Features
Europeans Must Learn from Asians Instead of Lecturing Them
My Talk with Kishore Mahbubani Part 2
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa
Kishore Mahbubani’s insights into Western narratives about Asia reveal significant misconceptions that have shaped global politics. In addressing the question of how these narratives influence international relations, he draws a clear distinction between American and European viewpoints. He critiques the American narrative for its narrow focus on the “China challenge,” arguing that it obscures a broader understanding of Asia: “The Americans don’t realise that there are 4.8 billion people in Asia, and China is only 1.4 billion.” He emphasises the need for a more comprehensive approach, stating that “they have to understand the rest of Asia too, and work with the rest of Asia.”
Mahbubani highlights that most Asian countries are willing to collaborate with China in various capacities. This collaboration is often met with resistance when the U.S. attempts to force a binary choice between allegiance to China or the United States. He reflects, “When the Americans try to force the Asian countries to choose between China and the United States, there’s resistance.” This dynamic exemplifies the misunderstandings that hinder effective dialogue and cooperation.
Turning his attention to European narratives, Mahbubani argues that they should be capitalising on the economic opportunities that Asia presents. He notes that the largest growth in the middle class will occur in China, India, and ASEAN nations, stating, “You know, the combined population of China, India, and ASEAN is 3.5 billion people.” He highlights the astonishing growth of the middle class in these regions, pointing out that only 150 million people enjoyed middle-class living standards in 2000. By 2020, that number had surged to 1.5 billion, with projections estimating it will reach between 2.5 and 3 billion by 2030. Mahbubani asserts that “if the Europeans were smart, they would learn how to engage Asia and work with Asia.”
However, he expresses disappointment that “the European Union countries do not know how to be humble” and often prefer to lecture Asian nations rather than collaborating with them. He views this as a significant misstep, stating, “This is very, very unwise.” His assessment includes a striking statistic that should alarm European leaders: “In 1980, the combined European Union GNP was ten times bigger than China. Now, it’s about the same size. And by 2050, the European Union will be half the size of China.” He cautions, “When you go from being 10 times larger to becoming half the size, you got to learn how to be humble.”
As the world moves towards a multipolar order, Mahbubani anticipates challenges in achieving global cooperation. He notes that the geopolitical contest between the U.S. and China is likely to continue for the next decade, as many in America feel they have “about 10 years to stop China.” Mahbubani critiques this urgency, arguing that it is “unwise” and that finding ways to coexist with China is essential. He emphasises this need in his book, Has China Won?, where he outlines the benefits of constructive engagement with the rising power.
Furthermore, he points to the emergence of other great powers, including India and Russia, while highlighting the European Union’s unique position: “It’s an economic giant and a geopolitical dwarf.” This phrase encapsulates the need for Europe to reassess its approach in a world where multiple powers coexist. Mahbubani urges Asian nations to demonstrate their ability to navigate this multipolar landscape, asserting, “We have to learn to live with a multipolar world.”
When asked about the potential for conflict between the U.S. and China, Mahbubani expresses cautious optimism, stating, “I’m reasonably confident that there’ll be no war between United States and China.” He explains that in a nuclear conflict, there are no true winners—only mutual devastation. “In a nuclear war, there’s no winner and a loser. There’s a loser and a loser.” He elaborates that even if China were to lose major cities, the U.S. would not accept the catastrophic loss of cities like New York or Washington, D.C. Therefore, he argues, while a vigorous contest between the two nations will continue, outright war is improbable.
Transitioning to the situation in Ukraine, Mahbubani shares his perspective on how the conflict could have been avoided. He believes that American leaders should have heeded the advice of strategic thinkers like George Kennan and Henry Kissinger. He recalls Kennan’s warning about NATO expansion, which he deemed a “mistake” that would “alienate and anger Russia.” He asserts that Kennan, a key strategist during the Cold War, understood the long-term implications of U.S. foreign policy. Mahbubani states, “The American and the European leaders, especially, don’t think long-term and don’t think strategically.”
He observes that while the Ukraine war has strengthened U.S. influence in Europe, it has not benefitted the European Union in the long term. “I don’t see how this Ukraine war has helped the European Union,” he notes, asserting that the EU must acknowledge the necessity of living with Russia for the next century or more. “They have to stand up to Russia,” he acknowledges, while also emphasising the importance of seeking peaceful resolutions. “Certainly, the Russian invasion of Ukraine is illegal, and we should condemn the Russian invasion. But at the same time, we should also try to find a solution for peace that takes into consideration Russia’s interests.”
Through his candid analysis, Mahbubani calls for a deeper understanding of global geopolitics, urging a shift from outdated narratives to one that embraces cooperation, humility, and a recognition of the multi-dimensional realities of the modern world. He encourages leaders and citizens alike to engage with Asia as a vital partner in shaping the future, rather than viewing it through a lens of fear and misunderstanding.
In my recent conversation with George Friedman (Sunday Island, October 6, 2024), the topic of U.S. strategies regarding Russia emerged, where Friedman indicated that the U.S. plans to prolong the conflict, positioning it as beneficial for America in the long run. In response, I probed Kishore Mahbubani about this perspective, and he expressed a more cautious viewpoint on warfare. “Wars are always unwise,” he stated, emphasising that they often lead to “unanticipated consequences.” Instead of pursuing prolonged conflict, Mahbubani advocates for finding avenues to dampen wars. He emphasises that the world’s most pressing issue is climate change, arguing, “If you ask what is the most important thing the world needs to fight today, it is climate change. You cannot fight climate change if you’re too busy fighting over territory.”
He illustrates this point with a powerful metaphor, describing our shared global predicament: “You are all now passengers on the same boat. If the boat is sinking, what’s the point of arguing about who’s got the bigger cabin?” This analogy accentuates the futility of territorial disputes when faced with existential challenges that require collective action.
Transitioning to the United Nations (UN), I asked Mahbubani about his insights regarding its credibility and effectiveness, especially in light of Western nations’ influence. Drawing on his experiences as Singapore’s ambassador to the UN, he asserted the urgent need for reforms, particularly regarding the Security Council.
He reiterated his belief that India should secure a permanent seat, stating, “I wrote a column in the Financial Times saying it’s time for the UK to give up its permanent seat in the UN Security Council to India.” He elaborated on this by noting that the UN’s founding principles intended the veto to be held by “the great powers of today, and not the great powers of yesterday,” asserting, “The UK is a great power of yesterday. India is a great power of today and tomorrow.”
Mahbubani further argued that it would be in the best interest of the UK to “pass on their veto to India,” noting that the UK has largely ceased to use its veto power due to its diminished global standing. He remarked, “The British know that if they use their veto, countries will say, who are you? Why should you use the veto?” Additionally, he critiqued the UK’s political landscape, stating, “When they elect prime ministers who are jokers and jokes, you should first take care of yourself and not try to save the world.”
Regarding the broader challenges facing the UN, Mahbubani expressed concern over the weakening of the organisation, attributing this trend to the actions of the United States and its allies. He emphasised in his book The Great Convergence that “it has been a mistake for the Western countries to try and weaken the United Nations and the multilateral system.” He highlights the statistical reality that the West makes up only 12% of the global population, arguing that minorities in a global village should prefer a rules-based order to avoid chaos and anarchy.
In light of these dynamics, he cited former President Bill Clinton’s observation: “If the United States is going to be number one forever, it can do whatever it wants to do. But if the United States is not going to be number one forever, and may become number two, then it’s in America’s national interest to strengthen multilateral rules.” Mahbubani is adamant that the U.S. and Western nations must recalibrate their approach, shifting from undermining the UN to strengthening it, a perspective he urges all nations from the Global South to communicate collectively to the West.
As we discussed the emergence of alternative organisations, I asked if he believed this was the reason for the growing prominence of BRICS. Mahbubani affirmed that the inadequacies of traditional multilateral organisations have led to the formation of alternatives. He acknowledged the significance of the G20 but noted its current paralysis. “Clearly, many of the global multilateral organisations are not functioning well, and there are all kinds of alternatives developing,” he said. He also mentioned regional agreements like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) as part of this shift towards new forms of multilateral governance.
Addressing allegations against China regarding debt traps in nations like Myanmar and Sri Lanka, as well as countries in Africa, Mahbubani pushed back against these narratives, citing Deborah Brautigam, an American academic who has provided evidence against the “myth of the debt trap.” He pointed out that “the bulk of African debt is not to China; it’s to the West,” emphasising the historical context in which African nations have been politically and economically colonised by Western powers. Mahbubani contended that many African countries appreciate China’s involvement because it offers them a choice in their partnerships. He stated, “If they don’t have a choice, then they get bullied,” highlighting that African nations value China’s presence as it enhances their bargaining power with Western countries.
Finally, I enquired about the significance of peace between India and China, given the existing border tensions. Mahbubani highlighted the importance of cooperation between these two Asian giants, lamenting the current state of their relations. “Many of us in Southeast Asia are saddened that relations between China and India today are not good,” he remarked. He invoked former Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s sentiment that “the sky is big enough for China and India to grow together,” expressing hope that both nations can learn to manage their differences effectively.
He also voiced a similar hope for India and Pakistan, advocating for normalised trade relations between them. “It’s shocking that even though Southeast Asia is in ethnic, cultural, religious, linguistic terms, much more diverse than South Asia, we have much more successful regional cooperation,” he observed, urging South Asian countries to learn from ASEAN’s successful models.
Concluded
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.
Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.
Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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