Features

DISASTER IN CHILE– Part II

Published

3 years ago

2023/09/15

By Jayantha Somasundaram

When Dr Salvador Allende was elected President of Chile in 1970 at the head of a coalition that included the Socialist and Communist Parties, and with a mandate to nationalise foreign capital, carry out land reform and implement sweeping welfare measures, his government was targeted by Washington and opposed by Chile’s business interests.

Once Allende took office in October 1970 the Chilean Establishment made their move, there was a run on the banks. Wealthy Chileans were taking their money and moving to Argentina. While Washington blocked loans to Chile the CIA financed the opposition, which organised strikes. Anaconda Copper was pressing for an embargo on Chile, according to Le Monde “in particular on spare parts indispensable for the functioning of North American mechanical equipment used in Chilean copper fields.” (17 March 1972).

Chile’s ruling classes, with the backing of Washington, sabotaged, undermined and crippled the economy, such that within two years inflation had hit record heights, essentials were in short supply and in October 1972 there began a ‘bosses strike’ which saw factories closed and transport of goods crippled.

As Allende said “we are being attacked both from without and within.” And confronting his Unidad Popular (UP) or Popular Unity Government was the question: how should the Government respond to, and overcome, the growing threat from the right? The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria or MIR (Revolutionary Left Movement) which supported the UP but was not part of it, took a left position.

They wanted the UP to mobilise the workers in order to confront the right, overcome it, and move Chile towards socialism. MIR was already organising the peasants to take over farms and workers to take over factories. The Communist Party took a rightist position insisting that ‘things can be accomplished within the bounds of legality.’ Allende’s Socialist Party held the middle ground. The lack of a unified response to the political and economic crisis that was developing crippled the UP.

“President Allende,” said the New York Times in its editorial “has moved to resolve a severe crisis within his Popular Unity coalition in Chile by rejecting the radical counsel of his own Socialist Party and adopting a more conciliatory approach urged by the Communists.”(20 June 1972).

President Allende responded by inducting three senior military officers into his Cabinet. Army Commander General Carlos Parts as Minister of the Interior, Air Force General Claudio Sepulveda as Minister of Mining and Rear Admiral Ismail Huerta as Minister of Public Works and Transport.

Meanwhile right-wing paramilitary groups stepped up their efforts across Chile. In the face of spiralling inflation the Government imposed price controls. But shopkeepers resisted these controls and closed their establishments which the Government in turn tried to keep open by force. This led to violence, street protests and arrests breaking out on 21^st August 1972.

TRUCK OWNERS’ STRIKE

Le Monde reported that “towards midnight groups of young people belonging to the extreme right Patria y Libertad (Fatherland and Liberty) came onto the streets of the capital, armed with clubs and iron bars and tried to block traffic. Shortly afterwards groups of women and girls from the residential areas gathered at corners beating rhythmically on pots and pans to protest against rising prices and the lack of consumer goods” (23 August). La Presa Brazil said that “groups of demonstrators built barricades in streets and lit bonfires to block traffic. Frenzied individuals tried to burn trolley buses in the middle of the street.” (23 August).

The extreme right had taken their battle to the streets and on the 25^th the Minister of the Interior Jaime Suarez threatened to outlaw the Patria y Libertad and the Comando Rolando Matus of the National Party. The struggle for Chile had slipped from the parliamentary arena to the streets of Santiago.

One of the critical events in the unfolding Chilean Crisis was the nationwide truck owners’ strike which began on 10^th October 1972. It resulted in shortages of essentials like fuel and flour and compelled the Government to declare martial law in those parts of the country where 70 per cent of the population lived. The protest was against the unwillingness of the Government to agree to higher cargo rates and the truck owners’ opposition to the establishment of a state trucking company in Chile’s south.

The truck owners campaign was “from the very beginning marked by highway barricades…and it has had spectacular effects: no more gas and therefore no more shipping of goods in a country where the railroad network is not very developed and where the highway, which stretches over 3,000km from north to south plays an economic role of the first order.

The scarcity of basic food products – milk, sugar, rice etc – has suddenly increased, and lines have appeared in front of bakeries as well as gas stations. The tactic being followed by the opposition is to spread this strike to the point where the entire country will be paralysed and the helplessness of the government demonstrated,” said Le Monde (18 October).

The strike spread. Two days later the small businessmen’s, retailers’, builders’, and large farmers’ associations came out in sympathy with the truck owners. “The current anti-Allende campaign was launched at the same time that the American-owned Kennecott Copper Company was opening up an offensive against sales of Chilean copper internationally,” wrote David Thorstad in Intercontinental Press (30 October)

By 1973 Chile was at breaking point. In the months that followed, with parliamentary elections due in March 1973, the escalating economic crisis developed into political polarisation. The UP won 43 percent of the votes while the opposition CODE (Confederacion Democratica) won 55 percent. “As a rule of thumb, political observers here said before the elections, anything less than 60 per cent would be considered a disappointing performance by the opposition,” wrote Everett Martin from Santiago for the Wall Street Journal (6 March)

“On the one hand, there is an insolent and very powerful bourgeoisie engaged in a full-scale political offensive in its desire to regain control of all power,” explained Intercontinental Press (26 March). “This bourgeoisie rather than being satisfied by the conciliatory attitude of the UP, demands more and more and prepares its leading cadres for dealing the final blow to the UP…facing it is a workers movement that has not suffered any defeat as a class, that is strong and determined…A situation of dual power prevails in Chilean society.”

In hindsight it appears that the stage was being set for the final showdown. After the election the three military representatives resigned from the cabinet. The fascist right intensified the mobilisation and preparedness of its ranks, as well as its support base. Patria y Libertad declared that “there is no political solution” for what ails Chile.

Their response was to instruct professionals in nationalised ventures to withhold information from the government, for businesses to retrench politically active workers, for ranchers to stockpile produce and for neighbours to spy on UP supporters. On a daily basis they brought secondary school students onto the streets to protest against the Government.

By May there were widespread street clashes, resulting even in deaths, between left and right groups.

MILITARY COUP D’ETAT

On June 27^th there was a suspected attempt on the life of the Army Commander General Carlos Prats. Two days later rebel troops from the 2^nd Armoured Regiment under Colonel Roberto Souper besieged the Presidential Palace in an attempted rebellion. They were met with fire from Carabineros (Police) on duty and within hours the revolt had ended. This indicated that polarisation was occurring within the armed forces itself. For example in the Navy only officers were being permitted to carry arms. Sailors as well as Navy yard workers were being arrested. And on August 27^th the Navy Commander Admiral Montero resigned while the officer corps insisted on the right-wing Admiral Jose Merino replacing him.

On 7^th September Air Force troops approached the Sumar textile plant which had been occupied by workers, but when shooting began civilians in the neighbourhood surrounded the factory and the troops withdrew.

Finally the long-anticipated military coup d’etat began on 11^th September in Valparaiso – the main port and naval base – where in the early morning hours the Chilean Navy seized the city. On the first day around 3,000 prisoners, including navy personnel were imprisoned on warships at the base. Though the Navy took the lead, the conspiracy to overthrow President Allende and his UP Government included all three forces. The military junta was headed by General Augusto Pinochet who had been appointed Army Commander a fortnight before by President Allende.

At 7:15am the Chilean Military instructed the Carabineros on duty at the Palacio de La Moneda, the Presidential Palace in Santiago, to withdraw which they did. The Chilean Military thereafter surrounded, and mounted an attack on the Palace; while from the air, Air Force Hawker fighter jets strafed their President and his defenders.

“Chile is still haunted by the coup in 1973,” said the London Economist last week (2 September 2023). “Two things turned Allende into a martyr for democracy as well as a global icon for the left. One was the brutality of the coup and its aftermath. Pinochet’s junta murdered 2,130 people and tortured at least 30,000, many cruelly, according to investigations under later democratic governments.

“The second was Allende’s defiant final speech to the nation, broadcast from La Moneda at 9.10am. It lasted less than seven minutes, his voice calm and measured even amid shouting in the background. “I will not resign,” he declared. “I will repay the loyalty of the people with my life… Always remember that much sooner than later the great avenues along which free men pass to build a better society will once again be open.”

Still echoing across Latin America are his last words: I will always be next to you.

CHICAGO BOYS

“The images in grainy black and white are etched into history,” continues the Economist, “clouds of smoke billow from La Moneda, in the heart of Santiago …tanks patrol the surrounding streets as soldiers dragoon hundreds of civilian prisoners, hands on their heads. Salvador Allende, the elected Socialist president, in tweed jacket and tin helmet, brandishes a pistol in La Moneda.

By 2pm he would die…and the world would soon learn the name of General Augusto Pinochet, the leader of the violent coup against Allende, who would rule Chile as a dictator for the next 17 years. He was ruthless, turning his secret police into an instrument of state terror. Several rival generals died in mysterious circumstances.”

“Libraries were purged not just of Marxist authors but also of works by liberals such as J.K. Galbraith. Pinochet’s economic policy was another shock. Most Latin American armies believed in state-led industrialisation. But Pinochet was persuaded to hire the “Chicago boys”, a group of young technocrats trained at that city’s university under an exchange programme run by Chile’s Catholic University.

They were free-marketeers, disciples of Milton Friedman. They tore down tariff barriers and controls and privatised everything except the copper industry (the revenues of which went partly to the army). They made mistakes: a fixed and overvalued exchange rate and rampant insider lending by financial conglomerates crashed the economy in 1982.”

“He made history once again in 1998, when a Spanish judge issued an arrest warrant for the retired general while he was in London for medical treatment. The British government eventually sent him back to Chile, where he was charged and placed under house arrest for the disappearance and torture of political prisoners. This case was a milestone for the idea of universal jurisdiction for crimes against humanity.”

The military coup saw Neruda’s hopes for Chile destroyed. During a search of his house the poet responded “Look around – there’s only one thing of danger for you here – poetry.” He died mysteriously on 23 September.

All News Advertisement

Features

Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify

Published

18 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Kyiv. (BBC)

The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.

While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.

The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.

Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.

The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.

These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.

In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’

Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.

Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.

However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.

While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.

A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.

Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.

Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.

In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.

However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.

Features

“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”

Published

18 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya opening the event

OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation

The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.

Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.

The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.

In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.

She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.

The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.

She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress

The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.

The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”

Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.

Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.

The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.

Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.

The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.

Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.

Features

Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …

Published

18 hours ago

2026/08/27

Sahan Weerasooriya

‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.

Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.

Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.

What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada

It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.

According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.

With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”

One attendee summed it up perfectly:

“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.

“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto

“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”

And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.

Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada

Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.

One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.

Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.