Features
Election ’24: Hopes for Constitutional Reforms are still alive
by Rajan Philips
The Collective for Democracy and Rule of Law (CDRL) is making a commendable intervention to launch a platform for constitutional reform early on in this election year. The Collective has convened a meeting of civil society activists and organizations, and a well-attended meeting was held in Colombo on Wednesday (January 24) last week. My focus today is on the discussion document that was circulated in advance and discussed at the meeting.
It is a refreshingly short document of 11+ pages, entitled “Principles and Proposals for Political and Constitutional Reform,” which underscores the work done by the Collective members over 30 years in preparing multiple drafts for constitutional reform. This long work without commensurate results due to ill-equipped and constitutionally less than literate political leaders, has led to constitutional overthinking in Colombo political circles. The new document is mostly free of overthinking but not totally without its hangover. At the same time, the results of their efforts have not been insignificant. To wit, the 17th Amendment and the 19th Amendment to the constitution, even though they were generally frustrated by the vexatious (18th and 20th) Amendments) of the Rajapaksas.
Thanks to Aragalaya, the country was spared of what could have been a disastrous overhaul of the constitution under Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the most constitutionally illiterate person ever to hold high offices in the Sri Lankan state. The legacy of Aragalaya is evoked in the invitation for Wednesday’s meeting, inasmuch as it was an expression of desire with new ideas among Sri Lankan citizens for a “deepening democratization” of the state. The new ideas of public trust, accountability and meaningful participation are what inform the “Principles and Proposals for Political and Constitutional Reform,” and what the proposals for reform are seeking to achieve.
Parliament and Presidency
Fundamental to these changes is the restoration of parliamentary democracy, and the new proposals seem keen to frame the debate by emphasizing the restorative aspect as the primary reform goal and the abolition of the executive presidency as its inevitable adjunct. The most readily implementable part of the new proposals is the electoral reform which is also crucial to restoring parliamentary democracy. The proposals provide for a bicameral legislature comprising a House of Representatives of 200 members and a Senate of 50 members.
Of the 200 members of the House, 130 are to be elected from the old-style territorial constituencies and the simple first-past-the-post system. 60 members are to be allocated to political parties based on proportional representation according to their voting tallies either at the national level or provincial level. The remaining 10 seats are to be allocated to political parties who contested the election but have no representation among the 190 members. These seats will be allocated to them in proportion to their national vote.
The proposals indicate that appropriate provisions will be made to ensure adequate representation of women, youth and underrepresented interest groups. Including women with youth and interest groups for appropriate consideration is simply not acceptable. The 60 proportional representation seats could easily be, and in fact should be, all allocated to women, which would be similar to constitutional arrangements in Bangladesh and in Pakistan.
Although the electoral reform is part of a complete reform package, there is no reason why these changes cannot be implemented by the current parliament, to be in place for the next parliamentary election.
That is not a task for the Collective for Democracy and Rule of Law, but the Collective could certainly build public and media pressure to bear on the political parties in parliament and on the aspiring presidential candidates.
If the question of implementing electoral reform here and now were to be put to Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa, or His Excellency, President Wickremesinghe, will they risk rejecting it? We will not know unless someone asks them.
While at it, why not add the amendment to change the system of electing the Head of State?
The new proposal is to have the President (and a Vice President) elected by an electoral college comprising members of the House of Representatives and the Senate. We will get to the Senate later, but why not have an amendment now by the current parliament that would end the system of direct election and provide for the new parliament to elect the next president as the Head of State but not the Head of Government.
Why go through the trouble and expense of a direct presidential election in September-October if it is going to be the last such election?
Again, it is up to the will of the political leadership and it is not a question of whether or not it can be done. The two changes are certainly doable by the current parliament. They are also implementable within the framework of the current constitution. I cannot see any one of the three presidential candidates publicly rejecting these possibilities if they were put to them in a public forum. Ideally, having all of them together at the same forum.
Vice President
Another proposed change is to have a Vice President, which would be an interesting addition to have even after the presidential system is emasculated. It would also be a striking contrast to President Jayewardene ruling out a Vee Pee for him while implementing a full throttled presidential system. His reasons of course were perversely negative – to avoid a political shootout among his second rung ministers to climb the Vee Pee pole. The top guns were all plotting to succeed JR Jayewardene.
The motivation now to have a Vice President is positively different – for the purpose of “sharing higher-level political office between ethnic communities” as part of transforming Sri Lanka into “a multi-ethnic and pluralist democracy.” The Vice President is stipulated to be someone from a community other than the community to which the President belongs.
There are enough examples from India where the President and the Vice President have been elected by an electoral college and have provided symbolic representation to India’s vastly diverse communities and groups. There will be no coming of age celebrations for Sri Lanka as a modern republican democracy until any and all high posts are equally open to all of its citizens regardless of their ethnic identity. Until then, small steps like the vice presidential positions should be welcome as notable progress.
The Senate
The old senate that was brusquely brushed away even while the Soulbury Constitution was breathing its last, is now back but with a different structure and for wholly different reasons. One would think that that it will not be, to reverse Jennings as well as Colvin, either superfluous by being rubber stamp to the House or mischievous by frustrating the will of the people. Rather, the new Senate could look for its model in what the founders of the US Senate (mostly James Madison) intended it to be – a mature, cautious, competent and deliberative body of sober second thought. And not what the US Senate, and more so the Congress, are turning out to be under the onslaughts of Trump’s Republican Party.
The new Senate is intended to be an institution for power sharing by ensuring provincial representation, in addition to being a check on the legislative overreach of the House of Representatives.
The Senate is proposed to have 50 members, with each Provincial Council electing five members, at least two of them women; and five members appointed by the President to represent unrepresented or underrepresented interests.
The 45 provincial members are to be elected on the basis of proportional representation within each provincial council, and the five presidential appointees are to be nominated by the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the House of Representatives.
All Senators are expected to be drawn from those “who have distinguished themselves in public life.” This qualification is too vague and will not be enough if the Senate is to play the role that is expected of it. The minimum age must be much higher than what it is for a voter or to become an MP. It will not hurt to require educational qualifications along with alternative experiential qualifications. There is no point in having a Senate if it is going to end up with the same calibre of MPs as there are in today’s parliament.
The proposal would seem to provide for all bills to be presented to the Senate for review and feedback, but not to vote on. The exceptions would be bills that may have implications for provincial powers, and they will require passage in the Senate with at least two members from each province voting in favour. This is the intended safeguard for provincial powers and functions from being diluted or usurped by the central government. Finally, the Senate will have the same role as the House in Constitutional Amendments – with two-thirds majority required both in the House and the Senate. No more referendums!
Balance of Powers
Besides electoral reforms, reconstituting the balance of power between the President and Parliament is a key requirement for restoring parliamentary democracy. The abolishing of the executive presidency by itself is a major part of restoration. But before Sri Lanka came under presidential tyranny it had a trial run under parliamentary tyranny. The new proposals are alert to avoiding that.
A number of provisions are being suggested – the Senate as already discussed, restricting cabinet size, establishing a Constitutional Council, and judicial review of legislation and administrative actions along with the return of the Constitutional Court, are the main ones. On a not unrelated note, there is some significance given to the matter of handling cross-over MPs.
In what seems to be an anomaly, the President is identified as the “repository of the executive power of the people,” even after restoring parliamentary democracy. This seems to be textual hangover from the JRJ constitution, while the Prime Minister as the Head of Government, and the government is going to be good old Cabinet Government. What is the purpose in identifying a “repository of the executive power” in the constitution that is outside the cabinet government?
The executive power in any event will be exercised by the Cabinet of Ministers who will in the restored order be answerable only to parliament and not any higher executive. At the same time the cabinet is cut to size literally by the proposal to limit the number of ministers to 20 and the number of state ministers also to 20. DS Senanayake wanted such a limitation in the Soulbury Constitution but the British advised against it.
Interestingly, at least five of the 20 ministers ought to be women, and at least another five ought to belong to communities other than the majority community. Shades of fifty-fifty, you would think. Similar distribution is also proposed for state ministers. These are laudably inclusive measures.
The idea and the institution of a Constitutional Council is recognized as being the outcome of “civil society pressure to curb the excessive powers of the executive presidency and to depoliticize the state and public service … (and) to function as a system of checks and balances to curb governmental power.” The same institution is proposed to be retained even after parliamentary democracy is restored, because “it could serve as an instrument for achieving a national consensus on high-level appointments.”
There should be second thoughts on the Constitutional Council as the idea of having another constitutional layer seems superfluous especially after getting rid of the executive presidency and bringing in a Senate comprising distinguished citizens. What is that we need a Constitutional Council (CC) for that cannot be done by the Senate or its Committees, even joint Committees with MPs?
Four of the 10 CC members are already members of the House or the Senate. The other six members or comparable alternates could be elected as Senators. Is there a need for another body to accommodate five distinguished citizens for their wise counsel when they can be easily accommodated in the Senate? At most, a Constitutional Council can play a fixed-term role until all the constitutional changes are implemented and the Senate is established and functioning. At that point the Council could be terminated.
(To be continued)
Features
El Niño and Sri Lanka: Safeguarding food security in uncertain times
by Prof. Janaka Wijesinghe, Dr. Nishala Wedamulla and Gayathma Weerawanni
As climate variability becomes an increasing challenge for nations worldwide, Sri Lanka faces growing concerns over the impact of El Niño, a natural climate phenomenon that can disrupt rainfall patterns, increase temperatures, and place additional pressure on agricultural production. For a country where agriculture remains a vital part of the economy and rural livelihoods, preparing for climate uncertainty has become essential to safeguarding food security. Food security includes not only the availability of food but also access to nutritious and affordable food.
Climate-induced disruptions to agricultural production can affect all dimensions of food security. Vulnerable populations, including low-income households and rural communities, are often the most affected by fluctuations in food supply and market prices.
Cause of the phenomenon
El Niño occurs when sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern Pacific Ocean become unusually warmer than normal, influencing global weather patterns. Although the phenomenon originates thousands of kilometres away, its effects are felt across many regions, including South Asia. According to experts, in Sri Lanka, El Niño events can contribute to irregular rainfall, prolonged dry periods, higher temperatures, and changes in the timing and intensity of monsoon rains.
Sri Lanka’s agriculture sector is particularly vulnerable to these climate fluctuations and faces increasing challenges from climate variability, with the El Niño phenomenon emerging as one of the most significant threats to national food security. As global temperatures continue to rise, understanding and preparing for the impacts of El Niño has become essential for ensuring a stable food supply and protecting the livelihoods of millions of Sri Lankans. Mainly, rice, the staple food of Sri Lanka, depends heavily on reliable water availability.
Reduced rainfall during critical cultivation periods can lead to drought conditions, lower reservoir levels, and can affect paddy yields, while excessive rainfall at unexpected times can damage the crop through flooding, diseases, and poor field conditions. In addition, other crops, including vegetables, fruits, and plantation crops, may also experience productivity losses due to heat stress and water shortages. These impacts can result in food shortages, rising food prices, and reduced incomes for farming communities.
The consequences of climate-related agricultural disruptions extend beyond farmers. Reduced crop production can lead to increased food prices, greater dependence on imports, and challenges in maintaining a stable food supply. For vulnerable communities, especially small-scale farmers and low-income households, these impacts can significantly affect nutrition and livelihoods.
Need to reduce postharvest losses
In such circumstances, reducing postharvest losses becomes a critical component of national food security strategies. Food that is produced but lost after harvesting represents wasted land, water, energy, labour, and financial resources invested in the production. In Sri Lanka, significant quantities of fruits, vegetables, grains, and other agricultural commodities are lost due to inadequate harvesting practices, poor postharvest handling, unsuitable storage conditions, inefficient transportation, and limited processing facilities. During periods of climate stress, such as El Niño-induced droughts, these losses become even more serious because the available food supply is already under pressure. Minimising postharvest losses can, therefore, increase food availability without requiring additional land or agricultural inputs. Hence, strengthening postharvest management can make a major contribution to climate resilience. Improved harvesting techniques, better packaging, temperature-controlled storage, efficient transportation systems, and modern processing technologies can extend the shelf life of agricultural products and reduce wastage.
How to face challenges
Promoting small-scale processing and value addition can also help farmers preserve surplus production and maintain income during periods of market fluctuations. Achieving food security in an era of climate uncertainty requires a comprehensive approach that considers both production and preservation. Increasing agricultural productivity alone is not sufficient if a significant portion of harvested food is lost before reaching consumers. Reducing postharvest losses should be recognised as one of the most practical, cost-effective, and sustainable solutions for ensuring food availability.
Moreover, Sri Lanka has opportunities to strengthen its resilience against El Niño-related challenges. Improving climate forecasting systems and ensuring that farmers receive timely weather information can help communities make better decisions on planting dates, crop selection, and water management. Climate-smart agricultural practices, such as drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation methods, soil conservation, and improved water storage, can reduce risks associated with changing weather patterns. Water management remains one of the most important strategies for climate resilience. Expanding rainwater harvesting, maintaining irrigation systems, and protecting watersheds can help communities manage water shortages during dry periods.
Importance of climate-smart agriculture
At the same time, Sri Lanka must continue to promote climate-smart agricultural practices. The use of drought-tolerant crop varieties, efficient irrigation systems, soil conservation methods, and improved weather forecasting services can help farmers adapt to changing climate conditions. Providing timely climate information enables farmers to make informed decisions regarding crop selection, planting schedules, and resource management.
Investment in research and innovation will also play a key role. Agricultural institutions and researchers can support farmers by developing technologies and practices suited to changing climatic conditions. Promoting crop diversification can further reduce dependence on a limited number of crops and provide alternative sources of income during periods of climatic stress.
Food security in the face of climate change requires cooperation among government agencies, farmers, researchers, private-sector stakeholders, and communities. Early warning systems, disaster preparedness plans, and supportive agricultural policies can help minimise the effects of extreme climate events. As climate uncertainty becomes the new normal, proactive measures are essential to protect Sri Lanka’s food future. While El Niño presents significant challenges, strategic planning, innovation, and collaboration can help the nation build resilience and ensure that every citizen has access to safe, nutritious, and affordable food. More importantly, policy support is crucial in building a resilient food system. Government agencies, research institutions, and the private sector must work together to develop sustainable agricultural practices and strengthen food supply chains. Diversifying food production and reducing post-harvest losses can also contribute to greater food security.
El Niño as a stark reminder
El Niño is a reminder that climate challenges do not respect geographical boundaries. While Sri Lanka cannot control global climate phenomena, it can strengthen its ability to adapt and respond. By combining scientific knowledge, sustainable farming practices, and effective planning, the nation can protect its food systems and ensure a more secure future in an era of increasing climate uncertainty.
As the climate continues to change, preparedness is no longer an option; it is a necessity for protecting Sri Lanka’s food security and the livelihoods of generations to come.
Features
Getting organised for the new arrival
BY Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond),
FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance medical correspondent
KEY POINTS
=Being parents of a newborn baby is a tremendous responsibility.
=To attend to the necessary chores and duties at home, the home set-up must be well organised.
=The routine care of a baby, throughout 24 hours, is a demanding one. But if things are well looked after and prearranged, it would make the task that much easier.
=It is a joint responsibility of the mother, as well as the father, and all other inmates of the same household.
At long last, the baby has arrived, and the parents will be taking him or her home. Usually in uncomplicated deliveries, even after Caesarean operations, the baby is sent home in a couple of days. It is generally a hectic time, and if steps have not already been taken to get things organised at home, it can be quite difficult for new parents. Getting things in shape should have started well before the baby’s birth, but even if he or she arrives earlier and unexpectedly, getting organised at that stage is important to make life easier for both parents. This is perhaps easier said than done, especially for a young couple, but it is a process that would pay dividends. All that is required is plenty of common sense. Getting organised for the newborn baby well in time will make life that much easier in the subsequent months and years to come.
An important thing to do is to arrange everything in the bedroom so that the ‘baby things’ are easily accessible and you know where to find each item. As an example, it should not be necessary to look high and low for nappy pins once a nappy has been put on the baby. What is advocated today is to keep the baby in the same bed as the parents, and this means an extra cot may not always be necessary. It would also provide a little more space in the room, which would otherwise have been taken up by a cot. However, a small baby cot is sometimes useful to put the baby to sleep and provide some rest and relaxation to the mother.
If the baby is kept on the same bed as the mother, there is no danger of the mother rolling over the baby during sleep, as the natural in-built maternal instincts would wake her up at the slightest touch from the baby or the tiniest noise from the baby.
Clothes and nappies
The clothes and nappies of the baby should be easily accessible and available at all times. It is not necessary to buy a new almirah or a cupboard for the baby. A couple of shelves of a cupboard that is already in the bedroom would do nicely. Even a small separate wooden or cane rack with shelves too would be more than adequate for this purpose. The secret is to still have sufficient room in your own bedroom to move about even after getting the baby’s things organised. Sweeping and cleaning the bedroom should be done every day. Some people elect to wet-mop the floor, which is a really good thing. These tasks should not take too much time and could be quickly attended to when the baby is resting quietly after a feed.
Other people in the household and perhaps the father of the baby could help in this regard. Battery torch lights and emergency lights for power failures should be kept in places that are easily accessible, even in the dark. It is no joke to start looking for these things when there is a loss of electrical power. One needs to be prepared, as such unexpected power failures are so very frequent in certain areas of the country. Incidentally, there is nothing against the use of electric fans in the bedroom where the baby is.
During very warm days, it will only make the baby more comfortable. It will not cause any illness. The same applies to air conditioners, provided they are maintained well and serviced regularly. If there is a telephone in the house, it would be worthwhile getting a cordless extension so that the mother does not have to run around in circles to answer the phone while attending to the needs of the baby. This is of course minimised completely today with the use of modern mobile phones.
Feeding the baby should not cause any problems at all. The need of the hour is to exclusively breastfeed for the first six months. THERE IS NO OTHER MILK THAT COMES EVEN CLOSE TO THE GOODNESS OF MOTHER’S MILK – FULL STOP; NO ARGUMENTS AND NO BUTS. There is extremely convincing and overriding scientific evidence for breast milk being the very best form of nutrition for a new arrival. It is the golden elixir of life, and there is nothing else, absolutely nothing else, that is as good as mother’s milk for a baby. The infant milk-food companies can even shout from the rooftops but they have no chance, whatsoever, against proven scientific medical evidence. It is also important to stress that babies need to be fed on demand and very definitely NOT BY THE CLOCK. All babies will indicate by various actions when they are hungry and feel the need to be fed.
Breastfeeding obviates need for bottles, etc.,
Exclusive breastfeeding would obviate the need for bottles, teats, cups, spoons, formula milk powder, sterilising equipment, etc. There is no extra cost involved as well. Government legislation has provided working mothers with sufficient maternity leave to feed their babies with human milk for at least the first four months. If there are ways of getting a little bit more leave to stretch it to six months, this should be explored to the fullest, as the benefits of exclusive breastfeeding are worth a lot more than money could buy. There are added benefits of breastfeeding such as control of the mother’s weight and figure as she burns up a significant number of calories in producing her milk.
When it is time to give the baby a bath, arrange everything you need around the place where you are going to bathe the baby. Towels, soap, etc., should be at arm’s length. If there is help available at home in the form of members of the extended family or domestic aides, this is the time you could really make use of them. When the mother gets used to the procedure, bathing a baby is no big deal. In most instances, it is a thing that both mother and baby would enjoy. Get the baby used to bathing as early as possible. This will prevent him or her from making an almighty fuss at bath time later on. Almost all babies love to be in water provided they are introduced to bathing very early in their lives.
The mother must arrange her mealtimes and resting periods to coincide with the times when the baby is quiet or is sleeping. Mother’s meals just need to be nutritious, and everyday foods are more than adequate. It is not necessary to go out of the way to provide her with expensive supplementary foods or additional forms of nutrition. There is no scientific evidence to say that certain foods are not good for nursing mothers. The notions of “heaty” foods and “cooling” foods have no scientific rationale.
Most authorities believe that a nursing mother could and should eat anything and everything. The only thing necessary is to provide a nicely balanced and adequate diet. The mother needs to get a sufficient and acceptable amount of sleep, especially during the day. This is particularly important because she may have to get up several times during the night to feed and change clothes of the baby. Steps must be taken to provide her with these essential periods of rest. Organising a routine to help her with this aspect would be most desirable.
Father’s work schedule
It is also advantageous for the father to get his work schedules and duties rearranged as much as possible and in such a manner so as to provide sufficient time at home to help in caring for the baby. This, of course, depends on the exact type of work that he is involved in. In each and every case, a genuine effort should be made to have quality time with the mother and the baby. This is particularly useful for the first few months of the baby’s life. As far as possible, the father should be equally involved with the rearing practices of the baby. Looking after a baby should be a shared responsibility. This process also enhances the baby developing a very beneficial and desirable bond with both parents.
The arrival of a new baby should not lead to a complete social embargo for the family. One could travel outside the home with the baby, especially if the times of travel are carefully planned to suit the requirements of the baby, such as feeding times. Even then, if the baby is breastfed, he or she could be fed almost anywhere. Some babies are, however, prone to throwing up while travelling immediately after a feed. It is generally better to avoid intensely overcrowded social gatherings, but social visiting, attending weddings and parties, with the baby in tow, are quite in order, even when the baby is just a few weeks old.
If the parents own a car, it is a good idea to get a commercially available baby car seat that is fitted to the rear seat of the car. The sooner you get the baby used to travelling in this baby seat, the better it is for all around. It is the safest way to take the baby in the car. In some of the Western countries, newborn babies are not discharged from the hospital till a car seat is fitted to the car. Unfortunately, baby car seats are not that popular in this country, but it must be pointed out that they contribute a great deal towards the safety of a baby in the case of a traffic accident.
Unnecessary expenditure
Many parents spend unnecessary amounts of money on a baby. All kinds of expensive items, such as perfumes, colognes, powders, etc., are not quite essential for a baby. The natural milky smell of a baby is quite unique. The clothes that one buys for a baby should be simple, uncomplicated, light and preferably of cotton origin. Their design should be very safe for the baby. It is best to remember that babies grow up very fast, especially in the first two years of life and tend to outgrow clothes in next to no time. Even the toys for the baby should be appropriately selected and should be very safe and eminently affordable.
There is no reason whatsoever that the expenses for a little newborn baby should be more than what one would normally need to spend on an adult.
A newborn baby should be such a joy for the entire family, including the extended family. Grandparents would usually dote on the baby. If there are other children, it is important to provide the necessary attention to them as well so that they would not feel neglected. It would prevent sibling rivalry, and the other kids would go on to love the new arrival. All newborn babies are quite a delight and not a burden, and it is definitely their right to be treated as such.
Features
Shouldn’t foreign expert be appointed MD of SLP?
by J. A. A. S.R anasinghe,
Productivity Specialist
rathula49@gmail.com
The recent appointment of Vipul Misra, an Indian national, as Acting Chief Executive Officer of Sri Lankan Airlines deserves to be viewed from a much broader perspective than simply as an appointment to a vacant position. In my view, it is a sensible and courageous decision by the Government.
Sri Lankan Airlines is a national asset operating in an intensely competitive international aviation industry. It requires specialised aviation knowledge, commercial acumen, operational discipline and international exposure. According to the report on his appointment, Misra brings more than two decades of aviation engineering and leadership experience, including experience with major Indian carriers such as Air India, Vistara, IndiGo, SpiceJet, Kingfisher Airlines and Air Deccan.
Dr. Sarath Obeysekera, a high-profile CEO and the former Managing Director of Colombo Dockyard PLC contends the appropriateness of filling senior corporate positions of the public sector from foreign nationals, when positions of high-calibre CEOs are not locally available. He says that Sri Lankan Airlines has previously benefited from expatriate professional leadership. During the Emirates management period from 1998 to 2008, British aviation professional Peter Hill led the airline through rebranding, fleet modernisation, network expansion and improvements in service standards.
The airline reported profits during several of those years, although later analysis showed that gains from aircraft sales and leaseback transactions contributed significantly to some results. Nevertheless, the airline was run with greater commercial discipline, clearer accountability and considerably less day-to-day political interference.
Following the end of Emirates management, due to direct intervention by the then President, Sri Lankan Airlines faced turbulent situations and passed through numerous chairmen, chief executives, restructuring proposals, procurement controversies and political interventions while taxpayers continued to carry its debts and losses.
It would be unfair to suggest that every Sri Lankan chairman or CEO was incompetent or corrupt. Sri Lanka has produced many outstanding aviation professionals. The deeper problem has been a governance system in which even capable executives can be weakened by political appointments, interference in commercial decisions, frequent leadership changes and the absence of measurable accountability. He says that the arrival of Indian professional leadership is not limited to aviation.
Colombo Dockyard presents another significant example. Following the acquisition of a controlling interest by India’s state-owned Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders, Capt. Jagmohan was appointed its non-executive chairman. He is a naval architect with extensive experience in warship design, naval dockyards, shipbuilding and major maritime projects. (Mazagon Dock leadership)
This partnership could give Colombo Dockyard access to capital, technology, Indian and international orders, specialised naval work and a much larger supply chain. However, because the Dockyard is an important national maritime asset, success must be measured by the creation of skilled Sri Lankan employment, expansion into commercial and offshore engineering, growth in exports, transfer of technology and development of local managerial successors—not merely by a change of ownership or boardroom nationality.
The rise of Indian professionals should not surprise us. Sundar Pichai leads Alphabet and Google, while Indian-born executives have led several other globally important technology and industrial corporations. India has built an enormous pool of engineers, scientists, accountants and managers through technical education, English-language capability, exposure to large competitive markets and international professional mobility.
India’s formal national ambition is Viksit Bharat 2047—to become a developed nation by the centenary of its independence. The target is 2047 rather than 2040, and its vision specifically combines economic growth, skills, social progress, sustainability and good governance. (Government of India)
The important lesson is that nationality should not be the principal criterion for selecting the person to lead a strategically important State enterprise. Competence should be, according to Dr. Obeysekera. This principle should now be extended to another equally important national institution — the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA), as this post has fallen vacant and an advertisement has appeared in the newspapers calling for applications from suitable applicants.
The recent discussion surrounding the vacant substantive post of Managing Director of the SLPA, including Dr. Sarath Obeysekera’s call for the appointment of a “developer, not merely an administrator”, raises a fundamental question: Are we looking for someone merely to administer the existing machinery of the Ports Authority, or someone capable of transforming Sri Lanka’s ports into major engines of investment, industry, employment and foreign-exchange earnings?
The distinction is crucial. On the other hand, one should not be over excited for the manner in which foreign nationals are employed not in hundred perhaps in thousands in manual operational activities in heavy industries in Sri Lanka. In the case of Shipbuilding and Construction industries, the deployment of welders and skilled workers have now become a norm rather than an exception.
Sri Lanka possesses enormous maritime advantages. Colombo is strategically located on one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, while Hambantota and Trincomalee offer substantial possibilities for future development. Yet the challenge is no longer simply to operate ports efficiently. The country must develop the ecosystem around them — logistics, ship repair, shipbuilding, offshore services, maritime industries, warehousing, bunkering, technology, investment and related export-oriented activities.
This requires a different type of leadership. The government should therefore consider applying the same bold thinking demonstrated in the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment to the SLPA. If the best person to transform the Ports Authority is a Sri Lankan, appoint that person. If the best candidate is an internationally recognised professional from India, Singapore, Dubai, Europe, Japan or elsewhere, why should nationality become a barrier?
Indeed, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority Act itself provides that the Minister shall appoint a “competent and experienced person” as Managing Director, whose responsibility includes directing the business, exercising the Authority’s functions and controlling its employees. That statutory emphasis on competence and experience should guide the selection.
What Sri Lanka needs is not another appointment based primarily on seniority, institutional familiarity or traditional public-sector credentials. It needs a leader with a proven international track record in port development, maritime logistics, commercialisation, investment attraction and large-scale project execution. Such a person should be given clear targets and held accountable for delivering them.
The appointment of an international professional should not be regarded as an admission of failure on the part of Sri Lankan professionals. On the contrary, it would demonstrate confidence in the principle that Sri Lanka’s national assets deserve the best available talent, wherever that talent may be found.
The government has already demonstrated this new approach through the Sri Lankan Airlines appointment. I respectfully suggest that it should now have the courage to apply the same principle to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.
Our national assets are too valuable to be confined to a search for talent within national boundaries. The best person for the job should be given the job irrespective of nationality.
-
News5 days agoUS embassy won’t comment on IGP’s probe into joint drug raid
-
News4 days agoBid for Basil’s extradition nears final stage: Police
-
News3 days agoShanakiyan urges urgent action over reported death sentence for Lankan in Saudi Arabia
-
Features7 days agoThe emptying university: why are academics leaving?
-
Business5 days agoAll-new Bolero MaXX unveiled in Sri Lanka
-
Opinion7 days agoWho committed genocide and created mass graves in Sri Lanka?
-
News2 days agoNamal Rajapaksa Buddhist gambit fails, bail denied
-
Opinion5 days agoA journalist who wrote across the divide
