Features
Educational reforms: Seeing through the global labour market
by Mahendran Thiruvarangan
Reforming Sri Lanka’s education system in ways that cater to global needs appears to be a central focus of the new government. This pronouncement first appeared in the NPP’s election manifesto with reference to vocational education. Later, in October 2024, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake stated that our education system should be rebuilt in alignment with global demands. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Harini Amarasuriya mentioned in a speech in December 2024 that building a skilled workforce capable of meeting the needs of both local and global labour markets is a key objective of the government’s development vision.
While it may be important that we reflect upon how our education system facilitates (or does not facilitate) our school-leavers and graduates to secure jobs and contribute meaningfully to the national and global economies, it is equally necessary to unpack the lauded terms ‘global’ and ‘global job market’ and discuss the hegemonies and exclusions they produce as regards both education and employment.
Two Visions of the Global
‘Global’ as a frame or vision is invoked in two contrasting ways in contemporary political discourses. One points to the creation of a borderless world which facilitates the transmission of capital across national borders. Such a world, despite its promise of prosperity and progress, is haunted by the many tragedies that the global south has seen as a result of the precarity created by the free flow of transnational capital. The Bhopal gas tragedy of 1984 and the fires that burnt down garment factories in Bangladesh in 2012 are just two examples. These disasters are attributable to the workings of the global labour market and the logic and mechanisms that it deploys to create divisions within the global labour force along racial, gendered and national lines. Within this system that creates boundless profits for the wealthy, the global south and its working classes, especially women and subalterns, are pushed into experiencing extreme forms of vulnerability.
In juxtaposition to this cataclysmic view of the global, those with a commitment to social justice and internationalism frame the global as an ideal that strives for a world built around solidarities and a radical imagination of liberation and equality. This world is united by a shared desire to eliminate all forms of oppression, both locally and globally.
Our conversations on education seem to be animated by these two varying visions of the global. On the one hand, there is an increased push by governments, international financial organizations, donor agencies and a section of the academia for our universities to produce a globalized labour force for the private sector that will subserviently meet the demands of transnational capital. On the other side, the glaring inequalities that we see in our communities and countries call for a revitalization of the education system which includes cultivating a critical consciousness and creative abilities that kindle imaginaries of togetherness and resistance among students, workers and citizens. As socio-economic inequalities fuelled by neoliberalism are widening in both Sri Lanka and most countries in the global south, there is an urgent need to bring to the front and centre this second vision of the global in our deliberations on educational reforms.
Global Job Market vs Global Crises
The global labour market is a neoliberal idea which forces education systems all across the world to produce and supply a docile labour force that can help global capitalism advance its exploitative, neocolonial agendas. The imperatives of this market are designed to ensure that the world remains a place of deep inequalities and only a limited number of people have access to jobs that can guarantee basic comforts and facilities such as housing, healthcare, transportation and electricity. Thus, one has to be skeptical of educational policies informed by the thinking and rationales that govern the global labour market.
There exists a huge disconnect between the expectations of the global labour market and the stark realities that characterize the current global moment which demand the attention of those involved in educational endeavours. The genocide in Gaza, the rise of right-wing populism in many parts of the world, the growing income inequalities within many countries, the alarming rates at which our environment is being denuded and the hostility women and sexual minorities face all across the world are some deeply worrying incidents and trends that we are watching today.
The reforms thrust upon our education systems by donor agencies, such as the World Bank and Asian Development Bank tend to align with a neoliberal vision. They do not situate education and employment in relation to these economic and political crises that affect millions of people across the world today; nor do they have any interest in creating an understanding among students about the histories of these crises and how the failures of our education systems have contributed to the current global disarray.
Neoliberal Educational Reforms
Neoliberal donors are focused primarily on making our educational institutions meet the conditionalities of the global labour market. They push governments to privatize education and universities to introduce fee-levying academic programmes. Their goal is to turn education into a marketable commodity and education systems into profit-making sites. Rather than striving for an education that creates local and global solidarities for change, these donors lay emphasis on creating technologies that can link countries and continents in ways that can support the onward march of extractive capital. A good example in this regard is Sri Lanka’s educational reforms since the 2000s which have given a central place to the teaching of English and Information Technology. These two areas were marketed as qualifications necessary for graduates to survive in a job market dominated by transnational capitalist conglomerates.
Similarly, the current moves to remove critical content from the curricula and replace them with ‘soft skills’ such as leadership, ethics and morality, communication and public speaking as pre-requisites for employment is geared towards producing a corporate-attired, global, English-speaking class of entrepreneurs and those who assist them unquestioningly in their neoliberal pursuits. Such courses, while universalizing colonial values and ways of thinking, isolate skills from criticality, technology from politics, and employment from action and activism.
Creating disciplinary hierarchies, neoliberal reforms privilege hard sciences, technology education, management and accounting and the English language. As a result, in many countries the Humanities and Social Sciences are defunded and denigrated as disciplines without any use value. There have been attempts to remove courses with a focus on literatures and languages from the general curriculum at universities. In some settings, academics who teach these disciplines are faced with the threat of losing their jobs.
In Sri Lanka, degree programmes in English Language Teaching are presented as lucrative, whereas literature programmes and local languages are branded as disciplines that will not yield any monetary benefits to the learner. If Arts, Literatures and Humanities have any value within this system, their role is reduced to providing entertainment for those with material comforts. The classical Roman poet Horace said that poetry should both instruct and delight simultaneously.
The neoliberal labour market drives a wedge into this twinned goal, framing arts and literature in narrow terms as pleasure generating industries. It seeks to erase the role creative, affective labour plays in bringing about social change. This is why governments should be able to see through and, when necessary, see past the global labour market in rejuvenating our education system.
The Way-forward for the NPP Government
The NPP government, which won the elections with the promise of change, should not allow the neoliberal conditionalities of the global labour market to overdetermine its educational reforms. The economic crisis that led to the people’s uprising of 2022 and the NPP’s electoral victories was caused mainly by the country’s descent into neoliberalism. If the government is serious about taking the country out of the current crisis, it must fight neoliberalism head-on at all fronts, including within the education sector. Being indecisive and sending out confusing signals, such as commitment to social justice on the one hand and statements in support of the edicts and expectations of the global job market on the other, will weaken the education system further. This ambiguity results in part from the severe pressure exerted by donor agencies on whom the education sector of Sri Lanka and many other countries rely on for funding.
Identifying its budget priorities rightly, the new government should increase spending on state education and create and support educational pursuits that help students resist the hegemonies of global capital. There should be increased support for the Humanities and Social Sciences and increased encouragement for universities to re-frame degree programmes in natural sciences in ways that that help students explore technologies and remedies that minimize socio-economic inequalities and support ecologically viable development initiatives. Overall, the reform process should be approached with a new, liberationist outlook focused on egalitarian social transformation.
(Mahendran Thiruvarangan is a Senior Lecturer attached to the Department of Linguistics & English at the University of Jaffna)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
‘The devil is in the details’ in West Asian peace
It is obviously too early for an outpouring of joy over the seeming cessation of hostilities between the main antagonists in West Asia. While the prospect of there being a measure of calm in the region is being welcomed by considerable sections of the international community, what is ‘on the table’ currently is only a Memorandum of Understanding between the US and Iran to give peace a chance. The hard part in the peace effort remains to be achieved.
In the Middle East of today we have one of the most complex conflicts to break out in modern international politics and the observer would be naive in the extreme to expect a facile and early closure to the tangle. Yet, for the sake of the world’s publics who have been hurting badly in the prolonged hostilities one could only hope that the US-Iran MoU that is expected to be signed by the sides on Friday would lead eventually to a substantive peace. The world’s thanks are due to Pakistan in this connection for its sustained support in the peace drive.
While the sides have agreed to a ceasing of hostilities in the most general terms and have reached accord on the facilitation of uninterrupted oil and gas supplies to the rest of the world, for instance, the ‘devil will prove to be in the details’ in an envisaged comprehensive peace settlement. It is these details that would make or break peace if the negotiations go on in earnest.
Nevertheless, the details would need to be worked out consensually in a spirit of compromise with an eye to the greater good of the world community. Realpolitik or a narrow focus on solely the national interest among the protagonists, for example, would need to give way to a measure of humanity that would encompass within it a consideration of the overall well being of the world. In other words, it is statesmanship that would crucially matter.
The next few weeks would establish whether humanists are ‘asking for far too much’ when they broach the questions at issue in these terms. Yet it is essentially self interest and national security considerations of the first importance that drove the conflict from even prior to February this year and these questions would need to be taken up and resolved to the satisfaction of the US and Iran in the main if some headway is to be made towards a durable settlement.
The nuclear issue would prove to be the proverbial Gordian Knot. From a realistic viewpoint, Iran could not be expected to be without a potential nuclear deterrent in the face of perceived nuclear threats emanating for it from the West and Israel. In the short term, Iran would need to possess this deterrent to a measure, within a mutually agreed international legal framework maybe, until wide agreement is reached on the nuclear tangle. Specifically, Iran’s immediate threat perceptions with regard to her nuclear-powered rivals would need to be defused during initial negotiations.
Ideally it is a world free of nuclear weapons that must be aimed at but since this goal cannot be achieved in the near or medium terms, unfolding negotiations would need to ensure Iran’s absolute security in a world of powers that continue to swear by the nuclear deterrent, if it is to give up the suspected latter capability.
However, it is to the degree to which the present nuclear powers divest themselves of this capability that Iran could be put at ease on this score. Accordingly, it is nothing short of a complete elimination of nuclear weapons from the world that could dissuade keenly security conscious states from developing nuclear weapons of their own with a mass destruction capability.
This is the number one dilemma the international community needs to grapple with going forward and it is to the extent to which it resolves it that a nuclear weapons free world could be envisaged. No doubt, an uphill challenge.
Compelling Israel to support the present negotiatory process constitutes another grueling challenge for the US. Currently the Iranian position essentially is that a Middle East peace is inseparable from a normalization of the security situation in Lebanon. That is, the present Israeli attacks on the Hezbollah presence in Lebanon must cease if a comprehensive peace is to be realized in West Asia.
However, Israel is showing no signs of drawing back from its attacks on Hezbollah strongholds in Lebanon since the security of the Israeli state is being seen as threatened by the militant group. Co-opting Israel into the negotiatory effort therefore would turn out to be a matter of paramount concern for the US.
Moreover, elements in the rightist administration in Israel are seeing the current peace efforts as a ‘sell out’ to the enemies of Israel. They would have none of it. It is left to be seen how the US would be managing these virtual storm centres in the diplomatic process that could very well bring down the overall purported peace drive.
A recent pronouncement by US Vice President J.D. Vance points to yet another problem area in the US’ current peace overtures. He said that, ‘Regional peace and stability includes stopping the funding of terrorist organizations.’ He was obviously referring to the support extended by Iran to Hezbollah when he mentioned ‘terrorist organizations’ but he has given fresh life to the age-old conundrum of ‘Who is a terrorist?’ by these words.
To the Netanyahu government the Hezbollah and other militant organizations fighting Israel are ‘terrorists’ but from the viewpoint of the Iranian regime they are ‘freedom fighters’. This seemingly insurmountable definitional issue would not only stubbornly bedevil the peace effort but could even figure in bringing about its collapse, unless judiciously handled.
Thus, it’s the thorny details that need to be watched to keep the West Asian peace process afloat, once it gets going in earnest. There is no doubt that US President Trump would be receiving a considerable amount of support from the G7 in this historic peace undertaking and his personal appeals to the grouping currently meeting in France for continuous support are likely to elicit a positive response from it.
Likewise, Trump would need to appeal to also the BRICS countries if almost total global support is to be garnered for the peace drive in West Asia. BRICS’ solidarity with the US and the West is likely to carry considerable weight with Iran and other Eastern actors who are key to a sustained peace drive in the Middle East.
Features
Sri Lanka’s elephant paradox: Govt. counts tourism dollars while playing a dangerous numbers game: Expert
At a time when Sri Lanka is enjoying a resurgence in wildlife tourism, with elephants remaining the undisputed stars of the country’s national parks and one of its most marketable natural assets, elephant conservationist Supun Lahiru Prakash has sounded a stark warning: the nation is in danger of losing the very species that helps attract millions of tourism dollars while sustaining some of the island’s most important ecosystems.
Supun says repeated claims by authorities that Sri Lanka’s elephant population is increasing, despite the absence of a final survey report and amid continuing elephant deaths, risk creating a misleading narrative that could undermine conservation efforts and encourage retaliation against elephants.
According to Supun, the issue is not merely about numbers. It is about political priorities, scientific credibility and the future of one of Sri Lanka’s most iconic species.
“Repeatedly claiming that the elephant population is increasing appears to be an attempt to hide the Government’s inability to manage the rising annual elephant death rate and the complications of human-elephant conflict,” Supun said.
For decades, the Sri Lankan elephant has been a symbol of the country’s rich natural heritage. It is the centrepiece of wildlife tourism, drawing visitors from across the globe to national parks such as Yala, Udawalawe, Minneriya, Kaudulla and Wilpattu. International wildlife documentaries, tourism campaigns and social media promotions frequently place elephants at the heart of Sri Lanka’s nature tourism brand.
Yet, according to Supun, the country’s conservation policies do not reflect the value of the species.
“On one hand, the Government is enjoying increasing tourism revenue, and elephants remain one of Sri Lanka’s most important wildlife attractions. On the other hand, narratives are being promoted that could encourage retaliation against the very species that contributes significantly to the country’s tourism industry,” Supun said.
According to the First Countrywide National Survey of Elephants conducted in 2011, Sri Lanka had 5,879 elephants. However, official statistics show that 4,167 elephants died between 2012 and 2024.
Supun stressed that these figures represent only the deaths officially recorded by the Department of Wildlife Conservation.
“In a context where more than 70 percent of the country’s elephant population reported in 2011 has died within 13 years, it is difficult to accept claims that the population has increased,” Supun said.
The conservationist pointed out that elephants have the longest gestation period among land mammals and that scientific studies have reported increasing interbirth intervals among female elephants together with high calf mortality.
“When such biological realities are taken into consideration, claims of a dramatic increase in elephant numbers become difficult to understand,” Supun said.
Supun believes that repeated references to increasing elephant populations risk fuelling public hostility towards elephants, particularly among farming communities already affected by crop raids and property damage.
“Such claims can create the impression that elephant populations are exploding and thereby promote retaliation against elephants as well,” Supun said.
According to Supun, Sri Lanka’s elephant crisis cannot be understood solely through population estimates. The real issue lies in the country’s failure to address human-elephant conflict through long-term, science-based solutions.
Sri Lanka continues to record among the highest levels of human-elephant conflict in the world. Every year, hundreds of elephants and dozens of people lose their lives as competition for land and resources intensifies.
Despite the scale of the crisis, Supun says authorities continue to rely on strategies that have repeatedly failed.

Lahiru Prakash
These include driving elephants into protected areas, strengthening electric fences to confine them there and allocating additional manpower to maintain fencing systems.
Supun was also critical of several proposals that emerged from district-level discussions on conflict mitigation, including the sowing of paddy and corn using Air Force drones and the planting of fruit orchards within protected areas.
“Such proposals fail to address the real ecological and social dimensions of the conflict,” Supun said.
While welcoming reports that the Government intends appointing a national-level mechanism to tackle human-elephant conflict, Supun said the challenge required intervention at the highest level of government.
“Given the gravity, complexity and geographical spread of human-elephant conflict, appointing any committee other than a Presidential Task Force is not useful,” Supun said.
He argued that a Presidential Task Force chaired by either the President or the Secretary to the President would be better positioned to overcome the bureaucratic delays and institutional fragmentation that have hindered previous efforts.
Supun also stressed the urgent need to restore and protect elephant corridors and home ranges that allow elephants to move safely across landscapes.
He cited the Koholankala elephant corridor in Hambantota as one example where removing obstacles could help reduce conflict while improving habitat connectivity.
At the same time, Supun questioned policies that permit the allocation of forest lands in areas identified by environmental assessments as crucial elephant ranges and movement corridors.
“The opening of elephant corridors and the protection of elephant home ranges must be carried out scientifically and consistently if they are to succeed,” Supun said.
Beyond tourism, Supun emphasised the ecological importance of elephants.
“Elephants are ecosystem engineers. Through their feeding habits and movements, they help maintain habitats that support numerous other species. In many ways, they create safer and healthier environments for wildlife,” Supun said.
According to Supun, protecting elephants means protecting entire ecosystems and the biodiversity upon which Sri Lanka’s wildlife tourism industry depends.
“By protecting elephants, we are also protecting the biodiversity that makes Sri Lanka one of the world’s premier wildlife tourism destinations,” Supun said.
As Sri Lanka seeks to expand tourism earnings and strengthen its reputation as a wildlife destination, Supun believes the country faces a defining choice: continue with policies that have failed to stem elephant deaths and human-elephant conflict, or embrace a science-based conservation strategy that safeguards both people and wildlife.
Without a fundamental shift in policy and political will, Supun warned, Sri Lanka risks losing not only one of its most iconic species but also the ecological and economic benefits that elephants continue to provide.
“The suffering of both farmers and elephants will only intensify unless meaningful action replaces rhetoric,” Supun said.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Top Model of the World 2026
Back-to-back victory for Colombia
Katherine Castaño of Colombia claimed the Top Model of the World 2026 crown, securing a historic back-to-back victory for her country. Angelica Sanchez of Puerto Rico was named first runner-up, and Eunice Deza of the Philippines finished as second runner-up.
Katherine was crowned by outgoing titleholder Natalia Garizabal Vera of Colombia.
Several special category awards, and subsidiary titles, were also presented during the Top Model of the World 2026 pageant.
These awards recognised excellence in modelling, peer support, and regional representation.
Primary Subsidiary Titles

Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage: Top 16 at
the grand finale
Miss Globe 2026: Valentina Tabares (Ecuador) — Awarded to the contestant who perfectly balances fashion modelling with traditional beauty queen qualities.
Queen of Europe 2026: Mia Danielle Williams (United Kingdom) — Given to the highest-ranking candidate from a European nation.
Special Awards Recognition
Audience Iconic Award: Charly (Dominican Republic) — Won via the official public online vote, granting her a fast-track direct entry into the Top 6.
Exotic Model of the World: Angel Emeka (Nigeria) — Awarded for exceptional editorial presence and strong runway performance.
Best Body Award: Thailand — Voted directly by fellow contestants at the Flow Spectrum Hotel. The highest-ranking runners-up for this category included Zambia, South Africa, Colombia, and Ghana.

Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico): 1st Runner-up
Final Placement
Winner: Katherine Castaño (Colombia)
1st Runner-Up: Angelica Sanchez (Puerto Rico)
2nd Runner-Up: Eunice Deza (Philippines)
Top 6 Finalists: Included contestants from the Dominican Republic, Romania, and Germany.
The pageant, known for focusing on professional modelling careers over just beauty, brought together 36 models from around the globe for two weeks of runway, photoshoots, and cultural events.
Sri Lanka’s Netalie Withanage walked among 36 of the world’s best and powered her way into the Top 16 at the grand finale.
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