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Documenting the Ceylon National Congress:How the project began

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JR Jayewardene

by Michael Roberts ✍️
(Excerpted from the Thuppahi blog)

The four volume Documents of the Ceylon National Congress produced by the Department of National Archives in 1977 runs into 3,208 pages. In keeping with bureaucratic rigidity, the four volumes are still sold at some Rs 250. The give-away price has not enabled it to reach the public. The treasure trove of documentary data within these four volumes – encompassing LSSP and Communist Party meetings in their early days — remain unknown and unseen.

How many scholars, let alone armchair historians, know that FC “Derek” de Saram, Oxford Blue and Ceylonese cricketer of note, was among the ginger group (identified as “Young Turks” by me as the editor of the documents) who attempted to rejuvenate the CNC in 1938/39 by converting it into a party that could contest elections?

Along one dimension the Documents of the Ceylon National Congress produced in 1977 is nevertheless a testament to the assiduous labours of numerous personnel in the Department of National Archives (DNA) during its enforced peregrinations from Nuwara Eliya to Gangodawila and Cinnamon Gardens between the 1950s and 1970s. That is why this present book is dedicated to those who staffed the DNA in the 1960s and 1970s and particularly to GPSH de Silva, its Deputy Director. It so happened that “Haris” de Silva was my senior at Ramanathan Hall in Peradeniya University and then became a good friend and ally in my research endeavours after we moved beyond our undergraduate years — capping this support by monitoring the publication process of the four volume Documents (hence his appearance in the opening scenario).

Along another dimension the Documents of the Ceylon National Congress is an accident – a kind of fairy tale. So, folk, sit back and absorb this tale of how I stumbled into this enterprise unforeseen and by chance.

How the documentary book came into fruition

My training in the discipline of History at Peradeniya University in the 1950s was fostered by such teachers as W.J. F. Labrooy, Sinnappah Arasaratnam. Karl W Goonewardena, Shelton Kodikara and Kingsley M. de Silva. The disciplinary leanings were, by and large, in the British empiricist tradition. That leaning was also fostered when I pursued my dissertation work on British agrarian policy in nineteenth century Ceylon under the guidance of Professor Jack Gallagher at Oxford University in the years 1962-65.

This research involved many hours of labour at the Public Record Office in Chancery Lane, London. At that site, I got to know Lal Jayawardena and thus his wife Kumari Jayawardena who had been a friend of my sister Audrey at Ladies College, Colombo. Lal’s dissertation work was in economic history and involved a macro-survey of the growth of plantations in the island and engaged the slashing criticism of the British “Waste Lands Ordinances” of 1840 and 1897 by Ceylonese nationalists. So, our discussions in the tea rooms around Chancery Lane were as earnest and convivial as highly profitable for my intellectual development.

My empiricist leanings were consolidated yet further when I returned to Peradeniya University in 1966 as a lecturer and widened by research interests directed towards exploring (a) the origins of “Ceylonese nationalism” and (b) the growth of the Ceylonese middle classes during the colonial period and especially in the 19th and 20th centuries. These two strands of interest were intimately connected because “Ceylonese nationalism,” as well as the parallel Sinhalese and Tamil nationalisms, were nourished within the middle and lower middle classes (who can also be identified in Marxist terms as the bourgeoisie and petty bourgeoisie).

The gentlemen of the Orient Club outside their premises [then at Linden Hall, Flower Rd] in the early 1900s. This cluster includes leading Ceylonese poltical activists such as Frederick Dornhorst, HJC Pereira, FR Senanayake, James Peiris and EJ Samerawickrame. A great deal of the planning on how to tackle the British colonial order was conceived and discussed within these premises — with EJ Samerawickrame among the most assiduous workers in the cause.

My previous work on agrarian transformation was of material assistance in my new engagements in these fields because the development of coffee plantations and the opening-up of the highlands to trade and capitalist development was the path of economic advancement for many Sri Lankan families, especially from the low-country areas of the south west.

In pursuing this research trajectory in the manner of an empiricist historian, I did not adhere to the Marxist framework of class favoured by such friends and colleagues in research as Kumari Jayawardena. Rather, I chose to deploy the concept of “elite” (subdivided into “national elites” and “local elites”). This leaning therefore colours the interpretations of my writings in the 1970s on the CNC and may provide grounds for critical assessment.

DS Senanayake and OE Goonetillake with visiting British VIP. Goonetillake’s daughter, Sheila, is also in picture

Be that as it may, this line of research meant considerable “oral history” where I met descendants of families who had garnered wealth in the 19th and 20th centuries. Elderly womenfolk were among the best informants in this field. This is what can be termed “ethnographic research work” which became my initial steps towards anthropology. It also meshed neatly with another project that is now identified as the “Roberts Oral History Project” or ROHP.

Roberts Oral History Project

The inspiration for this project arose from my familial background. My father Thomas Webb Roberts (1881-1976) had been a “Ceylon Civil Servant” (CCS) in the British era – working as one of the administrators from 1901 to 1935 before retiring as a pensioner to settle down in his beloved town of Galle (where I grew up and attended St. Aloysius College). He had moved to England in 1961 to live out his life with one of my elder sisters in Streatham, London. Driven by my absorption in the history of the island, I asked him to write an account of his administrative experiences. He duly did so in 1963 by penning his “Memoirs.”

This moment stimulated me to consider recorded interviews with him and British CCS men as well as other administrators who were living in retirement in the United Kingdom. A British public service organization provided me with access to the names and addresses of these personnel. I prepared an oral history research scheme involving a tape-recorder (the old spool type), monthly expenses and travel support for a period extending from circa October 1965 for five months or so and then presented this scheme to the Asia Foundation in Colombo with the strong backing of Professor Karl Goonewardena who headed the Department of History at Peradeniya.

The Asia Foundation endorsed the project. I completed my dissertation by the beginning of summer in 1965 and after short tour of Scotland as part of the Oxford Authentics Cricket Team and a two-month spell earning some cash as a bus conductor on the Isle of Wight, I returned to our semi-detached cottage at Bath Place, Oxford (rented from Merton College). This became my base for a number of trips to different parts of England to interview those administrators who had not only agreed to help me with my quest, but often provided me with bed and board on the occasion.

Michael Roberts with daughter, Kim, near Bath Place, New College in 1966

I interviewed 32 personnel in late 1965 and early 1966; while also sustaining a correspondence with a few that yielded information, particularly on land policy and the Land Development Ordinance of 1935. Most of these interviews were recorded on spool, though a few (including Sir Peter Clutterbuck did not wish to have the talks recorded.

I carried my tape-recorder and tapes back with me when I returned to the island in March 1966 with my wife and child to resume my job at Peradeniya University. It was only natural that I was moved to consider the continuation of this project by probing the experiences of retired Sri Lankan administrators. The Asia Foundation was more than ready to provide me with monies to cover travel expenses and other ancillary needs, while I had two married sisters in Colombo whose houses were home-from-home during week-end research trips or longer stays in the vacation months.

It so happened that I was interacting closely with Kumari and Lal Jayawardena who were back in Colombo at Gregory’s Road. Kumari’s line of research into the history of the labour movement meant that the aging AE Goonesinha was one of the first persons I interviewed in Sri Lanka on 12th May 1966. In brief, my compass now embraced politicians as well as administrators. Colombo was the location of most of these endeavours and my trips there were usually on a Vespa scooter with the tape-recorder between my feet and my luggage strapped on the pillion. In sum, another 118 personnel were interviewed, of whom 39 could be described as politicians.

These researches into the island’s history and politics through the experiences and readings of administrators and political activists of all types were a learning curve for me as a young callow researcher. They sometimes brought new friends (for e. g. Vernon Gunasekera of the LSSP now resident in Kandy. On the odd occasion they generated ‘new finds’. That is, I came across new documents of historical value such as the Minutes of the Ceylon Reform League 1917-19.

Leonard Woolf

Given my archival orientations, I invariably encouraged those holding such material to loan it to the Department of National Archives so that copies could be made; and sometimes mediated the physical transfer of such material. One political activist who readily cooperated in this ‘exchange’ was Gilbert Perera, who had been one of the Secretaries of the Ceylon National Congress in the late 1940s.

Perera indicated that JR Jayewardene may have lots of the CNC documents. So, one day – I forget when, but it is likely to have been late 1969 or early 1970 – I made an appointment to see JR who was the Minister of State in the ruling UNP government led by Dudley Senanayake.

Led into his study by an attendant and facing JR at his desk, I remarked that Gilbert Perera had indicated that some Congress documents were in his possession. He answered in the affirmative, summoned an aide and gave instructions. As his aides brought box upon box – umpteen boxes and yet more boxes — into the room, I was gobsmacked. Plucking up courage I asked him if he could loan them to the Archives for copies to be made.

JR remained poker-faced. I could not decipher any receptiveness to this idea. He then turned pensive: “Koatte [Koattegoda] and I thought of continuing Banda’s work and producing another volume on the organization.”

He then looked at me and asked: “Will you undertake the job?”

Volâre! Cantâre! What to say!

Like a bloody fool, I said “Yes” because that was one way of getting the material into the island’s archival stock.

What I did not know then was that at that point of time the Department of National Archives fell within the jurisdiction of the Minister of State – JR’s domain. So his wish was his command. The Archives was commissioned to assist me in taking on the project. Since I had secured a Fulbright Fellowship for 1970/71, this meant that the organization of this project only commenced when I was ready to take it up on my return to teaching work at Peradeniya University in late 1971.

Mr Amarawansa Dewaraja, Director of the Archives, sent the voluminous body of documents to the University of Peradeniya library premises and hired Sriyani Bernadette (now Sriyani Goonewardene) to work under my instructions in preparing the material. We had a space in the basement of the library and I went through the boxes of document and made certain choices. Sriyani’s willing industry was one pillar in the process that eventually led to the four-volume Documents of the Ceylon National Congress and Nationalist Politics in Ceylon 1928-1950 (1977) running to 3,208 pages in total.

The printing and editing of the documents in the years 1974/75 was also a tedious and slow process involving several trips to Colombo. When I headed to Germany on a Humboldt Fellowship in July 1975 the Archives informed me that the final book form would be delayed because of printing backlogs. It was a pleasant surprise when the four volumes appeared out of the blue in early 1977 to coincide with Independence Day. This was because a change of government had taken place and JR Jayewardene, now the President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, could take centre stage at a media event involving the presentation of de-luxe copies of the four-volume work to him. C’est la Vie (Such is life).

In contrast with the Indian National Congress in British India, the Ceylon National Congress did not spearhead the last stages in the battle for independence. The key roles in that struggle were played out behind the scenes by DS Senanayake and his aides, Oliver Goonetilleka and Ivor Jennings, with the newly-established United National Party led by DS Senanayake as the front ‘portal.’

Senanayake had moved away from the CNC during the 1940s – in part because of the influential position acquired by the Ceylon Communist Party within that body in the years 1943-44. Senanayake eventually created the United National Party on September 6, 1946 as a broad coalition directed towards winning the General Elections under a new constitution. The CNC, as well as the Sinhala Maha Sabha led by SWRD Bandaranaike, were incorporated as loose affiliates within his umbrella party.

In briefly depicting the meetings of the Congress in the period May 1946 to January 1950 which addressed central political issues, I presented indications in support of this tentative thesis. I also marked individuals who were unhappy with the subordination of the CNC within the UNP favoured by JR Jayewardene and associates. These included Peter Galoluwa and DM Manoratne of the Maradana National Congress Association; Gilbert Perera (advocate and businessman), Jayantha Weerasekera (journalist and writer –also spelt as Wirasekera), PP Siriwardena (landed proprietor & teacher in Veyangoda) and P. de S. Kularatne (a school principal from a well-endowed Karâva family).

It is the task of the new generations of scholars to test this little thesis amongst others spawned by the arguments in the introductory book that I fashioned in 1977 by delving into the mass of CNC documents as well as other pertinent data.

Fare thee well.



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Beyond traditional jobs: Why Sri Lanka needs to facilitate the gig economy

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Image courtesy Oxford University

by Kapila Chinthaka Premarathne
Head of the Department of Agricultural Systems and a Senior Lecturer in Agricultural Economics at the Faculty of Agriculture,
Rajarata University of Sri Lanka

Beyond the Graduate Unemployment Number

Sri Lanka’s economic recovery has improved macroeconomic stability, but youth unemployment remains a significant labour-market concern. Around 43% of Sri Lankan youth aged 15–24 with postsecondary education are unemployed, the highest among the Asian economies compared in the IMF analysis, compared with about 36% in Bangladesh and 13.2% in Thailand. This reflects a problem of skills mismatches and the difficulty of connecting higher education with changing labour-market demand. The concern goes beyond unemployment itself. Sri Lanka has invested heavily in educating its younger population, yet the conventional labour market is not creating enough opportunities to convert these qualifications into income. Many young people possess degrees, technical knowledge and growing digital familiarity, but remain outside formal employment because suitable jobs may not exist in the right place, at the right time or under conditions compatible with their circumstances. This makes it necessary to think beyond traditional employment models and explore new ways of connecting Sri Lanka’s educated youth with economic opportunities.

This is where Sri Lanka needs to reconsider how it understands employment

Employment has traditionally been viewed through the employer–employee relationship, with qualifications leading to a formal job and regular salary. While this model remains important, digital platforms are creating new ways to generate income, allowing individuals to work for multiple clients across geographical boundaries without permanent employment. Sri Lanka therefore needs to look beyond simply creating conventional jobs and consider whether it is building the conditions for its educated population to participate in the growing global market for digital services.

The Opportunity of the Gig Economy

The gig economy extends far beyond ride-hailing and delivery services. Digital platforms increasingly connect skilled individuals with opportunities in software development, design, accounting, data analysis, digital marketing, translation, online education, research and consultancy. This is particularly relevant to Sri Lanka, where a highly educated population faces a relatively limited domestic market for specialised skills. Digital platforms can overcome geographical constraints by connecting Sri Lankan workers directly with international clients.

As highlighted in my previous LSE South Asia article on women and the gig economy, such work should not replace formal employment but can create additional income opportunities when supported by appropriate skills, digital infrastructure, training and institutional support. A skilled person in Anuradhapura, Jaffna, Batticaloa or Monaragala could potentially serve clients in London, Melbourne or Dubai without first relocating to Colombo. This makes the gig economy relevant not only to employment but also to Sri Lanka’s emerging digital services-export strategy.

A Digitally Familiar Generation

Sri Lanka’s younger generation is growing up with smartphones, social media, online learning, digital applications and digital financial services, giving them a level of digital familiarity that previous generations did not have. However, digital familiarity does not automatically translate into digital employability. The challenge is to transform everyday digital use into productive skills such as data analysis, artificial intelligence, software development, digital marketing, financial analysis and online professional services.

Sri Lanka therefore needs to move young people from being consumers of digital services to producers of digital value. Universities, vocational institutions and training providers can play an important role in converting existing digital familiarity into marketable skills that connect young people with both domestic and international opportunities. This is increasingly important as technological change and AI reshape labour markets and intensify the need for skills that match emerging forms of work.

The Gender Dimension

The gig economy may be particularly relevant to women, who often face barriers to conventional employment arising from childcare, eldercare, mobility, social expectations and rigid working arrangements. For mothers and women living outside major urban centres, fixed working hours and daily commuting can make formal employment difficult even when suitable jobs exist.

Digital gig work can provide greater flexibility, allowing women to undertake professional assignments from home or their communities and potentially serve international clients without relocating. As discussed in my earlier LSE South Asia article, this opportunity is most meaningful when supported by digital infrastructure, skills training, virtual work hubs, mentorship and appropriate institutional support. However, flexibility should expand women’s economic choices rather than simply add paid work to existing unpaid household responsibilities.

Pressure on Labour-Market Opportunity

The value of a job cannot be judged by salary alone, as commuting, working hours and household responsibilities can significantly affect its real economic value. Flexible digital work can potentially reduce some of these costs by allowing people to work from home or nearby digital hubs and participate in employment on a part-time or project basis. While gig work cannot solve all household pressures, a more flexible organisation of work can create additional employment opportunities while helping households manage their limited time and resources more effectively.

A Possible Third Option Between Unemployment and Migration

Sri Lanka’s migration and brain-drain concerns highlight the need to explore employment opportunities beyond the domestic labour market. While overseas migration will remain an important individual and economic choice, digital work can provide another pathway by allowing skilled Sri Lankans to serve international clients without physically leaving the country. Software developers, designers, analysts, researchers, translators and consultants can potentially earn from global markets while remaining in Sri Lanka. Digital gig work cannot eliminate migration or reverse brain drain, but it can create an additional option between domestic unemployment and physical migration—working for the world while remaining in Sri Lanka.

Recognising and Making Digital Work Reputable

A major institutional gap is that conventional systems are designed around salaried employment, while a freelancer may earn from multiple clients without a single employer or salary certificate. This can make legitimate digital workers difficult to recognise when they seek loans, leasing, insurance or business finance. Sri Lanka could address this through a voluntary digital-worker or independent-professional registration mechanism, providing a recognised economic identity based on qualifications, verified skills, platform activity and documented income, without creating unnecessary bureaucracy.

Such recognition should also make digital income bankable. Banks could assess verified platform earnings, bank transactions, contracts, invoices, tax records, savings and repayment history alongside conventional employment documents. A standardised digital income statement could further help workers demonstrate their financial capacity. The key shift is from asking “Who is your employer?” to asking “Can your income be verified and is it sufficiently stable?”. This would allow successful digital workers to build financial credibility and use their earnings to access credit, acquire assets and develop their own businesses.

Digital Payments Are Part of the Labour Market

Access to reliable international payment systems is essential if Sri Lankans are to participate effectively in the global digital economy. Recent developments in PayPal’s local banking arrangements, including its partnerships with Sampath Bank and Commercial Bank, indicate progress in this direction. However, the broader priority should be a regulated and efficient digital-payment ecosystem that allows workers to receive international earnings, transfer them to Sri Lankan bank accounts, document their income and meet relevant financial and tax requirements with minimal friction. International payment infrastructure is therefore not simply a technology issue; it is an essential component of Sri Lanka’s emerging services-export economy.

Building Infrastructure Outside Colombo

Digital familiarity alone is insufficient without reliable internet, electricity, computers, software and suitable working environments, particularly in rural and underserved areas. To ensure that the gig economy supports regional development rather than becoming another Colombo-centred opportunity, Sri Lanka could establish regional digital-work hubs through universities, vocational institutions, libraries and public-private partnerships. These hubs could provide connectivity, equipment, training, mentoring and assistance with platform registration and international payments. If graduates must migrate to Colombo simply to access such infrastructure, the geographical advantage of digital work is significantly reduced.

From Freelancer to Entrepreneur

Gig work should not be viewed as an end in itself. A person may begin with small online assignments, develop regular clients and professional credibility, and eventually establish a small digital enterprise. This creates a potential pathway from graduate to freelancer, professional service provider and entrepreneur, allowing individuals to create markets around their own skills rather than waiting for conventional vacancies. Universities can support this transition by teaching students not only subject knowledge but also portfolio development, market identification, client communication, digital platforms and contract management. A degree demonstrates educational attainment, while a professional portfolio demonstrates what a graduate can offer to the market.

Facilitation Must Be Matched by Protection

Promoting the gig economy without appropriate safeguards could simply transfer employment risks from institutions to individuals. Digital workers may face uncertain incomes, weak bargaining power and limited social protection. Sri Lanka should therefore facilitate digital work while also ensuring opportunities for independent workers to build savings, access insurance and participate in portable social-protection mechanisms. Flexibility should create greater economic choice without compromising long-term financial security, particularly for women.

A regional Example from India: Think Globally and act Locally

India provides a useful regional example of how the gig economy can be approached as a policy issue rather than simply as informal or temporary work. NITI Aayog has estimated the size and future employment potential of India’s gig and platform economy and has developed recommendations covering employment generation, skills, financial inclusion and social protection. More importantly, India has begun creating institutional mechanisms around these workers. Its e-Shram portal provides a national database of unorganised workers, including gig and platform workers, creating a recognised identity through which workers can potentially access employment, skills development and social-security services. India has also explored platform-led skills development through skill certificates, skill passports and on-the-job training, while NITI Aayog has proposed cash-flow-based lending models that could allow platform workers to demonstrate creditworthiness through their earnings rather than conventional employment or collateral.

Social protection has also entered the policy framework. India’s Code on Social Security, 2020 formally recognises gig and platform workers and provides a basis for schemes covering areas such as accident insurance, health, maternity, disability and old-age protection. India is still developing and refining these arrangements, and Sri Lanka need not replicate the Indian model.

However, the experience demonstrates an important policy lesson: the gig economy can be supported through a system that identifies workers, develops their skills, makes their income more visible to financial institutions and extends appropriate social protection. Sri Lanka could develop its own simpler framework suited to its smaller economy, beginning with recognising digital workers and building the institutional conditions that allow their skills and earnings to become part of the formal economy.

Rethinking Employment and the Next Opportunity

The 43 percent figure for educated young Sri Lankans should encourage a wider discussion about the changing nature of work. Sri Lanka will continue to need conventional employment through firms, industries, farms, professional organisations and public institutions, but the changing labour market also requires new opportunities to connect educated Sri Lankans with global digital markets. The gig economy can provide an additional pathway to increase female labour-force participation, reduce the pressure for migration and brain drain, and connect Sri Lankan skills with markets beyond geographical boundaries.

This does not require a complicated bureaucracy. It requires recognising legitimate digital workers, facilitating access to international platforms and payment systems, allowing verified digital income to support credit assessment, developing portable social protection, and strengthening digital infrastructure and skills beyond major urban centres. Better data on digital workers would also help policymakers develop evidence-based interventions.

The future of work is therefore not only about creating more jobs, but about creating more ways for Sri Lankans to work, earn and build livelihoods while continuing to live and contribute in Sri Lanka. The gig economy should be recognised as part of an emerging digital labour market and services-export economy, where workers can build professional identities, earn internationally, access finance and eventually develop their own enterprises.

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Are religions getting redundant in the modern world?

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by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

We are living in an era of astonishingly rapid scientific advancement. From the time Apple launched the ‘iPhone’ in January 2007, the first targeting the mass market, smartphones have taken over the world, making them indispensable. According to the latest statistics, there are around 8.1 billion mobile phones with 7.4 billion active smartphones, for the world population of 8.25 billion. Except for a tiny minority of the very poor, most people have at least one smartphone.

We are now entering the era of Artificial Intelligence (AI) and smart robots. Recently, a ‘Chinese’ robot ran 100 metres faster than Usain Bolt! Though Alan Turing proposed the idea of ‘Thinking Machines’ way back in 1950, the real AI boom commenced with the release of the generative AI chatbot, ChatGPT, by OpenAI in November 2020. Number of technology firms in the US as well as in China have joined the race, China catching up very fast, quite unexpectedly. There is a frenzy at the moment, raising expectations, as the imminent floating of these companies is likely to value the two leaders, OpenAI and Anthropic, trillion dollars each!

However, trouble is brewing in the AI field. On top of the concerns raised by environmentalists regarding the huge power drain by AI centres, there are recent reports of some AI models hacking independently into other systems, without human input. Worse still, a senior researcher at Anthropic, who has previously worked for OpenAI as well, resigned in early September on ethical grounds stating that the way the two companies are fast-tracking AI poses an existential threat to humanity. Surprisingly, instead of a rebuttal the head of Anthropic supported his view, soon joined by three more heads of leading AI developers. Whilst they agreed on slowing progress, President Trump has claimed that slowing is totally unnecessary as long as a super intelligent President like himself is at the helm! There does not seem to be an end to Trump’s grandiosity! He was joined by Tony Blair. In contrast, King Charles held a summit with representatives of all AI developers to find a way AI could be developed without a threat to humanity. That is how wise leaders act!

Less sophisticated AI tools are already in widespread use and installed in computers, laptops and smartphones. Some of us are using these automatically. However, the more advanced AI tools like ChatGPT can change even reality. For instance, AI can generate videos hardly distinguishable from real ones. What you enjoy watching on YouTube may be just the creations of AI! Some people use AI to write articles; only a few of them admit that they do so. Very soon we may be reading stories AI creates and listening to music, courtesy of AI. Technology seems to be fast becoming the new religion? Or, will the existential threat move us more towards religion?

Religion, perhaps, is as old as humanity itself; various belief systems evolving and disappearing coupled with the fortunes of the associated civilizations. Just like AI, religion is also a creation of the human mind which our ancestors did to explain many phenomena which appeared, at that time, to be supernatural. Starting with Animism, perceiving the divine in the natural world around, humans went on to Polytheism, believing in many gods like in Hinduism, culminating in the concept of Monotheism.

World’s oldest religion, Hinduism, still in wide practice, is devoid of a founder or a single text. The earliest scriptures, Rigveda, is considered to be around 3,500 years old but archaeologists have discovered symbols of importance to Hinduism as far back as 7,000 BCE. Though it is considered to be Polytheistic, it can be argued that it was the precursor of Monotheism, the concept of a creator God, as Brahma was the creator in the triad, Trimurti, Vishnu being the preserver and Shiva being the destroyer. It seems to be a sensible balancing act; create, destroy and repair with improvements.

It is pretty obvious that as science expands, the importance of religion contracts but it is hardly likely religions would be totally redundant. We have no choice as to which family we are born to and that invariably determines what your religion would be, if any. Religion is the first brainwashing a child encounters and most remain in the same faith, often trying to defend even the indefensible, but some change through conviction or conversion due to one of many reasons. Further, religious rituals have social values and religious practices often come to one’s solace at times of distress. Therefore, many will continue with the religion they were born to but with declining enthusiasm, at times. However, some religions seem to be facing problems like falling attendances in places of worship. With education and tech savviness expanding, one would expect the youth to be less enthusiastic about religion but the converse is true in some religions, some youth becoming very militant unfortunately.

While most religions make you subservient to a supernatural power, the Buddha was wise and bold enough to remove those shackles. He proclaimed that one’s destiny is in one’s own hands. However, many Buddhists appear to attach greater significance to rituals than to practising the Dhamma.

Buddhism as a religion may become less relevant as the frontiers of science expands but the Buddha Dhamma, especially Abhidhamma and Vipassana, would receive increasing recognition, the Buddha remaining an authority on consciousness and the mind.

Scientific progress should be for the betterment of society but AI developers are taking huge risks, taking massive loans threatening the world economy, for one aim: profit! Some do not seem to care even if their actions pose an existential threat to humanity.

Perhaps, if the Four Sublime Attitudes (Sathara Brahma Vihara) expounded by the Buddha; loving kindness (Metta), compassion (Karuna), empathetic joy (Muditha) and equanimity (Upekkha) are adopted as universal values, the world would become a safer place to live in, with or without AI.

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‘The Bullet that Missed’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 21

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Another book that is part of a series, today—one that is fun without the brooding concentration on criminality in different forms that marks the Rebus novels. This one about the Thursday Murder Club, is a romp as its two predecessors were interspersed with deaths and what might be deaths.

The Bullet that Missed

begins with a meeting with the presenter of ‘South East Tonight’, a programme about the area, in which Coopers Chase is situated. The meeting is held because the club has decided to look into the murder of the producer’s assistant, Bethany Waites, whose car was found at the bottom of a cliff ten years ago. There was blood in it, but the body was never found.

Or, rather, the book begins with an account of Bethany Waites deciding, on the night she vanished, to meet someone in connection with a case of massive fraud that she had been investigating, after sending the producer, Mike Waghorn, a message that she had found new evidence though he had no idea what it was. The night she died, she sent him another message: “I don’t say this often enough, but thank you.”

CCTV cameras showed her leaving her place, but then the vehicle vanished, before being sighted near the cliff, with two people in it. Investigation of the fraud had led to the imprisonment of a woman, Heather Garbutt, though it proved impossible to pin anything on Jack Mason, the mastermind for whom she had worked.

The Club conducts investigations on several fronts, including through Connie Johnson, the drug dealer they had helped imprison in the earlier book. The psychiatrist Ibrahim, the most respectable member of the Club, interviews her in an attempt to get her to find out more from Heather, who is in the same prison as she. They also investigate the CCTV record of the night Bethany vanished, and deduce that she went to an apartment block and exited from its other side, and that is why she was not seen leaving the town. But some time had elapsed between her being seen in the town and then on the cliff.

Meanwhile, Elizabeth has been kidnapped, along with her husband, and taken to a house in Staffordshire, where she is told by a man called the Viking that she must kill a former KGB agent now in London, who has a profitable career in money laundering. The Viking tells her he will inform Viktor that she was responsible for stealing the diamonds, the story of which is told in the previous Murder Club Mystery, and Viktor will then kill her.

Elizabeth, who has an affair with Viktor, knows he will not kill her, but when the Viking says he will also send Viktor a picture of Joyce, she decides she must act, and goes to see Viktor, and fires when she gets him in the bathroom. But, of course, she fired into the ceiling, and Viktor is then taken to Coopers Chase, to stay with Joyce until they have dealt with the Viking. And Viktor then enjoys the camaraderie of the retirement home so much that he wonders whether he too should settle there.

Elizabeth does trace the Viking, or rather her husband does, for he has noticed rare books on the shelves in his library, and an antiquarian book dealer friend managed to find out who bought them. But before they could confront him, he comes to Coopers Chase, for he has seen the bullet hole in the bathroom of Viktor’s flat and realized he was fooled.

But he cannot bring himself to kill Joyce straight away, and she knocks him out with a drug in a cup of tea. When he meets Viktor, they both decide to fall in with the plans of the Club.

Before this, Heather has been found dead in her cell, with a note saying that ‘they’ were going to kill her, and only Connie could help. Before that she had admitted that she was frightened to name the man behind the fraud. Jack Mason said the same, after Ron had won his confidence. The Club had deduced by then that the body was buried in the garden of Heather’s house which Jack had bought, after she had been jailed, and digging reveals a gun and money, but no body. Jack tells them that the mastermind had said that Bethany was buried with a bullet with his DNA on it.

The Club is now working with the Chief Constable of Kent, Andrew Everton, who writes thrillers himself, but in the form of e-books. He is in search of a publisher, and delighted when Mike Waghorn puts him on his programme, as is Donna, who is substituted at the last minute for Chris.

The Club finds out whom Bethany visited in the apartment block—Mike’s assistant Pauline, who tells them later what she and Bethany had been doing. But this is after the man behind the fraud has been unmasked up in the house in Staffordshire, where he was trying to hire the Viking and Viktor to find the money that he had stashed away, using accounts that he could no longer trace. He has also confessed to murdering Bethany, hoping this will persuade the two money launderers to help him, but it turns out that he did not do this. Nor did he kill Heather, the incriminating note having been placed in her room by Connie, who decided that Heather’s suicide should be treated as murder so that the person who had been blackmailing her should be found out.

It was Jack Mason’s murder that was brought home to the crook. It turns out that Bethany, her appearance altered by Pauline, has vanished, to a new life in Dubai, where she has taken control of the missing millions. She has gone there because the threat, she received through the bullet she was looking at in the preamble, was to Mike and she wanted him out of danger.

Yet another whimsical conclusion to a whimsical book with enough loose ends left hanging for another sequel.

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