violations in the civil war,” he said, referring to measures targeting individuals implicated in serious abuses.
He also stated that the UK had communicated its expectations directly to Colombo. “We have made clear to the Sri Lankan Government the importance of improved human rights for all in Sri Lanka, as well as reconciliation,” Falconer said.
Concluding his response, Falconer marked the Tamil harvest festival, adding, “Let me take the opportunity to wish the Tamil community a happy Thai Pongal.”
The UK cannot be unaware that quite a number of ex-terrorists today carry British passports.
David Lammy’s promise
Our High Commissioner in London Nimal Senadheera, in consultation with the Foreign Ministry in Colombo, should take up the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office Hamish Falconer’s comment on sanctions imposed on Sri Lankans in March 2025. Falconer was referring to General (retd.) Shavendra Silva, Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda, General (retd), Jagath Jayasuriya and one-time LTTE commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, aka Karuna Amman.
The then Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Affairs, David Lammy, declared in March 2025 that the above-mentioned Sri Lankans were sanctioned in line with election promises. A UK government statement quoted Lammy as having said: “I made a commitment during the election campaign to ensure those responsible are not allowed impunity. This decision ensures that those responsible for past human rights violations and abuses are held accountable.”
Since then David Lammy has received the appointment as Lord Chancellor, Secretary of State for Justice and Deputy Prime Minister.
Recent Thai Pongal celebrations held at 10 Downing Street for the second consecutive year, too, was used to disparage Sri Lanka with reference to genocide and Tamils fleeing the country. They have conveniently forgotten the origins of terrorism in Sri Lanka and how the UK, throughout the murderous campaign, backed terrorism by giving refuge to terrorists.
The British had no qualms in granting citizenship to Anton Balasingham, one-time translator at the British HC in Colombo and one of those who had direct access to LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. Balasingham’s second wife, Australian-born Adele, too, promoted terrorism and, after her husband’s demise in Dec 2006, she lives comfortably in the UK.
Adele had been captured in LTTE fatigues with LTTE women cadres. The possibility of her knowing the LTTE suicide attack on former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991 can never be ruled out.
With the British PM accommodating those campaigning against Sri Lanka at 10 Downing Street and the Deputy PM openly playing politics with the issues at hand, Sri Lanka is definitely on a difficult wicket.
Sri Lanka has chosen to appease all at the expense of the war-winning military. The NPP government never made a genuine effort to convince Britain to rescind sanctions imposed on three senior ex-military officers and Karuna. The British found fault with Karuna because he switched allegiance to the Sri Lankan military in 2004. The former eastern commander’s unexpected move weakened the LTTE, not only in the eastern theatre of operations but in Vanni as well. Therefore, the British in a bid to placate voters of Sri Lankan origin, sanctioned Karuna while accommodating Adele whose murderous relationship with the LTTE is known both in and outside the UK Parliament.
Some British lawmakers, in a shameless and disgraceful manner, propagated lies in the UK Parliament for obvious reasons. Successive governments failed to counter British propaganda over the years but such despicable efforts, on behalf of the LTTE, largely went unanswered. Our governments lacked the political will to defend the war-winning armed forces. Instead, the treacherous UNP and the SLFP got together, in 2015, to back a US-led accountability resolution that sought to haul Sri Lanka up before the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
The possibility of those who propagated lies receiving monetary benefits from interested parties cannot be ruled out. Sri Lanka never bothered to counter unsubstantiated allegations. Sri Lanka actually facilitated such contemptible projects by turning a blind eye to what was going on.
The Canadian Parliament declaration that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide during the conflict didn’t surprise anyone. The 2022 May announcement underscored Sri Lanka’s pathetic failure on the ‘human rights’ front. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa government struggling to cope with the massive protest campaign (Aragalaya) never really addressed that issue. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who succeeded Gotabaya Rajapaksa in July 2022, too, failed to take it up with Canada. The NPP obviously has no interest in fighting back western lies.
The Canada Parliament is the first national body to condemn Sri Lanka over genocide. It wouldn’t be the only parliament to take such a drastic step unless Sri Lanka, at least now, makes a genuine effort to set the record straight. Political parties, representing our Parliament, never reached a consensus regarding the need to defeat terrorism in the North or in the South. Of those elected representatives backed terrorism in the North as well as terroirism in the South. Perhaps, they have collectively forgotten the JVP terrorism that targeted President JRJ and the entire UNP Parliamentary group. The JVP attack on the UNP, in parliament, in August 1987, is a reminder of a period of terror that may not have materialised if not for the Indian intervention.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Some heretical thoughts on educational reforms
The term education originates from the Latin words ‘educare’, meaning ‘to bring up’, and educere, meaning ‘to bring forth’. The precise definition of education is disputed. But if it is linked with the obvious expected outcome of it – learning, then the definition of education changes to a resultant outcome of ‘a change in behaviour’.
Let me say this at the outset. I am not going to get embroiled in the nitty-gritty pros and cons of the current controversies hogging the headlines today. Except to say this. As every discerning and informed person says, we need educational reforms. There is near unanimity on that. It is the process – a long, and even tedious process – that needs to be carried out that gives rise to disagreements and controversy. A public discussion, stakeholder viewpoints and expert opinion should be given due time and consideration.
Sex education – “the birds and bees” to start with – has to be gradually introduced into school curricular. When? is the critical question that needs specific answers. Do we need to go by Western standards and practices or by a deep understanding of our cultural milieu and civilisational norms? One thing is clear in my mind. Introduction of sex education into school curricular must not be used – or abused – to make it a ‘freeway’ for indiscriminate enforcement of the whole human sexual spectrum before the binary concepts of human sexuality has been clearly understood by children – especially during their pre-pubertal and immediate post-pubertal adolescent years. I have explicitly argued this issue extensively in an academic oration and in an article published in The Island, under the title, “The child is a person”.
Having said that, let me get on to some of my heretical thoughts.
Radical thinkers
Some radical thinkers are of the view that education, particularly collective education in a regulated and organised school system, is systematic streamlined indoctrination rather than fostering critical thinking. These disagreements impact how to identify, measure, and enhance various forms of education. Essentially, what they argue is that education channels children into pliant members of society by instilling existing or dominant socio-cultural values and norms and equipping them with the skills necessary to become ‘productive’ members of that given society. Productive, in the same sense of an efficient factory production line.
This concept was critiqued in detail by one of my favourite thinkers, Ivan Illych. Ivan Illich (1926 – 2002) was an Austrian philosopher known for his radical polemics arguing that the benefits of many modern technologies and social arrangements were illusory and that, still further, such developments undermined humans’ image of self-sufficiency, freedom, and dignity. Mass education and the modern medical establishment were two of his main targets, and he accused both of institutionalising and manipulating basic aspects of life.
One of his books that stormed into the bookshelves that retains particular relevance even today is the monumental heretical thought ‘Deschooling Society’ published in 1971 which became his best-known and most influential book. It was a polemic against what he called the “world-wide cargo cult” of government schooling. Illich articulated his highly radical ideas about schooling and education. Drawing on his historical and philosophical training as well as his years of experience as an educator, he presented schools as places where consumerism and obedience to authority were paramount. Illich had come to observe and experience state education during his time in Puerto Rico, as a form of “structured injustice.”
‘Meaningless credentials’
Ilych said that “genuine learning was replaced by a process of advancement through institutional hierarchies accompanied by the accumulation of largely meaningless credentials”. In place of compulsory mass schooling, Illich suggested, “it would be preferable to adopt a model of learning in which knowledge and skills were transmitted through networks of informal and voluntary relationships”. Talking of ‘meaningless credentials’ it has become the great cash-cow of the education industry the world over today – offering ‘honorary PhDs’ and ‘Dr’ titles almost over the counter. For a fee, of course. I wrote a facebook post titled “Its raining PhDs!”.
Mass education and the modern medical establishment were two of his main targets, and he accused both of institutionalising and manipulating basic aspects of life. I first got to ‘know’ of him through his more radical treatise “Medical Nemesis: The expropriation of Health”, that congealed many a thought that had traversed my mind chaotically without direction. He wrote that “The medical establishment has become a major threat to health. The disabling impact of professional control over medicine has reached the proportions of an iatrogenic epidemic”. But it was too radical a thought, far worse than ‘Deschooling Society’. The critics were many. But that is not our topic for the day.
The other more politically radical views on education comes from Paul Freire. Paul Freire (1921 – 1997) was a Brazilian educator and Marxist philosopher whose work revolutionised global thought on education. He is best known for his 1968 book “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” in which he reimagines teaching as a “collaborative act of liberation rather than transmission”. A founder of critical pedagogy, Freire’s influence spans literary movements, liberation theology, postcolonial education, Marxism, and contemporary theories of social justice and learning. He is widely regarded as one of the most important educational theorists of the twentieth century.
Neutral education process?
Richard Shaull, in his introduction to the 13th edition of ‘Pedagogy of the Oppressed’ wrote: “There is no such thing as a neutral education process. Education either functions as an instrument which is used to facilitate the integration of generations into the logic of the present system and bring about conformity to it, or it becomes the “practice of freedom”, the means by which men and women deal critically with reality and discover how to participate in the transformation of their world”.
Here are a few quotes from Paul Freire before I revert to the topic I began to write on: “Liberating education consists in acts of cognition, not transferals of information.”; he believed that “true liberation comes from the oppressed taking agency and actively participating in the transformation of society”; he viewed “education as a political act for liberation – as the practice of freedom for the oppressed.”; He said that “traditional education is inherently oppressive because it serves the interests of the elite. It helps in the maintenance of the status quo.”
Where does our own ‘educational reforms’ stand? Is it transference, transformative, liberating or an attempt at maintaining the status quo with the help of the ADB? The history of educational reforms in Sri Lanka has been long. A quick check on the internet elicited the following:
Colonial Era (Pre-1940s): Colebrooke-Cameron Commission (1830s): Promoted English and standardised curriculum, laying groundwork for modern systems.
Buddhist Revival: Efforts by Anagarika Dharmapala to establish schools with Buddhist principles and English education.
The Kannangara Reforms (1940s): 1943 – Minister C.W.W. Kannangara introduced free education for all funded by general taxes; 1947 – introduced it from kindergarten to university. Central Schools (Madhya Maha Vidyalayas) established high-quality secondary schools in rural areas to ensure equitable access. Medium of Instruction was mandated to be the national languages (Sinhala and Tamil) for primary education.
Nationalisation and Standardisation
Nationalisation and Standardisation (1960s-1970s): 1961 – Denominational schools were taken over by the government to create a national education system. 1972 – New attempts at reform introduced following the 1971 youth uprising, focusing on democratising education and practical skills through a common curriculum and a national policy, responding to socio-economic needs. Introduction of language-based standardisation that in all likelihood triggered the ‘separatist war’. 1978 – change from language-based standardisation to district-based standardisation on a quota system for university entrance that was first introduced with a promise for only ten years, but persists until today, for nearly 50 years. No government dares to touch it as it is politically explosive.
Focus on quality and access (1980s-1990s): White Paper on Education (1981) – aimed to modernise the system together with components of privatising higher education. It faced severe criticism and public protests for its clear neoliberal leanings. And it never got off the ground. The National Colleges of Education (1986) were established.
1987 – Devolution of education power to provincial councils. 1991 – Establishment of The National Education Commission created to formulate long-term national policies. 1997 – Comprehensive reforms through a Presidential Task Force to overhaul the general education system (Grades 1-13), including early childhood development and special and adult education.
21st Century Reforms (2000s-Present): Mid-1990s-early 2000s – focused on transforming education from rote learning to competency-based, problem-solving skills; emphasising ICT, English, equity, and aligning education with labour market needs; introducing school restructuring (junior/senior schools) and compulsory education for ages 5-14; and aiming for national development through development of human capital.
Modernising education
2019 educational reforms focused on modernising education by shifting towards a modular, credit-based system with career pathways, reducing exam burdens, integrating vocational skills, and making education more equitable, though implementation details and debates around cultural alignment continued. Key changes included introducing soft skills and vocational streams from Grade 9/10; streamlining subjects, and ensuring every child completes 13 years of education; and moving away from an excessive focus on elite schools and competitive examinations.
This government is currently implementing the 2019 reforms in the National Education Policy Framework (2023–2033), which marks a radical departure from traditional methods. Module-Based System and a shift from exam-centric education to a module-based assessment system starting in 2026.
Already we have seen multi-pronged criticisms of these reforms. These mainly hinge on the inclusion – accidentally or intentionally – of a website for adult male friend groups. The CID is investigating whether it was sabotage.
Restricting access to social media
When there is a global concern on the use of smartphones and internet by children, and where Australia has already implemented a new law in December 2025 banning under-16s from major social media platforms to protect children from cyberbullying, grooming, and addiction, requiring tech companies to use age verification.
The U.S. does not have a federal law banning smartphones for under-16s, but a major movement, fuelled by the US Surgeon-General warnings and research on youth mental health, is pushing for restrictions, leading many individual states (like California, Florida, Virginia) to enact laws or guidelines for school-day bans or limits for students, focusing on classroom distraction and social media risks, with some advocates pushing for no smartphones before high school or age 16.
The UK doesn’t currently have a legal ban on smartphones for under-16s, but there’s significant political and public pressure for restrictions, with debates focusing on social media access and potential school bans, with some politicians and experts advocating bans similar to Australia’s, while others push for stronger regulations under the existing Online Safety Act to protect children from addictive algorithms and harm.
Sweden is implementing a nationwide ban on mobile phones in schools for students aged 7 to 16, starting in autumn 2026, requiring devices to be handed in until the school day ends to improve focus, security, and academic performance, as part of a major education reform. This national law, not just a recommendation, aims to reduce distractions and promote traditional learning methods like books and physical activity, addressing concerns about excessive screen time affecting children’s health and development.
Norway doesn’t have a complete smartphone ban for under-16s but is moving to raise the minimum age for social media access to 15 and has implemented strong recommendations, including a ban on phones in schools to protect children from harmful content and digital overexposure, with studies showing positive impacts on focus and well-being. The government aims to shield kids from online harms like abuse and exploitation, working with the EU to develop age verification for platforms like TikTok and Instagram.
Finland implemented a law in August 2025 restricting smartphone use for students aged 7-16 during the school day, empowering teachers to ban devices in classrooms, meals, and breaks, except for educational or health reasons, to combat distractions, improve focus, and support student well-being and social skills. The move aims to create calmer learning environments, reduce cyberbullying, and encourage more in-person interaction, giving teachers control to confiscate disruptive phones, though digital tools remain part of education.
Trend in liberal west
When this is the trend in the ‘liberal West’ on the use of smartphones by children in schools, did not our educational reform initiators, experts and pundits in the NIE not been observing and following these worldwide trends? How could they recommend grade 6 children to go to (even a harmless legitimate) website? Have they been in hibernation when such ‘friend/chat room’ sites have been the haunt of predatory paedophile adults? Where have they been while all this has been developing for the past decade or more? Who suggested the idea of children being initiated into internet friends chat rooms through websites? I think this is not only an irresponsible act, but a criminal one.
Even if children are given guided, supervised access to the internet in a school environment, what about access to rural children? What about equity on this issue? Are nationwide institutional and structural facilities available in all secondary schools before children are initiated into using the internet and websites? What kind of supervision of such activities have been put in place at school (at least) to ensure that children are safe from the evils of chat rooms and becoming innocent victims of paedophiles?
We are told that the new modular systems to be initiated will shift assessments from an exam-centric model to a modular-based, continuous assessment system designed to prioritise skill development, reduce stress, and promote active learning. The new reforms, supposed to begin in 2026, will introduce smaller, self-contained learning modules (covering specific topics or themes) with integrated, ongoing assessments.
Modular assessment and favouritism
I will not go into these modular assessments in schools in any detail. Favouritism in schools is a well-known problem already. 30% of final assessments to be entrusted to the class teacher is a treacherous minefield tempting teachers into corrupt practices. The stories emanating from the best of schools are too many to retell. Having intimate knowledge of what happens to student assignment assessments in universities, what could happen in schools is, to me, unimaginable. Where do the NIE experts live? In Sri Lanka? Or are they living in ideal and isolated ivory towers? Our country is teeming with corruption at every level. Are teachers and principals immune from it? Recently, I saw a news item when a reputed alumnus of “the best school of all” wrote a letter to the President citing rampant financial corruption in the school.
This article is already too long. So, before I wind up, let me get on to a conspiracy theory. Why have the World Bank and the ADB been pumping millions of USD into ‘improving’ our education system?
World Bank
The World Bank is the largest source of external financing for education in developing countries, maintaining an active portfolio of approximately $26 billion in 94 countries reaching an estimated 425 million students— roughly one-third of all students in low- and middle-income countries.
The World Bank funds education globally through loans, grants, and technical assistance to improve access, quality, and equity, focusing on areas like teacher training, digital infrastructure, and learning outcomes, with significant recent investment in Fragile, Conflict, and Violence (FCV) settings and pandemic recovery efforts. Funding supports national education strategies, like modernising systems in Sri Lanka, and tackles specific challenges such as learning loss, with approaches including results-based financing and supporting resilient systems. Note this phrase – ” … with significant recent investment in Fragile, Conflict, and Violence (FCV) settings ….”. The funds are monumental for FCV Settings – $7 billion invested in Fragile, Conflict, and Violence settings, with plans for $1.2 billion more in 2024-25. Now with our Ditwah disaster, it is highly fertile ground for their FCV investments.
Read Naomi Kline’s epic “The Shock Doctrine: The rise of disaster capitalism”. It tells it all. It must be read and digested to understand the psychology of funding for FCV settings.
The 40.3 million USD World Bank’s IRQUE (Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education) Project in Sri Lanka (circa 2003-2009) was a key initiative to modernize the country’s higher education by boosting quality, accountability, and relevance to the job market, introducing competitive funding (QEF), establishing Quality Assurance (QA) functions for the first time, and increasing market-oriented skills, significantly reducing graduate unemployment. I was intimately involved in that project as both Dean/Medicine and then VC of University of Ruhuna. Again, the keywords ‘relevance to the job market’ comes to mind.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) is heavily funding education reform in Sri Lanka, notably with a significant $400 million loan (Secondary Education Sector Improvement Program – SESIP) to transform secondary education, aligning it with global knowledge economy demands, improving curriculum, teacher training, and infrastructure for quality access. ADB also provides ongoing support, emphasising teacher training, digital tech, and infrastructure, viewing Sri Lanka’s youth and education as crucial for development. The keywords are ‘aligning it with global knowledge economy demands’. As of 2019, ADB loans for education totalled approximately $1.1 billion, with cumulative funding for pre-primary, primary, and secondary education exceeding $7.4 billion since 1970 in the Asia-Pacific region.
Radical view of IMF and WB
A radical view of the Bretton Woods twins – the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank – and the ADB characterises them not as neutral facilitators of global economic stability and egalitarian economic development in poor countries, but as tools of Western hegemony, neoliberal imposition, and institutionalized inequality. From this perspective, these institutions, created to manage the post-WWII economic order, have evolved into instruments that perpetuate the dominance of the Global North over the Global South.
The World Bank and the ADB (in our part of the world) have been investing heavily on education reform in poor countries in Asia and Africa. Why? Surely, they are not ‘charity organisations’? What returns are they expecting for their investments? Let me make a wild guess. The long-term objective of WB/ADB is to have ‘employable graduates in the global job market’. A pliant skilled workforce for exploitation of their labour. Not for “education as a political act for liberation” as Paul Freire put it.
I need to wind up my heretical thoughts on educational reform. For those of us who wish to believe that the WB and ADB is there to save us from illiteracy, poverty and oppression, I say, dream on.
“Don’t let schooling interfere with your education. Education consists mainly of what we have unlearned.” – Mark Twain
by Susirith Mendis
Susmend2610@gmail.com
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A View from the Top
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