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Elizabeth the Great

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By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

When the Union Jack, fluttering from the flagpole of Buckingham Palace, was gently lowered to half-mast, just after 6.30pm (BST), on Thursday, 8th September, the anxious wait of the nation for six hours was over and all hopes were dashed. From the time an announcement was made from Buckingham Palace just after 12.30pm that Her Majesty was gravely ill, the nation feared the worst, but hoped for the best. As the notice announcing the death of Queen Elizabeth was being posted on the gates of Buckingham Palace, the autumn showers, bathing London from morning, eased off and a ray of sunshine emanated through the thick dark clouds, dominating the western skies forming a rainbow over the Union Jack fluttering, lazily, half-mast. The much-loved Queen was no more!

Queen Elizabeth II was the most famous woman, perhaps the most famous person, in the whole world, and much had been written about her. When I wrote an article on the occasion of her celebrating an unprecedented Platinum Jubilee (A Queen Unmatched, The Island 23rd April) I never imagined I would be writing again on her, so soon. More so, because just two days before, she was seen with all smiles, bidding farewell to her 14th Prime Minister and welcoming the 15th. How uncertain life is!

I wish to highlight some of her unique achievements and defend her from some of the unfair accusations made. Unfortunately, most hurting for her, some these came from within; first from Diana and then from Megan. A few have endured so much they seem to have come to be regarded as true. Perhaps, unfortunately, the royal tradition is not to use the right of reply and Her Majesty has famously stated “Don’t complain – Don’t explain!”

In an excellent editorial, titled “Death of a great leader” (The Island, 10th September), whilst paying a glowing tribute to Queen Elizabeth, the editor has stated:

“Great as she was, Queen Elizabeth II was not infallible. Her handling of some of her family affairs came in for criticism, as in the case of the Diana controversy, which had an adverse effect on the reputation of Buckingham Palace. A much-publicised claim by the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, in an interview with Oprah Winfrey, earlier this year, that Buckingham Palace’s decision to deny Archie the title of Prince had been driven by institutional racism, within the monarchy, also reflected badly on the Queen, who, however, remained unfazed. Despite such blemishes, as it were, and what her critics may say, all in all, her reign was hugely successful and stood Britain in good stead.”

Unfortunately, Princess Diana was being manipulated by many including journalists, and the then PM Tony Blair, who wanted to showcase Diana as the face of the new monarchy. With the resounding majority he received, Tony Blair may have thought that he could reform the monarchy, too. His wife declared that she did not intend curtsy to the queen. Apparently, Her Majesty cut him down to size, stating at their first meeting “You are my 10th Prime Minister. The first was Winston. That was before you were born”. Perhaps, this made Blair’s resolve even greater but, to his credit, he gave sound advice to the Queen, following the death of Diana.

Diana’s sudden death evoked mass hysteria, more so because the media made her a saint in spite of many indiscreet liaisons, and made Charles a pariah because of his public admission that he had a liaison with Camilla, after his marriage had broken down, irretrievably. The Queen was in Balmoral, consoling her two young grandsons, who had lost their mother. The resultant delayed return to Buckingham Palace evoked public criticism and generated newspaper headlines. Added to that, Mohamed Al-Fayed was making wild accusations that the monarchy was instrumental in murdering Diana, and his son Dodi, who, by the way, was carrying-on with Diana, whilst having an American girlfriend! ‘Operation Paget’, the Metropolitan police inquiry, headed by Lord Stevens, established that it was a tragic accident. An interesting fact that was disclosed during the inquiry was that both Diana and Dodi may have survived the crash had they worn seat belts. The only survivor was the security officer, the only person to wear a seat belt. Al-Fayed disagreed with the inquiry report but had to stop slandering once the coroner’s inquest was concluded, in April 2008, when the jury returned the verdict that Diana and Fayed were unlawfully killed as a result of “gross negligence” of the driver Henri Paul and the paparazzi.

The Oprah Winfrey interview, with the Sussexes, turned out to be a publicity stunt where Oprah demonstrated a total lack of tough questioning she is renowned for. Had she done her research, she could have brought to their attention “letters patent dated 20 November 1917 by King George V” when the accusation was made that Archie was denied the title ‘Prince’ because of institutional racism within the monarchy. Archie was not entitled to be a prince as the ‘letters patent’ restricted the title of Prince to the children of the sovereign, the children of the sovereign’s sons, and the eldest living son of the eldest son of the Prince of Wales. They forgot to mention that the Queen conferred an appropriate title which they refused. Megan stated that they requested this title for security purposes. The fact is that security does not depend on the title but on the basis of individual assessments made by the security services. She also stated that Charles will deny Archie the title. In spite of the atrocious campaign carried out, sometime ago by Diana supporters, to skip a generation and make William the king, Charles has become King and we have Prince Archie and Princess Lilibet! What a pity that a publicity seeking American actress, not a Hollywood actress even of B-grade but a minor one who acted in some TV series, who got married to a Prince, has done so much of reputational damage to the British Monarchy?

The Queen is far from being a racist. In fact, when in 1961 she danced with Ghana’s first President Kwame Nkrumah at a farewell reception, it was the racist segment of the British populace that was infuriated. Though the Netflix series ‘The Crown’ tried portray it as ‘the dance that changed history’, it probably is an exaggeration. Nkrumah remained a socialist till he was deposed, but this dance may well have catalysed the process of many African countries joining the Commonwealth.

The other Prime Minister the Queen did not get on well with was Margaret Thatcher. It is well known that Her Majesty was concerned about Thatcherite policies causing social upheaval. In fact, Thatcher had once commented that if the Queen had the vote, she would probably vote for Social-Democrats! This makes it obvious that though born to riches, Her Majesty felt the pulse of the poor. But the main disagreement was about sanctions on South Africa. Thatcher found excuses not to impose sanctions, perhaps because her husband had business interests but, ultimately, the Queen prevailed and sanctions were imposed which facilitated the dismantling of apartheid. This was the reason for the close association between the Queen and Nelson Mandela.

The British Commonwealth was started by the Queen’s father and she transformed it to be the powerful organization, the Commonwealth of Nations. When she became Queen, there were eight members and, at the time of her death, the number stood at 56 countries, from all inhabited continents, with a combined population of 2.4 billion. All the English-speaking countries are members, except the USA, which, in a way, is an advantage as the USA would have distorted the Commonwealth. Still, some Americans seem to be looking upon Britain as the ‘mother country’ as stated by a couple from California who were laying flowers at Buckingham Palace. Interestingly, four African countries, that were not under British rule, too, have opted to join the Commonwealth. Mozambique, formerly under Portugal, joined in 1995, and Rwanda, formerly under Germany, and then the Netherlands, joined in 2009. Gabon and Togo, both formerly under France, joined on 29th June 2022. Many others have applied to join which dispels the accusation that the British Monarchy is racist. As suggested by the Queen, King Charles has taken over the responsibility of heading the Commonwealth.

The Queen has shown an abiding interest in Sri Lanka. Victoria Dam was a British gift, under the patronage of Her Majesty. A former Sri Lanka High Commissioner to the UK told me how, on two occasions, during largely attended diplomatic receptions, the Queen came looking for him to inquire how we are coping after the 2004 Tsunami and how our Cricket team was faring after the 2009 attack in Pakistan. In spite of all this, some ‘liberal’ commentators have taken objections to flying the Sri Lankan flag half-mast and having a National Day of Mourning because we are a republic. These narrow-minded experts are a minority, fortunately. Judging by the reactions across the world, these measures are more than justified.

Monuments across the world were illuminated in the Queen’s honour, including ‘Christ, the Redeemer, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Politicians, around the world, have been paying tribute, the best coming from President Macron of France. In spite of the traditional Franco-British rivalry and derogatory personal references by Liz Truss, during the leadership campaign, President Macron responded with magnanimity. While conveying his condolences to the British people, he stated: “To you, she is your Queen but to us, she is THE Queen”! No one could have better described the high esteem with which Queen Elizabeth was held around the world.

According to the British regnal system she is Queen Elizabeth, the Second but she was second to none. She was the most successful British Monarch ever. Therefore, I, too, join the clamour that the best way to honour this magnificent lady is by calling her “Elizabeth, the Great!”



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Features

Peace march and promise of reconciliation

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Peace walk in progress

The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.

This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.

government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.

Positive Response

The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.

The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.

By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.

More Initiatives

The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.

In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.

The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.

by Jehan Perera

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Regional Universities

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Development initiatives: Faculty of Technology, University of Jaffna and NCDB

The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.

At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.

In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.

In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.

Regional context

The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.

Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.

Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.

Reimagining development

In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.

One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.

I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.

In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

by Ahilan Kadirgamar

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‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change

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The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.

He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.

The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.

The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.

With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.

SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.

Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:

“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”

For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:

Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”

Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.

It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.

The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”

Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.

In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.

Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.

Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.

Can’t wait for it!

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