Connect with us

Midweek Review

‘Duty and Devotion’: Former Army Chief’s perspective of war, post-conflict developments

Published

on

General (retd) Srilal Weerasooriya, his wife Dilhani,Warden of S. Thomas College Marc Billimoria and former Foreign Secretary H.M.G. S. Palihakkara (partly covered) entering college hall.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

In the immediate aftermath of the Elephant Pass debacle in late April 2000, the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Srilal Weerasooriya (Dec 16, 1998 to August 24, 2000), faced the daunting task of explaining the circumstances leading to the catastrophic loss.

The disastrous outcome of the Elephant Pass battle, though not the worst in terms of officers and men killed and wounded during the conflict caused by Indian intervention (July 1983-May 2009), not only was a massive setback that overwhelmed and humiliated the military, but also the entire country.

Elephant Pass remained in the hands of the LTTE till early January 2009. Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s Army brought it back under government control and restored the Vavuniya-Jaffna stretch of the Kandy-Jaffna A9 road, thereby paving the way for the last phase of the offensive on the Vanni east front (January –May 2009).

The writer was among a small group of journalists invited to cover the embattled Army Chief’s briefing at Army Headquarters (then situated at the site of the present day Shangri-La Hotel area), where he stoutly defended the decision to abandon vital gateway to the peninsula held by a Division plus troops (Pass withdrawal purely military, says Army Chief, The Island, April 24, 2000). The second story based on that briefing headlined ‘LTTE captured only one artillery piece’ was carried on April 27, 2000. Weerasooriya, in response to a media query, declared that he never wanted censorship (Army Chief says he never wanted censorship, The Island, April 27, 2000).

Weerasooriya, who served as our High Commissioner in Islamabad (2000 to 2007) after retirement from the Army, discusses the entire gamut of war and conflict-related issues in his memoirs ‘Duty and Devotion’ launched on July (07) at S. Thomas College, Mount Lavinia. The book is a Vijitha Yapa publication. Incidentally the publisher had been a schoolmate of the General and the first editor of this newspaper (The Island) as it was launched back in late 1981.

The God fearing General beautifully covers his childhood days and life at one of the premier schools leading to him joining the then mainly ceremonial Army at the age of 19.

Weerasooriya is the second former Army Commander to release his memoirs, the first being Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, who launched his memoirs on June 28, 2024. Fonseka received appointment as Field Marshal in March 2015, about a year before he was accommodated in the Cabinet by Yahapalana Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe. At Fonseka’s event held at Nelum Pokuna, the Chief Guest had been President Ranil Wickremesinghe whereas the Warden of S. Thomas College, Marc Billimoria, attended the July 7 event as the Chief Guest.

Perhaps digressing a bit we should make a basic comparison of the two commanders. Gen. Weerasooriya is a gentleman from head to toe and ever mindful of decorum, while FM Fonseka is a true warrior from top to bottom.

The highlight of the day’s proceedings was the unveiling of Gen. Weerasooriya’s portrait by the Warden.

The author deals meticulously with major battles, political developments, deployment of IPKF as well as its withdrawal, strategic blunders, slain State Defence Minister Ranjan Wijeratne’s animosity towards India (IPKF), shortcomings within the defence establishment and treachery at the highest level.

Gen. Weerasooriya found fault with the assassinated President Ranasinghe Premadasa and his Foreign Minister the late A.C.S. Hameed for weakening the position of the armed forces in the run-up to the resumption of Eelam War II in June 1990, three months after the withdrawal of the IPKF (Indian Peace Keeping Force).

One significant matter that received the author’s attention was how immature political leadership and absence of common strategy prolonged the war.

The former non-career diplomat’s comments regarding a reckless and irresponsible politician-incumbent Ports, Shipping and Aviation Minister and SLFP Chairman Nimal Siripala de Silva whom he blames for the death of Brigadier Ananda Hamangoda depicting a pathetic situation during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency. If not for Minister de Silva’s unannounced arrival in Palaly and foolishly moving into an area outside the secured area that led to the death of the then Jaffna Brigade Commander Hammangoda on July 4, 1996, in a blast carried out by a suicide cadre. Weerasooriya had been the senior officer in the Jaffna theatre at that time.

The author examined the successful conclusion of the war 15 years after Sri Lanka’s unlikely triumph over the once India’s blundered terror project here and the two abortive Southern insurgencies, in 1971 and 1987-1990. Weerasooriya recalled his confrontations with the JVP during the 1971 insurgency and his role during the second JVP-led terror campaign.

Reference was also made to a Minister who undermined the war effort during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure as the President. Although the author refrained from naming the Minister, his reference to the ‘Sudu Nelum’ movement revealed that the culprit was none other than the late Mangala Samaraweera, who openly undermined the war effort, while the CBK administration simply refused to give an ear to the military underscored the challenges of that time. However, we are all aware that President Kumaratunga created the Sudu Nelum movement and Mangala was one of the key people. There had been about 20 other PA MPs who participated in the disastrous project.

The General’s comments on Pakistan underscored the value of our all-weather relationship with that country whose support at crucial times prevented the breakup of Sri Lanka. The author didn’t mince his words when he declared the timely arrival of two 30 barrel MBRLs (multi barrel rocket launchers) by sea at Kankesanthurai for immediate deployment against the advancing LTTE units. If not for the successful deployment of MBRLs against three major targets, including Chavakachcheri, the Army couldn’t have held the Muhamalai frontline. Gen Weerasooriya’s Army established the Muhamalai line after the strategic Elephant Pass debacle. It would be pertinent to mention that Chief of Army Staff of Pakistan the late Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who had been a friend and colleague of Gen. Weerasooriya’s PMA (Pakistan Military Academy) within days arranged for the immediate airlifting of two MBRLs to Colombo.

The Sitara-i-Pakistan was awarded to General Weerasooriya in March 2014 in recognition of his commendable contributions to promote and enhance Pakistan-Sri Lanka bilateral relations.

Heart-rending losses of their eldest child, a 16-year-old son, and then their second son, immediately after birth, his love for pretty Dilhani, later his wife, difficulties they experienced and their faith in God dominated ‘Duty and Devotion’ launched on July 7.

One of Sri Lanka’s top retired diplomats, H.M.G.S. Palihakkara, one-time Foreign Secretary, also shared some thought provoking views with the audience.

Overall the five sections of ‘Duty and Devotion’ read out at its launch didn’t really reflect the precarious post-Riviresa (Operation Riviresa conducted in late 1995 brought Jaffna under government control) battlefield situation during Kumaratunga’s presidency though retired Maj. Gen. Ruwan Wanigasooroiya, in his presentation, dealt with the introduction of heat-seeking missiles at the onset of Eelam War III in April 1995 and the loss of two Avros over the northern theatre of operations. Wanigasooriya, one-time Military Spokesman, dealt with the critically important development, the acquisition by the LTTE, without anyone’s knowledge here, of Soviet era SAMs (surface-to-air missiles) that changed the overall nature of the war.

The author found fault with a senior Air Force team that hurriedly determined after having inspected the wreckage of the first Avro crash that it was caused by a technical fault and not by a missile attack. That utterly wrong assessment led the SLAF to send another Avro from Colombo on the following Day – April 29, 1995. The second Avro, too, was shot down over Neerveli. At the time the two Avros were shot down, Weerasooriya had been Task Force Commander, Jaffna, and was one of those who reached the wreckage of the first Avro. Weerasooriya wrote: “I ran to the site, and was one of the first on the scene as it was no more than 200 meters from my quarters. The plane had split into three parts and the debris was strewn all over. There were no survivors. The passengers were badly charred. Everyone had their seatbelts on and their shoes off.”

The author revealed how Flight Lt Kalu Silva, who flew into Palaly at dawn on April 29, 1995, took a different path regardless of the findings made by the high level Air Force team led by AVM Donald Perera.

Kadirgamar’s advice

Until the launch of ‘Duty and Devotion’ the public never knew the circumstances leading to the Army Headquarters briefing in the immediate aftermath of the Elephant Pass debacle, the worst in terms of strategic importance.

In spite of Gen. Weerasooriya’s assertion that the holding of Muhamalai line was as effective as having Elephant Pass, he himself disclosed how no less a person than Security Forces Commander Jaffna, the late Maj. Gen. Janaka Perera, sought to vacate Muhamalai in early June 2000 to a new line north of Varani in Vadamaratchchy. The author quoted Perera as having declared in the presence of the then de facto Defence Minister General Anuruddha Ratwatte that the situation is untenable.

If not for Kadirgamar’s intervention at an emergency session of the National Security Council (NSC) held on the night of April 19, 2000, perhaps Gen. Weerasooriya wouldn’t have called a media briefing on April 23 night to explain the Elephant Pass debacle.

The author quoted Kadirgamar as having told the emergency NSC session: “The country needs to be told of the situation and what happened at Elephant Pass. Gen. Weerasooriya accepted the responsibility to inform the public, the only occasion a Commander of the Army addressed the media regarding a major setback. Overrunning of the Mullaithivu Brigade, consisting of two infantry battalions and support elements, in July 1996, was the worst single debacle in terms of human cost. The Army lost over 1,000 officers and men. The late Gen. Rohan D.S. Daluwatte served as the Commander of the Army at that time (May 1, 1996 to Dec 15, 1998). Srilal Weerasooriya succeeded him.

The other devastating debacle, also in terms of human cost, was Pooneryn (early Nov 1993). Lt. Gen. Cecil Waidyaratne, as the Commander of the Army (Nov 16, 1991 to Dec 31, 1993) accepted responsibility. He resigned nearly two months after the humiliating Pooneryn setback.

The daunting challenges faced by General Weerasooriya cannot be properly examined without taking into consideration the unprecedented success achieved by the LTTE during General Daluwatte’s tenure as the Commander.

The failed costly Jayasikurui offensive (May 13, 1997-Dec 02, 1998) that was intended to restore the Vavuniya-Kilinochchi stretch of the Kandy-Jaffna A9, the loss of Mullaithivu, in July 1996, and Kilinochchi in the first week of Oct 1998, during General Daluwatte tenure as the Commander, severely undermined the overall war effort. The Overall Operations Commander (OOC) of the disastrous Jayasikurui was the then Maj. Gen. Weerasooriya, who received the appointment in Nov 1997.

The author disclosed an attempt made by the LTTE to assassinate him on his way back to Vavuniya during the Jayasukurui offensive. The chance arrest of an LTTE operative at Thandikulam entry/exit point exposed the assassination plan though the rationale in the LTTE that sent written instructions to a Colombo–based hit squad remains a mystery. The interrogation revealed the hit squad had been tasked to take him out while he was returning from a rally addressed by German evangelist Reinhard Bonnke.

An encounter with PM Ranil

One of the most interesting and, perhaps, the most important chapter, headlined ‘What might have been’, didn’t receive the attention it deserved at the launch. Over 15 years after the conclusion of the war, and 24 years after he retired, General Weerasooriya declared that the LTTE could have been defeated years before if the political leadership provided the armed forces requirements.

The author discussed the failure on the part of the political leadership to meet their requirements in the aftermath of the Araly point blast on August 08, 1992, that claimed the lives of Maj. Gen. Denzil Kobbekaduwa and Brigadier Wijaya Wimalaratne, during Lt. General Cecil Waidyaratne’s tenure as Commander of the Army.

Against the backdrop of bad blood between Waidyaratne and Kobbekaduwa, the latter deeply resented establishment of a new HQ in Anuradhapura to cover his TAOR (Tactical Area of Responsibility). Kobbekaduwa obviously directed his anger at Weerasooriya, too, who was the senior officer assigned to the new HQ. The author quoted an irate Northern Commander as having told him “this HQ has been established to spy on me.”

On the day an accidental blast claimed the lives of Kobbekaduwa and Wimalaratne, Weerasooriya received the appointment as Director Operations at Army HQ, a position that was directly answerable to Commander of the Army.

Short chapter 36 ‘What might have been’ dealt with response of the then government to the armed forces’ needs. In the year 1992, the Army lacked the wherewithal to fight the LTTE. Through the Budget, the government of the day imposed severe restrictions on the expansion of the Army and acquisition and increase in firepower – two major factors that undermined the overall war effort.

The government hadn’t been interested in a comprehensive plan that was formulated by the combined forces on a directive of the then Defence Secretary General Sepala Attygalle. Weerasooriya claimed that Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe, who presided over the armed forces presentation, walked out of the meeting within three minutes after the commencement. Weerasooriya quoted PM Wickremesinghe as having said “I have no time to waste listening to this rubbish’ as he walked out of the conference room. Wickremesinghe couldn’t have been the PM in 1992 as he only got elevated to that position after the assassination of President Premadasa on May Day 1993 and after DB Wijetunga became the new President. Perhaps, the author made a mistake there.

Somehow General Attygalle, having managed to convince Premier Wickremesinghe to return to the conference room, got the military to simply present the plan and their urgent requirements. Weerasooriya declared that Premier Wickremesinghe’s authorization to increase the number of men by 10,000 was a drop in the Ocean.

The Armed forces never received the approval it sought to increase their strength to meet requirements until Mahinda Rajapaksa became the President in November 2005. Rajapaksa authorized the doubling of the Army’s strength to over 200,000. By the time the combined armed forces brought the war to an end in May 2009, there were 205,000 in the Army’s payroll.

Now, the incumbent government wants to reduce the Army’s strength to 100,000 by 2030. The armed forces should take tangible measures to ensure that they retain wartime expertise and experience and sustain intelligence capabilities at the highest level. The reduction of numerical strength should be matched by enhanced intelligence capabilities at all levels and introduction of new technologies.

Future challenges

The author’s assertion that post-war mega projects undertaken by the Rajapaksas, unbridled corruption and lack of accountability as well as leadership vacuum contributed to the overall deterioration leading to the declaration of bankruptcy cannot be discussed without paying attention to two matters – (a) abolition of the time tested Exchange Control Act in July 2017 and (b) procurement of commercial loans to the tune of USD 12.5 bn during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019).

Therefore, it wouldn’t be fair to find fault with only the Rajapaksas for the economic crisis. It would be also pertinent to mention that loan components of lending agencies ADB and World Banks were relatively small and viable when compared with funds procured from other commercial creditors.

The often made assertion that the political vacuum created by LTTE assassinations deprived Sri Lanka good leadership, as General Weerasooriya declared, has to be carefully examined. The question is whether the country could have avoided bankruptcy if political assassinations were thwarted. Did this reference only pertain to Sinhala parliamentarians and leaders? Even if the LTTE never existed, Sri Lanka would have been bankrupted due to unchecked waste and corruption, criminal mismanagement of the economy and irregularities at every level of administration. That is the ugly truth. Except for a very few, all other politicians and some top officials had been tarnished by corruption charges that were never properly investigated by successive governments. The incumbent dispensation is no exception.

Had we been blessed with a proper system of governance, the country couldn’t have been bankrupted under any circumstances, well over a decade after the eradication of the LTTE. Unfortunately, the system failed the country and here we are struggling on the economic front over 15 years after the end of a conflict many experts declared was unwinnable through military means.

One lacuna in the General’s well-presented personal account is failure to mention about the well-documented foreign interference (countries other than India) in the local conflict where from the beginning there had been arms embargo against Sri Lanka, by the West, and it was the unhesitating help extended by mainly China and Pakistan, as well as Israel, that staved off our virtual defeat at the hands of the terrorists.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Midweek Review

Bronze statue for P’karan, NPP defeat in the North and 16th anniversary of triumph over terrorism

Published

on

Canada unveiled the Tamil Genocide Monument in Chinguacousy Park, Brampton, on May 10. The organisers declared the monument honoured the memory of Tamil victims, between 1983 and 2009. The National Council of Canadians Tamils (NCCT), in partnership with the Brampton Tamil Association, the City of Brampton and many other Tamil community organisations, contributed to the project. The 4.8 metre tall stainless steel monument features an outline of Tamil Eelam. The surrounding pillars feature details about the decades of war and genocide, according to the organisers. The memorial is estimated to have cost $150,000.

As Sri Lanka marks the 26th anniversary of its dream-like triumph over terrorism, some of those who spearheaded the successful war effort remain categorised as war criminals without any hearings into such wild allegations before a PROPERLY CONSTITUTED COURT, while those in the West, who brazenly carry out genocides and other war crimes, go scot free.

Successive governments failed to counter wild war crimes allegations showing fealty to criminal white masters not having the backbone to rise above colonial subject mentality and simply be servile to suit their agenda. They intensified pressure on Sri Lanka over the years to appease the Tamil Diaspora who now exercised their rights as citizens of various foreign countries. Canada is a glaring example of Diaspora politics. Two Canadians of Sri Lankan origin were recently elected to the Canadian parliament. Veteran politician V. Anandasangaree’s son, Garry was among the two.

 

Sri Lanka brought the Eelam War to a successful conclusion in the third week of May 2009. Having crushed the Tigers in the battlefield and restored government control over the entire Northern and Eastern provinces, the armed forces declared the end of the war on May 18, 2009. Within 24 hours of that declaration LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon in a one-time LTTE stronghold in the Mullaitivu district.

The Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body, along with that of others killed in May 18/ 19 confrontations. The then Army Chief General Fonseka is on record as having said that his Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body in the same area and threw the ashes into the Indian Ocean.

The Northern branch of the ruling National People’s Power (NPP), in the run-up to Local Government polls, tried to ‘resurrect’ Prabhakaran in a desperate and shameful bid to win the Northern electorate. The NPP handsomely won the entire Northern region, comprising Jaffna and Vanni electorates, at the parliamentary election and was determined to consolidate its power.

During the LG polls campaign, the NPP declared its intention to build a memorial hall in memory of Prabhakaran and a bronze statue of the terrorist leader, ignoring all the grave crimes he and his terrorist band committed to dismember this country in the name of an Eelam they vowed to achieve. The ruling party obviously disregarded possible consequences as it sought to lure the electorate with catchy slogans that depicted the slain terrorist as their national leader.

The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party (UNP) conveniently remained silent on the delicate issue. None of the political parties in the fray criticised the NPP’s declaration to erect a memorial hall and a bronze statue of Prabhakaran in his hometown of Valvettithurai. The SJB obviously felt that a hostile response to NPP’s offer may adversely affect the party at the LG polls. Therefore, the SJB refrained from questioning the NPP’s despicable move.

The NPP seemed to have believed Prabhakaran can be appropriately used in its own campaign. But the Northern and Eastern electorates obviously believed that separatist agenda cannot be advanced by marketing Prabhakaran. Instead, Jaffna voters once again threw their weight behind the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) that once declared the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people.

What really surprised the NPP was why particularly the Jaffna electorate, having backed President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s party at the general election in Nov. 2024 again switched its allegiance to the ITAK.

Whatever the outcome of the LG polls, the NPP certainly owed an explanation to the country as to why its Northern branch promoted a separatist agenda at the expense of national security interests. In fact, the ITAK never ever promised to put up a memorial hall in Prabhakaran’s memory or build a statue of him. The NPP, in a cheap bid to capitalise on public sentiments, particularly ahead of the so-called Vellamullivaikkal commemoration, sought to exploit Prabhakaran’s death.

Former parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran declared the outcome of the Local Government polls in the Northern and Eastern regions as being significant and decisive. The President’s Counsel emphasised that the results proved the Tamil people’s unwavering commitment to their nationalist aspirations, Sumanthiran said so addressing the media at the Jaffna Press Club. The ITAK contested 58 local councils, across the North-East, and secured administrative control in 40 of them.

The NPP should be mindful of the developing scenario in the North, particularly Jaffna peninsula. Obviously, the outcome at the recently concluded polls would boost the ITAK’s chances at the now long overdue Provincial Council elections expected to be held before the end of this year. Ironically, it was with the ITAK support that Ranil Wickremesinghe put off the PC polls last time.

Against the backdrop of severe setbacks suffered by the NPP in the Northern and Eastern regions, the significant drop in countrywide vote, compared to what the party polled at the parliamentary election, must have compelled the top leadership to discuss ways and means of addressing the developing situation.

NPP presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake polled 5.7 mn votes (this includes 105,264 preferences) in Sept. 2024, the NPP secured 6.8 mn votes at the parliamentary election and now the support recorded a significant drop with the NPP managing just 4.5 mn votes at the recently concluded LG polls. The situation can deteriorate further at the forthcoming Provincial Council polls.

The failure to retain the support of the predominantly Tamil-speaking areas must be a matter of serious concern for the ruling party. Having boasted of uniting the country by bringing both the North and the South under one political banner by winning all electorates, except Batticaloa, at the last general election, the NPP justly suffered a devastating and unexpected setback at the LG polls with its readiness to betray the South.

N&E outcome

President Dissanayake spearheaded the LG polls campaign. Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya threw her full weight behind the campaign. President Dissanayake focused on the Northern and Eastern regions as the ruling party quite clearly understood the pivotal importance in consolidating its hold in the former LTTE strongholds. The NPP’s offer to honour Prabhakaran, who fell with his die-hard inner circle in the last encounter with the security forces, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon, must have surprised even the ITAK as such a sentimental election promise tend to influence the electorate in a big way. But, the electorate ignored that NPP’s offer and reiterated its commitment to the ITAK.

The ITAK obtained 13 seats to secure victory at the Jaffna Municipal Council. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) took the second position with 12 seats whereas the NPP ended up in third place with 10 seats.

The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) won the Valvettithurai Urban Council while the ITAK took the second place. The NPP was pushed to a distant third place though Valvettithurai was the centre of the NPP campaign, literally backing Prabhakaran’s macabre feats. The NPP ended up with just three seats. Jaffna MC, VVT UC and all other Local Government bodies at Point Pedro (UC), Chavakachcheri (UC), Karainagar, Kayts, Delft, Velanai, Walikamam west, Walikamam north, Walikamam south-west, Walikamam south, Walikamam east, Vadamarachchy south-west, Point Pedro (Pradeshiya Sabha), Chavakachcheri (PS) and Nallur were all won by Tamil nationalist parties.

The outcome at the Vavuniya MC was really interesting. The Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA), Sri Lanka Labour Party and the NPP won four seats each in the 21-member council. However, the NPP won Vavuniya south (Tamil) PS and Vavuniya north PS by winning six seats each and Vavuniya south (Sinhala) PS though it couldn’t secure a majority.

Troops carry Velupillai Prabharakan’s body following his death in a chance confrontation with the Army the day after the government declared victory over the LTTE
(pic Army)

 

The bottom line is that the NPP cannot be happy with its performance in the Northern and Eastern regions. The NPP must be really disappointed with the beating it received in the Jaffna peninsula where the ruling party released more land held by the military, lifted restrictions imposed within high security zones by opening a vital section of the Jaffna-Palaly road and generally eased military presence.

The NPP repeatedly pledged to release Tamil political prisoners though such a category didn’t exist. That promise was also made during presidential and parliamentary election campaigns last year. The truth is over 12,000 LTTE cadres, either surrendered or were apprehended during the final phase of the ground offensive in the Vanni east region, had been released over the years. The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government as well as successive administrations didn’t resort to legal action against those who surrendered on the battle field.

Whatever the critics say, Sri Lanka has been credited with carrying out a successful rehabilitation programme that paved the way for former terrorists to reintegrate with the civilian population. The ITAK or other Tamil political parties refrained from backing the government effort. In fact, they did everything possible to undermine the rehabilitation programme. The successful rehabilitation project, spearheaded by the Army, exposed the lies propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on undermining the post-war reconciliation efforts.

Retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran’s allegation had been at the forefront of these destabilisation efforts. During the Yahapalana administration, Wigneswaran caused a furore when he accused the Army in charge of the rehabilitation programme of poisoning 104 detained LTTEers. The declaration that had been made during the US Air Force exercise in the Jaffna peninsula, in August 2016, was meant to attract maximum public attention. Wigneswaran went to the extent of declaring that some of those who survived lethal injections would be examined by the US Air Force.

Having uttered such blatant lies against the war-winning military, in his capacity as the TNA Chief Minister of the Northern Provincial Council ,Wigneswaran successfully contested the 2020 general election from the newly registered party, the Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kootan (TMTK).

A forgotten war victory

Sri Lanka paid a huge price to bring the war to an end, avoiding civilian casualties as much as humanly possible. The result was that the security forces suffered more casualties. In the absence of a cohesive strategy to counter politically motivated unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, the war-winning Army ended-up mired in controversy. The Army, too, must take responsibility for its pathetic failure to address accountability issues over the years. Thr post-war Army never sought to press the government to adopt a holistic approach as the Geneva–based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the Western powers declared humiliating punitive measures against selected officers on hearsay allegations.

Canada went a step further. Ottawa not only categorised former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa as war criminals by blindly accusing them of gross and systematic violations of human rights, without a shred of evidence, and then, in a similar cavalier way, declared that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide. While blacklisting of six persons, including the two Presidents, took place in January 2023, the Canadian Parliament made the declaration, pertaining to genocide, in May 2022.

Unfortunately, the current government, too, is yet to take tangible measures in this regard as it struggles to cope up with political-economic-social developments as its chief Western benefactor itself is now mired in an economic catastrophe of its own making. The government seems simply disinterested in challenging the continuing western campaign against Sri Lanka.

The worrisome situation should be examined taking into consideration the treacherous Yahapalana administration co-sponsoring an accountability resolution against the war-winning armed forces. The despicable 2015 move shook the public conscience. President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe should be held responsible for the great betrayal. Subsequent action taken by the UNHRC, as well as other countries, cannot be discussed leaving out Sirisena-Wickremesinghe betrayal simply to be on the good books of the West.

No political party represented in Parliament, not even the UPFA/SLPP that gave political leadership during the war, bothered to take it up vigorously in Parliament. That is the ugly truth. Harsh reality is that none of the political parties really want to address this issue. Against the backdrop of the Pahalgam massacre in the Indian administered Kashmir, Sri Lanka should have discussed ways and means of reviewing the accountability issues. Instead, the ruling party ended up declaring its intention to honour Prabhakaran responsible for thousands of deaths, including many civilians, and ruining the lives of many more.

Perhaps the NPP should launch an internal inquiry on its northern branch for acting contrary to the policy of the party. However, if the top leadership had been aware of the move to glorify Prabhakaran in a bid to entice the electorate, the party should seriously rethink its treacherous new Northern strategy.

The final phase

In late March this year, the UK imposed sanctions on four persons, including Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda and General Shavendra Silva, wartime commander of celebrated 58 Division. They played an extraordinary role in Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE, often considered invincible on the battlefield, until the experts were proved wrong. The US, too, blacklisted both Karannagoda and Silva during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency. However, the decision on the part of the US and UK not to sanction tough talking Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka whose leadership ensured seemingly undefeatable LTTE collapsed on the northern theatre of operations is a mystery.

Having backed Fonseka’s presidential bid in 2010, the US may find it embarrassing to sanction the Sinha Regiment veteran. For the British, there cannot be any plausible reason whatsoever not to agree with the US in backing Fonseka’s candidature. Could there be anything as ridiculous as the TNA backing the US initiative, having accused Fonseka of putting Tamil civilians to the sword. Similarly, the TNA backing for Fonseka and the mysterious US and British decision to leave Fonseka out of the sanctioned lists has made the whole selective accountability exercise nothing but a farce.

Successive governments, however, failed to utilise all available information, ranging from US dispatches from its missions in Colombo, as well as other parts of the world, British HC missives from Colombo and Norwegian documents, to build a iron clad defence of our valiant security forces. In fact, 17 years after the eradication of the LTTE, Sri Lanka is yet to reach consensus on countering unsubstantiated war crimes allegations. Sometimes we wonder whether we are represented by top diplomats or ‘diplomuts’ at such high cost to the taxpayer.

Both the US and British wartime defence advisors, serving here on the basis of information available to their respective missions, denied uncorroborated war crimes accusations. Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith of the US made his disclosure in support of Sri Lanka in late May 2011, whereas Lord Naseby on the basis of Lt. Colonel Anthony Gashes’s dispatches from Colombo (January to May 2009) countered the main UN accusation pertaining to the massacre of over 40,000 civilians. Lord Naseby made his declaration in mid-October 2017. But the duplicitous Yahapalana government, having betrayed the country at the UNHRC, totally ignored the disclosure made in the House of Lords.

The SLFP, too, fully cooperated with the disgraceful UNP strategy meant to advance the government’s political relationship with the TNA at the expense of the armed forces. When the writer raised the pathetic failure on the part of the government to utilise all available information, particularly Lord Naseby’s disclosure, the then Cabinet spokesman Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera accused The Island of causing unnecessary friction.

Parliament, as the highest institution in the country, never sought to examine the circumstances under which the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the contentious Geneva accountability resolution at the expense of war-winning armed forces. The writer on many occasions referred to the attacking speech made by Maj. Gen. Chagie Gallage at the time of his retirement, but feel the need to mention it again. The Gajaba Regiment veteran, strategist Gallage questioned why he is having to retire as a war criminal after having faithfully and diligently served the country. Successive post-war governments should be ashamed for their failure to mount a proper defence of the armed forces whose sacrifices made Sri Lanka safe for all.

Eradication of the LTTE brought an end to the use of children as cannon fodder. The LTTE indiscriminately used child soldiers in the battlefield, with hundreds thrown into high intensity battles. The LTTE tried forced recruitment of children until the very end as the ground forces approached their remaining crumbling defences in the former Mullaitivu stronghold.

Sri Lanka could have avoided post-war turmoil if retired General Fonseka refrained from being part of the UNP’s 2010 political project. In hindsight, Fonseka’s abortive bid at the presidency caused a crisis and paved the way for western powers targeting Sri Lanka over war crimes accusations.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Continue Reading

Midweek Review

Storytelling, Fiction and Cinema

Published

on

A scene from the movie ‘Animal’ (2023)

Storytelling has been a medium of joy and entertainment since the inception of human history. The art of storytelling has evolved in the form of an expression of human experiences including the escapades they embarked on, the beliefs and the myths passed down through generations while commingling the imaginations of the human mind.

Since time immemorial, the art of storytelling has passed down through orature, encompassing unwritten, spoken form of stories. The subsequent systematised written form of storytelling is considered to be the cornerstone of a ‘great tradition of fictional masterpieces’.

World’s oldest known written fictional story is considered to be the ‘Epic of Gilgamesh’, written in the Akkadian language, which originated in ancient Mesopotamia four thousand years ago. The epic poem is based on five Sumerian poems written about Gilgamesh, the third king of the Uruk dynasty. The Ancient Greek epic poem ‘The Shield of Heracles’ or widely known as ‘Hercules’ written by an unknown Greek poet is another breakthrough in storytelling. Italian mythographer and historian Natale Conti, in a chapter of his book ‘Mythologiae’ (1567) extensively summarised a range of myths concerning the biography of the legend under his Roman name ‘Hercules’. Homer’s ‘Iliad’ and ‘Odyssey’ written in the 8th century BC, Mahabharata (4-3 BC) which is traditionally attributed to Vyasa (Vedas), and the Bhagavad Gita (Songs of God) believed to be dated back to the 2nd or 1st century BC, Valmiki’s ‘Ramayana’, which dates back to 7to 3 BCE are referred to as milestones of a great literary tradition emerged in the world through many epics, myths, legends, historical fiction, as well as religious narratives.

Advancing another step forward, world’s first novel ‘The Tale of Genji’ written by Murasaki Shikibu in the eleventh century, was turning point in the conception of a wide array of fictional genres in subsequent times. The fictional literature has greatly influenced the fictional narrative of cinema. The cinema, as a medium of storytelling marked its inception in the nineteenth century. The first silent film with a narrative was “The Great Train Robbery,” a movie with a twelve minute runtime and directed by Edwin S. Porter in 1903. With the release of American musical film ‘The Jazz Singer’, the first talkie to synchronise sound with dialogues directed by Alan Crosland in 1927, marked the ascendency of a global tradition of great talkies, ending the silent film era.

Compared to literary fiction, the cinematic fiction, due to its profound capacity to influence the audience through emotionally impactful and visually rich storytelling and its immersive and captivating nature of moving images are the contributory factors for its enduring audience appeal. The main reason for this is that the artistic medium of cinema has audio, visual and three-dimensional characteristics. This is due to the fact that the text of cinema consists an array of technical and artistic components such as cinematography, editing, music, casting considering the literary ‘Text’.

Elaborating his ‘Dual-Coding Theory’, Allan Paivio, a former professor in Psychology at University of West Ontario, says human memory stores information in forms of ‘Image Codes’ and ‘Verbal Codes’. When an image code is stored in memory, the both image and the words associated with the image are transmitted and stored simultaneously. A verbal code is stored in the mind merely as a word. Based on the ‘Dual-Coding Theory Paivio establishes the theory of ‘Picture Superiority Effect’ which refers to the fact that images are memorable than words because they have more representation in the memory. Therefore people tend to remember information more effectively through pictorial contents than verbal contents in the process of communication. The popular saying “A picture paints a thousand words” reflects this phenomenon.

The cinematic narratives are unfolded by means of both fictions and non-fictions. There is no clear borderline which distinguishes fiction from non-fiction. The term ‘Fiction’ originates from the Latin word ‘Ficto’, means Making, Fashioning or Molding.

A scene from the movie
‘Get Out’ (2017)

In fictions ‘imagination’ of the author or screenwriter acts as a fundamental aspect of the creative process. Even though standard definitions on ‘What is a fiction’ suggest the fact that ‘ Fictions are not based on true events’, the one who fabricates the story, capitalizes on real events or characters to a greater or lesser extent in addition to ‘Imagination’. Human imagination is not a random or accidental occurrence. The Imagination is a byproduct of human memory.

Personal life experiences, societal movements, educational background, psychological characteristics, and the social and ideological formations upon which the creator is based fundamentally influence the generation of this imaginative power.

Accordingly, it can be said that the content created in fiction is not entirely fabricated. There may be some true facts and events embedded in it. There is no specific yardstick that can distinguish a fiction from a true story or a non-fiction story. A Fiction is often created by combining elements of both reality and imagination. The creative work based on empirical facts, real characters, or events is classified as a non-fiction. The both works of art can be categorised as creative narratives. Autobiographies, Memoirs, Travelogues belong to the category of non-fiction. The filmmakers have creatively adapted them in cinematic productions.

A cinematic narrative can either be realistic or unrealistic. Realistic cinematic portrayals explore stories and characters grounded in reality by means of creative re-production or re-enactment of true incidents taken place in the distant or recent past, or an existing social issue or transformation, as well as a character or group of people who are living or dead in society.

In realistic cinematic narratives much emphasis is given to creative re-production and re-enatment. In this creative endeavour the characters or chain of events are depicted with creative changes in time, space, and personal names, by harnessing the facts and fiction.

The realistic cinematic work are often fall under the tags such as ‘Based on true story’ and ‘Inspired by true events’.

The screenwriter is subjected to ethical considerations in realistic cinematic work when real names of individuals and locations are used for creative purposes. This paves the way for maintaining an accountability to avoid harmful interpretations of such characters and not to present false information about any person living or dead. That is the globally accepted method to present the story honestly, accurately, respectfully and truthfully avoiding sensationalism. This is where the importance of in-depth analytical and explorative research on characters and their mannerism, locations, historic incidents intended to portray, manifests.

 

Professor Stuart Fischoff, a former media psychologist in California State University, emphasising the responsibility of the filmmaker says “Generally the audience assumes the movie is correct. They get their lessons from films and don’t go back to check.so we are cultivating a nation of people who see history through the eyes of a Panaflex movie camera”.

‘Small Things Like These’ (2024), directed by Tim Meilants, based on the novel ‘Small Things Like These’ written by Claire Keegan in 2021 is a clear example for portraying a true historic atmosphere in a movie where its plot focusses on the infamous Magdalene Laundries operational in Ireland between 1922 and 1998. Anthony Maras’ film ‘Hotel Mumbai’ (2018), which revolves around the terrorist attack on Mumbai’s Taj Mahal Palace hotel in 2008 is based on a real-life atrocity inflicted upon hotel residents by terrorists killing approximately hundred and fifty unsuspecting people. Another example for real-time environment of social and economic downturn is ‘Nomadland’ (2020), directed by Chloe Sao, which centers around the lives of senior citizens who chose to live a nomad life by packing their possessions in campervans and set off on the road after becoming homeless during America’s Great Recession in 2008.The movie ‘Nomadland’ was based on the non-fiction book of the same name written by American journalist Jessica Bruder.

On the other hand ‘Unrealistic Cinematic Fiction’ is where the creation is solely based on the imagination and creative grammar of the screenwriter, frequently described as a creative narrative that is imaginatively constructed characters, spaces, events, and objects which are nonexistent in the empirical world. These narratives are based on imaginary spatial and temporal spheres, separated and disconnected from real-life situations. Genres such as science fiction, mystery and horror, animation, fantasy drama fall under this category.

Cinema is a powerful artistic tool that touches the human soul and capable of etching life-long and indelible emotional imprint on human memory, shaping social perception by acting as a mirror reflecting human society. In cinematic creations, the writer’s personal interests, tendencies, and behaviours are transmitted in consciously or unconsciously to society through the characters depicted. Accordingly, various political, religious, and social beliefs, behaviours, ideologies, and trends, particularly those reflected in the personal dynamics and self-expression of the storyteller, can have both positive and negative impacts on society.

In fictional writings, pleasant as well as unpleasant life circumstances the storyteller has encountered are possibly be manifested in their artistic expressions in various ways. After all storytellers are human beings and they possess all the dynamics other humans possess as well. The perspectives and ideologies stemming from their personal beliefs, prejudices they were subjected to, traumatic experiences, marginalisation and alienation they endured, poverty or deprivation they went through, the negative situations such as physical punishment, sexual abuse are permeated in creative work in some way or the other.

A scene from the movie ‘Small Things like This’
(2024)

This is a physiological tendency called ‘Negativity Bias’ which referred to as a cognitive phenomenon where individuals pay more attention to negative information than positive information. The concept of ‘Negativity Bias’ suggests the emotional responses of humans towards negativities are proportionately high compared to positive circumstances of the same magnitude. This tendency is common in cinematic expressions equivalently where both filmmakers and audiences are probably proned to pay more attention to negative stimuli than positive stimuli.

The mystery film ‘Get Out’ (2017), written and directed by Jordan Peele, is a pragmatic example to prove the amplified unpleasant circumstances that individuals undergo have profound impact on the creative work they are engaged in. The plot revolves around an African-American young man who visits his white girlfriend’s family estate during a weekend where he experiences loneliness, isolation, alienation, entrapment and fear.

The director and screenwriter Peele presents the superficially visible ‘Liberal elite’ ideology which overtly states ‘we are not racist’ and covert and subtle conveyance of ‘color matters’ and stigma and body shaming Afro-Americans experience due to their dark skin complexion through creative storytelling.

Jorden Peele in an interview with The New York Times says “This movie is also about how we deal with race. As a black man, sometimes you can’t tell if what you’re seeing has underlying bigotry, or it’s a normal conversation and you’re being paranoid. That dynamic in itself is unsettling. I admit sometimes I see race and racism when it’s not there”.

The film industry is a global business with billions of dollars invested where the investors or producers decide on the creative content which should be transmitted to the audience, with the sole purpose of making money at the end of the day.

Sandeep Reddy Vanga’s 2023 film ‘Animal’ sparked a controversial debate in society due to its extremely violent behavior and harmful toxic masculinity. Javed Akhtar, a renowned Indian lyricist and screenwriter, once said that “commercially successful films with questionable scenes are a dangerous trend. For example, in a certain movie, a man tells a woman to lick his shoe to prove his love for her,” and he says,” if a film communicates the idea that it is okay to slap a woman, it is very dangerous, no matter how popular that film is”. Critics labeled the film ‘Animal’ as misogynistic and extremely violent. Despite severe criticism, the film was well-received by the audience becoming the third highest-grossing Indian film in 2023, grossing 950 million Indian rupees.

Considering the potential negative impact and perpetual harm on society inflicted by such controversial films, the importance of going along with ethical considerations emerges. Cinema ethics referred to moral guidelines and principles that influence the responsible and accountable creation, production, and dissemination of movies. This ensures the cinematic content is respectful of individuals or groups living in society. It helps elevate audience’s trust while refraining from promoting harmful content.

An artist converts a personal experience into universal or common experience in order to make it a shared experience. The artist must be capable of determining how beneficial or appropriate it is to turn that personal experience into common shared experience. On the other hand an artist is equipped with a creative privilege of shaping the society by means of their work of art. The artistic license they bear should be used in a responsible manner for the betterment of society by disseminating humanity, empathy, and compassion through their creations. American filmmaker Martin Scorsese giving much emphasis on the importance of portraying humanity in cinema states “Filmmaking is a journey through the soul of humanity, captured frame by frame”.

The term ‘fiction’ is a tool that provides novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers with freedom for their creativity. But an artist is not licensed to stereotype, misinterpret or misrepresent the characters using freedom of creativity. The responsibility of an author to avoid such matters is brought to attention in the article ‘The Ethics of Writing Novels on True Events’ by American author Joyce Carol Oates. She articulates ‘fiction writer should be as transparent as a glass full of clean water.

When creating works of fiction or non-fiction based on real life stories and real names, the characters should not be harmed, distorted, misrepresented, or ridiculed. Artists must take upon themselves the responsibility of acting in accordance with the principles of natural justice. Ron Hansen, an American Novelist and Professor of Arts and Humanities in University of California, said this with the intention of keeping the criteria of novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers close to humanity.

 

by Bhagya Rajapakse
bhagya8282@gmail.com

Continue Reading

Midweek Review

The Peace of Togetherness

Published

on

Sight-seers behold in rapturous wonder,

The ‘Mother-Lantern’ and her ‘offspring’,

Decked out in eye-soothing white attire,

Forming a sedately rotating heavenly cluster,

As they smilingly enjoy their ‘Belimal’ medication,

Freely served by live-wires of the in-gathering,

In another reminder of the inbred spirit of caring,

Wonderfully brought to the fore by Sri Lankans,

Whether in joyous events or in the trauma of tragedy.

 

By Lynn Ockersz

Continue Reading

Trending