Features

Aragalaya gathers steam and GR is forced to abdicate

Published

2 months ago

2026/07/26

Thilina Walpola

FSP outdid JVP in providing muscle to Gall Face protesters

(Excerpted from Vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography) ✍️

Mostly due to the day long power cuts, non-availability of essential commodities and constant discussion about rampant corruption and family bandyism, middle class people began to come onto the streets. They attempted to set up candle light vigils since they were driven out of their unlit homes. This was the first time that professionals in large numbers began to experience such direct action. A leader was necessary to galvanize these new protesters. This leadership was provided by Hirunika Premachandra of the Samagi Jana Balavegaya. She was the daughter of a radical politician who had been killed in a political fracas between two gangs which were loyal to MR.

With the Rajapaksas backing the more powerful opposing side, Hirunika and her radical followers joined the UNP and later the SJB. She became the darling of the Aragalaya. Hirunika was adept at embarrassing GR by focusing on his weaknesses. It was rumoured that GR was brainwashed by a “miracle worker” called Gnana Akka who had a shrine in Anuradhapura. The President was following the far out recommendations of this shaman and was seen visiting her shrine frequently for domestic favours. What was even more reprehensible was that armed services personnel were used to build her a shrine and a nearby hotel.

Maithripala Sirisena told me that Gnana Akka had been a hospital attendant who became a soothsayer after suffering the trauma of seeing her husband murdered by the JVP. She had been interdicted by the health authorities but with her reputation rising among politicians and armed service bigwigs he had rehired her as the telephonist at the Anuradhapura state hospital. Her reputation had soared during the ethnic war because many army high-ups were located in Anuradhapura. With many risks taken in the battlefield they sought her mystic reassurances of safety and long life. Hirunika broke this bubble by leading a demonstration of her supporters, mostly females, to surround Gnana Akka’s premises and even clash with the armed guards who had been deployed there.

This embarrassed GR but more was to come. On the evening of Thursday 31st Hirunika brought out a number of suburbanites in the Nugegoda area for a candle lit vigil to protest the power cuts which were affecting them badly. Unlike the Colombo rich who had the means to invest in power generators, suburbanites were particularly vulnerable. The number of protesters grew and when information reached them that GR and his wife were at that time in their private residence in Pangiriwatte Lane, they began to march towards the poorly guarded residence.

Still at this stage GR could not believe that he had become unpopular. I had visited his residence several times before GR became President. It was a simple house with a newly constructed annexe. What struck me was the number of books and Buddha statutes that were strewn all over his sitting area. GR also had an impressive library. He was known to be the most erudite of the Rajapaksa family, which never claimed to be very educated. The Pangriwatta house was not well protected and did not even have a second exit in case of a crisis.

On this day fighting broke out and it was later divulged that the security apparatus – particularly the Army – did not respond promptly and effectively. Several vehicles including a bus was set on fire. In the meanwhile television, particularly a channel that gave much publicity to the Aragalaya, went `live’ on this encounter and the country was made privy to the helplessness of its leader in the face of a determined opposition.

With TV showing the fighting around Pangiriwatte lane many “Colombians” moved towards Mirihana – some to enjoy the spectacle of their President besieged by a group of ladies led by Hirunika. She had been traumatized by the decision of the Rajapaksas to back her father’s killers. This led her to the UNP and later to the SJB where she shot to fame as an active member of Parliament. Hirunika took a particular delight in attacking the Rajapaksas. As mentioned earlier she had led a demonstration in Anuradhapura against “Gnana Akka”. This led to the secrets of the GR-Gnana mystical connection being aired in public.

The Aragalaya paved the way for a large number of women to enter the public domain. This was not surprising since they had to bear the brunt of the shortages in the country. For instance TV cameras panned to desperate women in suburban high rises who had no access to electricity, gas, water, sanitation and other services which left them marooned and desperate on the top floors of their buildings. On the other hand university teachers, especially women teachers, turned up in strength sending the message that all classes were presently suffering.

An important consequence of the Aragalaya was that the populace began to find a new respect for intellectuals as witnessed by the emphasis placed by all parties to “Viyath” or candidates with high academic qualifications in their electoral lists. In contrast to the traditional left that attempted to foster workers representatives [eg; DG William, Pantis, Wimalasena, Piyadasa etc] the JVP and the new Left forgot the workers and emphasized their links with Universities and “intellectuals” to give them credibility with middle class voters [eg. Harini Amarasuriya and the group of women MPs from the NPP].

Minorities

A noticeable sociological fact was the strong support given to the Aragalaya by minorities. They were responding to many slights that GR had visited on them. GR was behaving in a foolish way by tilting away from the traditional middle ground in ethnic relations that all previous Presidents had followed. For instance MR as President would emphasize the multi-ethnic, multi religious character of the Sri Lankan state. He even went further by addressing minorities in Tamil language. GR, who was a captive of the hard “Sinhala Right” led by “Jatika Chintanayists” took great pains to identify himself with the majority and distance himself from the minorities, whom he openly accused of not voting for him.

To emphasize his Sinhala Buddhist vote base he took his oaths in Anuradhapura – the Sinhala Buddhist heartland. A committee was appointed to “Save ancient Buddhist sites” in Northern and Eastern provinces. This triggered a series of confrontations between the Tamils, Muslims and Sinhalese extremists who had been held in check by the Yahapalana regime. While justifying his actions by referring to constitutional provisions for the safeguarding of Buddhism, GR also set up a “Supreme Council” of senior Buddhist monks which was a long time request of the Jatika Chintanaya. GR was the only President who took the ideas of JC ideologue Nalin de Silva seriously and thereby alienated the majority of citizens of all races and religions who opted for coexistence and harmony in a modern Sri Lankan state.

In an obvious display of his fealty to JC he appointed Nalin de Silva as our Ambassador to Myanmar. De Silva who resigned his post after a short stay in Myanmar became a dedicated opponent of Aragalaya. With the success of the Aragalaya he migrated to the US and began a polemical battle with “anti-national” elements but he died not long after.

Another decision which riled the minorities was the use of armed services to construct Buddhist shrines. A religious site in Kaltota near Balangoda was shared by both Buddhists and Muslims in the area. The Muslims called it Dafter Zailani after a saint who was said to be buried there. When I was the AGA of Ratnapura in 1964 I visited this site after complaints of religious clashes were reported to government. I worked out a compromise with the villagers of both communities.

Conflict was ignited mainly by urban Buddhists and Muslims who saw political opportunities in this situation. Balangoda was an electorate which had a large Muslim population and would even elect a Muslim – Aboosally – as a UNP MP battling it out with the Ratwattes in their home town. An activist Buddhist monk from Kandy started a campaign to make an urban type temple in Kaltota with a lot of publicity in the Sinhala media. He had managed to get the support of the army chief Shavendra Silva and GR who deployed army engineers to construct a mammoth and, garish, edifice full of symbolism with lions guarding the temple entrance. Kaltota was converted into a Buddhist pilgrimage site with all its attendant commercial ventures including the sale of gifts, “puja” offerings, amulets and talismans – a modern phenomenon well documented for northern Thailand by Stanley Tambiah in his monumental work on Thai Buddhism.

Catholics in the country were traumatized by the Easter bombings. With over 250 worshipers killed and over 500 injured it was by far the biggest blow to the church in modern times. It was made possible by the monumental stupidity of our intelligence authorities and negligence by political authorities. The world wide protest was led by Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith and it drew the support of even the Pope. They all with one voice called for a full and fair inquiry and were not satisfied with the follow-up by the GR administration. Thus a large number of Catholics, as well as Christians, were seen among the protesters.

They in their religious habits were easily visible in the Aragalaya. Young priests who mingled with the protesters invoked the image of Jesus of Nazareth – the scourge of the Pharisees and the money lenders who populated the Temple [Trees?]. All in all it was clear that the minorities who had voted against GR in the Presidential contest were energized by the Aragalaya. They were its well wishers as seen in the positive interventions like those of MP and distinguished lawyer Sumanthiran regularly in Parliament and in the courts on behalf of the protesters.

Political interventions

As to be expected Aragalaya which arose out of the desperation of the public at the unprecedented breakdown of public utilities, drew the attention of political parties in the Opposition. The SJB which sought to capitalize on the failures of the GR regime attempted to intervene with Sajith Premadasa and a few front rankers visiting Galle Face. However they were thwarted when encircled by JVP and FSP activists who were camping out in the field. A well known JVP actor threatened bodily harm and Sajith and his advisors had to beat a hasty retreat. However support to the Aragalaya came from the SJB and UNP through covert means when their rich supporters began to provide food supplies to the “hard core” camping out in the green.

This was popularly known as “Buriyani” assistance as TV cameras caught food trucks rolling in with supplies. The real beneficiary of this activity was Ranil who was “the last man standing” when GR later began a bargain basement sale of the premiership. This led to the remarkable ascent which carried him to the Presidency for the remaining tenure of the ousted GR.

We can now turn to the role of the Marxist parties that formed a strong protective ring for the Aragalaya. The old left parties – the LSSP and C -, were shown up as having no strength to intervene significantly at this juncture. As coalition partners of the Rajapaksas they had expended their political capital and except for individual contributions of veterans like DEW Gunasekera, they had nothing left to offer. The two main leftist parties in contention in the Aragalaya were the JVP [and their umbrella front the NPP] and the Frontline Socialist Party [FSP] popularly known as the Peratugamis. Both drew their origins from Wijeweeras JVP and were former comrades who had split on both ideological and organizational issues which followed the JVP decision to support the SLFP on two previous occasions. While Anura Dissanayake and Tilvin Silva led the JVP\NPP Kumar Gunaratnam led the FSP.

It was Lenin, not Marx, who was the ideologue and tactician of the October uprising. Lenin’s Bolshevik party which was only nominally a working class party, made use of the revolutionary situation created by the mutiny of the Czars navy and army. In this melee Lenin with his small but disciplined Bolshevik party co-opted the Mensheviks led by Trotsky and gave leadership to an insurrection. He propounded the theory of the “Vanguard party” in a non industrialized society which was symbolized by his Bolshevik party.

Both the JVP and the FSP recognized the potential of the Aragalaya which seemed to them to make Lenin’s strategy replicable in the emerging local context. Perhaps they imagined a St Petersburg in the congregation in Galle Face and other spots in the densely populated working class districts of Colombo where workers and lower middle class people were trapped in high rise buildings. But while Lenin could mobilize cadres from the armed services especially for the attack on the Winter Palace, on the banks of the river Neva, both the JVP and the FSP had to depend on their youth organizations as their shock troops.

In this the FSP was far ahead of the JVP. The FSP had their tightly organized “Antare” or University Students Federation which they had taken over from the JVP having used many tactics including physical violence. The “ragging” which greeted new entrants was turned into a violent induction into the “Antare” which even the JVP compared to a fascist organization. Ignoring a hoary tradition in our state universities they prohibited speakers of other political persuasions, including the JVP from setting foot on the Campus. The FSP/Antare could mobilize an impressive “army” of radical university students who would march almost every week along the streets of Colombo thereby keeping up the tempo of the protests and exposing the unpreparedness of the Police who any way was demoralized by GRs inactivity.

The “Antare” and its young leaders like Mudalige and Nagamuwa who were photogenic and vocal, gave a head start to the FSP and Kumar Gunaratnam’s tactics seemed to have an effect on the wider public. The JVP, without a similarly strong youth front, had to fall back on their trade unions and urban party cadres to make an impression. This naturally highlighted the role of Lal Kantha their trade union boss [assisted by Handunnetti in charge of University agitation] who was a maverick thinker in the leadership ranks of the JVP. Every time the non political protesters were under threat the large scale demonstrations of the Antare and the trade unions of the JVP, which regularly filled the streets with their supporters thereby getting extensive live TV coverage, gave them confidence and indeed brought more of their ranks to Galle Face.

Unlike later under the Ranil administration, the Police response was a guarded one. After a dousing from the Police water cannons the student demonstrators dispersed without much violence. However the President was increasingly under siege. He was forced to abandon his office and transfer his location to the Presidents House which was a strategic mistake since this left the whole Galle Face area in the hands of the Aragalayites. They cheekily focused an improvised “light and shadow” display on the outer walls of the Presidents office. GR was unable to go to his own office and had to operate from the Presidential Palace. The armed services were unable to get the head of state to function from his own office.

Panic sets in

With the demonstrations increasing in tempo GR began to examine his options. Since he was not an office bearer of the SLPP he was cut off from the party machinery and had to depend on the advice of a few Ministers. The SLPP bank benchers had no access to him and were grumbling that mismanagement had led to a break down of civic life which prevented them from even visiting their electorates. The economic crisis prevented any compensatory pork barrel financing at electorate level. Their cry for vehicle permits and other “perks” were ignored by GR who was facing an empty exchequer.

Since one of the main complaints of the Aragalaya was about family bandyism, GR was advised to remove Mahinda and Basil Rajapaksa from their respective portfolios. Basil [a. k. a Kaputa] who was singled out as the main culprit of the debacle resigned his finance minister’s portfolio on June 9. 2022 adding to the momentum of the insurgents which was gathering steam by the day. This led to a family conflict with GR requesting MR also to step down while the latter’s immediate family was strongly against such a move.

This put MR in a spot even though, in fairness to the former President, he had indicated that he was willing to step down. He had confided in his favourite editor of a Sinhala newspaper, who was a go between him and GR, that he should be summarily sacked by the President so that he would not have to face his family who was pressing him not to resign. It was this tug of war that probably led to a pivotal act of folly which finally led to the downfall of GR and the Rajapaksa regime.

(Available at Vijitha Yapa Bookshop)

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Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

Features

What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

Features

Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

Published

11 hours ago

2026/10/1

Sahan Weerasooriya

Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).