Opinion
Directions of prevailing political realities
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The election of a new parliament, like the election of a new president, provides an opportunity for the nation to envision its future. One can trace the background to this election, link by link as it were, over a chain of circumstances. Each of us might choose a different ‘chain’, and make it go back as far or as near as we wish to. In my case, the chain is the issue of a Sri Lankan identity, and it stretches back to at least 1948.
There is no doubt in my mind that the ideology of identity played a role in the election just concluded – as it has in the past. Especially since the end of the separatist war, the spotlight has been thrown afresh on two strands of thought: one of ‘ethno-religious majoritarianism’, and the other, of ‘pluralism’. Since these terms can mean different things to different people, I need to define what I mean by each.
By majoritarianism I mean a “…political philosophy or agenda that asserts that a majority (sometimes categorized by religion, language, social class, or some other identifying factor) of the population is entitled to a certain degree of primacy in society, and has the right to make decisions that affect the society.” (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Majoritarianism). And in the case of ethno-religious majoritarianism, its application is to the presumed primacy of the segment of society which identifies itself as ‘Sinhala-Buddhist’. In this view, those without this identity do not hold the same rights as Sinhala Buddhists, whether such differences are legislated or merely represent the de facto reality – if not at all times and situations, in SOME of them. Let me call this ‘Identity 1’ (or ID1 for short).
‘Pluralism’ is used in the sense that Sri Lankans are not only diverse across different dimensions such as ethnicity, mother tongue/first language, religion (and being areligious) and any other category; but that the particular label of identity one carries does not warrant special privileges (claimed on the grounds of being a bhoomi putthra) – therefore seeking to make all citizens equal partners in nation-building. It also includes a perception that we may carry a hybridity WITHIN our official categorization, given how our ancestors have intermingled across the centuries. I refer to pluralism as ‘Identity 2’ (or ID2).
If these two strands of thought, or ideologies, are considered to be two extremes, the realities of day-to-day life probably take place on a continuum between the two. However, they serve as useful signposts at the fork on the road we have now arrived at, to indicate the possible future which lies ahead for generations born and unborn.
Arguably, ID1 has risen to centre stage in both the presidential and the parliamentary election. If stressing on the importance of ethnicity, and in particular the religion of the majority garners votes (of the majority), then one can claim that that particular view represents the feelings and aspirations of the electorate. And it is possible, of course to build the future of the nation giving special privileges to the majority segment of the population, as different countries have done at different times in their histories; however disagreeable it may be to those who are not a part of this segment.
It is worthwhile briefly considering a question that can be asked – and HAS been asked from time to time, sometimes in sarcasm, which is, what is the evidence for the existence of ID1? The weary answer would be that it is too numerous to keep recounting, but would include the areas of language policy (and practice), land settlement, State recruitment including to the Armed Forces, and so on; and the experience with rhetoric, not only of the ‘lunatic fringe’, but also of the establishment. In recent years this has taken the form of Islamophobia, most evidently in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks. This was evident in the run-up to the elections, with candidates keen to establish where they stood in relation to this identity. It has also been displayed after the presidential election, both in the nature of the swearing-in ceremony, and in the apparent advisory role assigned to the Sangha.
Those who view Sri Lankans in terms of ID2 may do so for one or both of two reasons. One is (the perception) that our failure to progress economically since independence is a result of our inability to accept pluralism and build our nation on it; and that therefore our future is doomed if we do not rectify this. The other is that even if we could charter a new course of economic and social development built on ID1 (including perhaps a new constitution), we should not do so on ethical or moral grounds.
For those of us who grew up with daily experiences inculcating pluralism – at home, in school and in the segments of society we moved in – the term ‘Sri Lankan’ connoted an embracing of this pluralism. Over time we have seen the voice of pluralism and inclusivity wax and wane – sometimes submerged, but never drowned. And to those fellow-citizens who were privileged to have been exposed to this nature of diversity and acceptance, life after the election brings a challenge, and a time of decision: Which do we choose – differentiation, domination, primacy; or equality, unity, and sharing?
The ‘othering’ of particular groups is not a uniquely Sri Lankan phenomenon of course. It is ironic that close to 57 years, since the Rev. Martin Luther King’s stirring words “I have a dream”, there is a need for a ‘Black Lives Matter’ movement. In that historic moment, King spelled out his dream:
“I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”…I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.” (https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm)
And it is this dream for the future of his children that we voters hold in our hands as we contemplate the future of OUR children and grandchildren; that it is the content of their character which matters, not what their ethnicity, or language or religion is; and not whether they are civilians or laity, or any other group.
There are public voices of pluralism in Sri Lanka, too, of course, which are relatively rare except in some political campaigns, albeit in ‘cautious language’. A clear and unambiguous voice is that of the much maligned Mangala Samaraweera, whose words have been selectively quoted in sometimes sensational fashion. Addressing party members, on May 12, 2019, in an emotive period after the Easter massacres, from within a group identity of Sinhala Buddhists (Sinhala Bauddha api), he spoke on the premise that all of Sri Lanka’s citizens are equal. In that context he is recorded as saying: Lankawa kiyanne Sinhala Baudhayange ratak nevei, Lankawa kiyanne Sri Laankikayange ratak; Sri Laankikayange ratay bahutharaya Sinhala Bauddha (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=57kzyox1Lfs), which may be translated as:
“Lanka is not a country of the Sinhala Buddhists, Lanka is a country of Sri Lankans; the majority in the country of the Sri Lankans are Sinhala Buddhist”.
These are statesman-like words (wisdom our majority of politicians have failed to pursue)! And yet, they have been used primarily to vilify Samaraweera, and thereby to engender caution in others who would pursue similar reasoning.
The clearest multi-cultural placing of oneself within a Sri Lankan identity is perhaps found in Kumar Sangakkara’s much-acclaimed ‘MCC Spirit of Cricket Lecture’ on July 4, 2011 in England. He drew on this identity in the motivation it gave him to represent his country at cricket: “I will do that keeping paramount in my mind my Sri Lankan identity…My loyalty will be to the ordinary Sri Lankan fan, their 20 million hearts beating collectively as one….Fans of different races, castes, ethnicities and religions who together celebrate their diversity by uniting for a common national cause….” And he ended his speech with the extraordinarily inspiring sentiments: “I am Tamil, Sinhalese, Muslim and Burgher. I am a Buddhist, a Hindu, a follower of Islam and Christianity. I am today, and always, proudly Sri Lankan.” (http://www.espncricinfo.com/srilanka/content/story/522183.html).
And so I come back to the fork on our journey even as the dust of the election settles. Imagine the portrayal of a Sri Lankan identity in terms of the two extremes, ID1 – the ‘dominant ideology’ and ID2 – the ‘Sangakkara vision’. Where in the scale joining these extremes do each of us stand?
It is apt to conclude with lines from ‘The Call of Lanka’ by the Rev. W.S. Senior, whose remains were interred in his beloved Sri Lanka, at St. Andrew’s church, Haputale. (http://www.poetryatlas.com/poetry/poem/4354/the-call-of-lanka.html).
“But most shall he sing of Lanka in the brave new days that come,
When the races all have blended and the voice of strife is dumb;
When we leap to a single bugle, march to a single drum,
March to a mighty purpose, one Man from shore to shore….”
C. R. ABAYASEKARA
Opinion
Pope decries ‘major crisis’ of Trump’s mass deportation plans, rejects Vance’s theology
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by Christopher White Vatican Correspondent
Pope Francis has written a sweeping letter to the U.S. bishops decrying the “major crisis” triggered by President Donald Trump’s mass deportation plans and explicitly rejecting Vice President JD Vance’s attempts to use Catholic theology to justify the administration’s immigration crackdown.
“The act of deporting people who in many cases have left their own land for reasons of extreme poverty, insecurity, exploitation, persecution or serious deterioration of the environment, damages the dignity of many men and women, and of entire families, and places them in a state of particular vulnerability and defencelessness,” reads the pope’s Feb. 11 letter.
Since taking office on Jan. 20, the Republican president has taken more than 20 executive actions aimed at overhauling the U.S. immigration system, including plans to ratchet up the deportations of undocumented migrants and halt the processing of asylum seekers.
The pope’s letter, published by the Vatican in both English and Spanish, offered his solidarity with U.S. bishops who are engaged in migration advocacy and draws a parallel between Jesus’ own experience as a migrant and the current geopolitical situation.
“Jesus Christ … did not live apart from the difficult experience of being expelled from his own land because of an imminent risk to his life, and from the experience of having to take refuge in a society and a culture foreign to his own,” writes Francis.
While the letter acknowledges the right of every country to enact necessary policies to defend itself and promote public safety, the pope said that all laws must be enacted “in the light of the dignity of the person and his or her fundamental rights, not vice versa.”
The pontiff also goes on to clearly reject efforts to characterise the migrants as criminals, a frequent rhetorical device used by Trump administration officials.
“The rightly formed conscience cannot fail to make a critical judgment and express its disagreement with any measure that tacitly or explicitly identifies the illegal status of some migrants with criminality,” the pope writes.
Soon after Trump took office, Vice President JD Vance — a recent convert to Roman Catholicism — attempted to defend the administration’s migration crackdown by appealing to St. Thomas Aquinas’ concept of ordo amoris.
“Just google ‘ordo amoris,’ ” Vance posted on social media on Jan. 30 in response to criticism he received following a Fox News interview.
During that interview, Vance said: “You love your family, and then you love your neighbour, and then you love your community, and then you love your fellow citizens in your own country. And then after that, you can focus and prioritise the rest of the world.”
While not mentioning Vance directly by name, Francis used his Feb. 11 letter to directly reject that interpretation of Catholic theology.
“The true ordo amoris that must be promoted is that which we discover by meditating constantly on the parable of the ‘Good Samaritan,’ that is, by meditating on the love that builds a fraternity open to all, without exception,” wrote the pope.
Since his election in 2013, Francis has become one of the world’s most vocal champions. His latest letter, however, marks a rare moment when the pontiff has directly waded into a country’s policy debates.
In the letter, however, he states that this is a “decisive moment in history” that requires reaffirming “not only our faith in a God who is always close, incarnate, migrant and refugee, but also the infinite and transcendent dignity of every human person.”
“What is built on the basis of force, and not on the truth about the equal dignity of every human being, begins badly and will end badly,” the pope warned.
In a brief post on social media, the U.S. bishops’ conference shared the pope’s letter with its online followers.
“We are grateful for the support, moral encouragement, and prayers of the Holy Father, to the Bishops in affirmation of their work upholding the God-given dignity of the human person,” read the statement.
(The National Catholic Reporter)
Opinion
Is Sri Lanka’s war on three-wheelers an attack on the poor?
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For decades, three-wheelers—commonly known as tuk-tuks—have been a vital part of Sri Lanka’s transportation system. They provide an affordable and convenient way for people to get around, especially in areas where public transport is unreliable. However, successive governments have repeatedly discouraged their use without offering a viable alternative. While concerns about traffic congestion, safety, and regulations are valid, cracking down on three-wheelers without a proper replacement is unfair to both commuters and drivers.
For millions of Sri Lankans, three-wheelers are not just a convenience but a necessity. They serve as the primary mode of transport for those who cannot afford a private vehicle and as the only reliable last-mile option when buses and trains are not accessible. Senior citizens, people with disabilities, and those carrying groceries or luggage rely on tuk-tuks for their ease and accessibility. Unlike buses, which often require long walks to and from stops, three-wheelers offer door-to-door service, making them indispensable for those with mobility challenges.
In rural areas, where public transport is scarce, three-wheelers are even more critical. Many villages lack frequent bus services, and trains do not serve short-distance travel needs. Tuk-tuks fill this gap, ensuring people can reach markets, hospitals, and workplaces without difficulty. In urban areas, they provide a quick and affordable alternative to taxis and private vehicles, especially for short trips.
Despite their importance, three-wheelers have increasingly come under government scrutiny. Restrictions on new registrations, negative rhetoric about their role in traffic congestion, and limits on their operation in cities suggest that policymakers view them as a problem rather than a necessity. Authorities often cite traffic congestion, safety concerns, and lack of regulation as reasons for discouraging tuk-tuks. While these issues are valid, banning or restricting them without addressing the underlying transport challenges is not the solution.
The biggest flaw in the government’s approach is the absence of a proper alternative. Sri Lanka’s public transport system remains unreliable, overcrowded, and often inaccessible for many. Buses and trains do not provide efficient coverage across all areas, and ride-hailing services like Uber and PickMe, while convenient, are often too expensive for daily use. Without a suitable replacement, discouraging three-wheelers only makes commuting more difficult for those who rely on them the most.
Beyond the inconvenience to passengers, the economic impact of limiting three-wheelers is significant. Thousands of drivers depend on tuk-tuks for their livelihoods, and with rising fuel prices and economic instability, they are already struggling to make ends meet. Further restrictions will push many into financial hardship, increasing unemployment and poverty. For passengers, particularly those from lower-income backgrounds, losing three-wheelers as an option means higher transport costs and fewer choices.
Instead of discouraging tuk-tuks, the government should focus on improving and regulating them. Many countries have successfully integrated three-wheelers into their transport systems through proper policies. Sri Lanka could do the same by enforcing proper licensing and training for drivers, introducing digital fare meters to prevent disputes, ensuring better vehicle maintenance for safety, and designating tuk-tuk lanes in high-traffic areas to reduce congestion. These measures would make three-wheelers safer and more efficient rather than eliminating them without a backup plan.
The government’s push to restrict three-wheelers without providing a suitable alternative is both unfair and impractical. Tuk-tuks remain the only viable transport option for many Sri Lankans, particularly senior citizens, low-income commuters, and those in rural areas. Instead of treating them as a nuisance, authorities should recognise their importance and focus on making them safer and more efficient. Until a proper substitute is in place, discouraging three-wheelers will only create more problems for the very people who need them the most.
P. Uyangoda
Director-Education (retired)
Nedimala
Opinion
Government by the people for the people: Plea from citizenry
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By an Old Connoisseur
The incumbent rulers keep on reminding the people, ad nauseam, that the current administration is a government for the people by the people. They have claimed the current government was born out of the uprising of the people.
All governments in democratic societies are born out of the will of the people. In such a context, all such governments have to work towards the well-being of the people with undiluted commitment. There is no doubt in the minds of even the most discerning citizens of Sri Lanka that all these promulgations are indeed the most noble of objectives and one would justifiably expect such contentions to even warm the cockles of the hearts of all and sundry.
Yet for all this, we do need to remember and firmly reiterate to our politicians that this principle should be the bedrock on which the political governance of any democracy is based. The people of a country should come first and foremost in all considerations of any legally elected democratic government. True enough, we do know for sure that even despite the very loud vocal grandiloquence of all previous governments, and I repeat all previous governments, they did not go even a little distance to hold the welfare of the people to be sacred, and their deeds and interests were completely at loggerheads with such an honourable foundation as well as essential and admirable attitudes. Without any significant exceptions, all previous political systems over the last 77 years of independence of our much-loved Motherland, have gone on record as institutions that put themselves first in all their considerations.
In point of fact, we also have to agree even unequivocally that this noble task cannot be achieved by the politicians alone. Politicians will have to take steps to stimulate, facilitate and unite all sections of society so that our people will put their collective shoulder to the wheel in a concerted initiative to lift up this country from the mire into which it has been pushed by politicians of various hues. Delving deeper into the depths of this contention, the question arises as to what or who are understood as people. In any society when one talks of people, we should focus on all people; the rich and the poor, the able and the disabled, the educated and the not so well educated, the employed and the unemployed, public-sector workers and the private-sector workers, the farmers as well as the white-collar workers, government enterprises as well as community organisations, and the business enterprises; in fact, the whole lot of Homo sapiens in our country. To improve the well-being of people we need the participation and unstinted cooperation of all these groups in our populace. An abiding sense of patriotism in the psyche of all of our people is definitely the need of the hour.
Politicians lay down the policies and the public sector ensures the implementation of these rules and regulations to improve the wellbeing of people. The public sector, including all politicians of different sorts, are servants of the people and are not deities with unlimited power just to take care of themselves and their political institutions as well as their kith and kin and acolytes. To realise these exalted goals we have to ensure that we have certain universal rules including respect for our people at all times, fair distribution of resources in an equitable manner, kindness, empathy and respect for the freedom of others, preservation and conservation of nature and the environment, adherence to the rule of law, unmitigated compliance with basic human rights and dignity, as well as the development of those very fine humane attributes such as beneficence, non-maleficence and altruism.
If we are to develop by transforming society by the people for the people, we will have to internalise and translate these attributes in our behaviour all the time and in all sectors of the community. Political leadership alone cannot do this honourable task. Society has to unite under these values and other attributes to be articulated and facilitated by the leadership. This is what many other progressive countries have attempted, some of them forging ahead with great success. For this to happen the entire society will have to work together over a long time with respect and minimal adversity. The stakeholders for this endeavour would be all individuals of society, Public Service including the political leadership, Private Sector and their leading figures and Community Organisations including their management. Every member of the population of our wonderful country should be invited to put his or her shoulder to the common wheel in a trek towards prosperity to enable everybody to enjoy an era of opulence.
The most admirable theme for the celebrations of our independence on the 4th of February this year was “Let us join the National Renaissance”. It was a clarion call to enable us to rise up like the proverbial phoenix from the ashes towards a magnificent revival. In addition to all that has been written above, the government and its leadership, for their part, have an abiding duty to take all necessary steps to facilitate the revitalisation of patriotism to urge the populace to contribute to the prospect of national resurgence. Towards that end, the general public has to be happy in this thrice blessed land and they need to live in a country that is safe and affluent. The powers that be need to realise most urgently that unless corruption is completely eliminated, the drug lords effectively neutralised, murderers and other law-breakers swiftly brought to book, various Mafia-type impertinent audacious organised collectives such as Rice Millers, Egg Manipulators, Coconut Wheeler-dealers, and Private Transport Syndicates; all of which hold the public to ransom, are ruthlessly tamed, there is no way in which we can rise and march towards any kind of Nationwide Resurgence. Of course, equally importantly, the farmers who provide sustenance to the entire nation should be looked after like royalty. It is also ever so important that vital and purposeful steps are taken to develop the rural impoverished areas and take steps to alleviate the poverty of the downtrodden. If these things are not attended to, at least for a start, the grandiose but implausible and tenuous rhetoric of that call to rally would just be a ‘pus vedilla’, and could even be a virtual non-starter.
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