News
Corruption scandal threatens PM Kishida’s government
Japan is going through a “once in a generation” political crisis, analysts say, as the government fights to clean up its image in the face of a corruption scandal.
Four cabinet ministers from the long-term ruling party have resigned in the past fortnight, as Prime Minister Fumio Kishida fights to hang on. His approval ratings are down to 17% – the worst in over a decade. And public anger and outrage has boiled over on social media.
Some hope this could be a tipping point for reforms in governance. But others note it’s the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the spotlight – the party that has ruled Japan almost continuously since 1955.
Its time in power has long been marked by similar scandals- one reason why analysts say voters in the leading Asian democracy are feeling disillusioned and cynical.
In recent months, media reports have emerged accusing LDP politicians of pocketing excess funds received at fundraisers.
Most of the allegations have been levelled at the powerful Abe faction, named after the former prime minister Shinzo Abe who was assassinated last year. It’s the largest group in the ruling party with 99 lawmakers. Until recently, it also held some of the most critical positions in the cabinet.
Its members are alleged to have hidden at least 500m yen (£2.7m; $3.5m), although some media reports peg the amount closer to 1bn yen.
Prosecutors this week raided the offices of the Abe group and the Nakai faction, another leading LDP group. They’re said to be investigating five of the six LDP factions for under-reporting ticket funds – including the prime minister’s faction.

In Japan, it is common for politicians to host ticketed events where they are set a fundraising target through ticket sales. But many LDP MPs are accused of keeping excess sales off the books; they’re alleged to have pocketed the “kickbacks” or put it into a slush fund. The slush fund money is used to make payments to either maintain or increase their political network, a practice common across Japanese politics, says Seijiro Takeshita, a professor of management and informatics at the University of Shizuoka.
“In order to sustain your position as an MP in Japan, you often have to take good care of your buddies – the ones who will support you in your prefecture, or in the cities, towns or villages [and] the regional politicians,” he says. “And in order to, basically in my opinion, bribe them, you need cash, because you can’t go through the formal methodology of donations anymore – that’s forbidden.”
As public anger grew over the fundraising claims, four senior lawmakers eventually resigned from Mr Kishida’s cabinet, including Hirokazu Matsuno, the chief Cabinet secretary.
Seen as Mr Kishida’s right hand man, Mr Matsuno co-ordinated policy across government and was one of the best-known faces of the government. Days prior to his resignation, Mr Kishida had even defended him as the opposition tried to pass a motion of no confidence in the cabinet.
But as the pressure mounted, Mr Kishida was forced to replace him and other Abe faction ministers: Trade Minister Yasutoshi Nishimura, Internal Affairs Minister Junji Suzuki, Agriculture Minister Ichiro Miyashita and Deputy Defence Minister Hiroyuki Miyazawa.
While the PM isn’t part of the two big factions being probed, prosecutors on Tuesday said they were investigating his group too.
Mr Kishida himself hasn’t been implicated in wrongdoing, and he withdrew from his faction last week to distance himself.
He has also pledged to clean up politics and hinted at legal reforms, promising to take to the task “like a ball of fire”.

However analysts say the public’s lack of confidence in Mr Kishida is reflected in his continued slide in the polls.
Seen as a safe pair of hands by competing factions, Mr Kishida was voted as the party’s leader in October 2021, replacing a retiring Abe as PM.
But his tenure has been marked by a slew of scandals – from his party’s links to a controversial church and his son’s use of a PM residence for a house party.
There is also general voter resentment and malaise over the cost of living crisis as households deal with a decades-overdue surge in inflation.
Mr Kishida’s saving grace may be that a party leadership vote is not due until next September. Potential challengers like digital minister Taro Kono and Shigeru Ishiba are popular with the public but lack support in the LDP.
A general election also isn’t due until 2025. Furthermore, opposition parties are seen as too minor, fractured or just “incompetent” says Prof Takeshita. He says much of the population is still reeling from the Democratic Party of Japan’s time in power from 2009-2012 – a period which saw the Fukushima nuclear power station meltdown and was viewed by many as disastrous for Japan’s economy.
The party also struggled to work with the government bureaucracy, analysts say.
The lack of a viable alternative is one reason why voters, after every LDP corruption scandal, have grown apathetic.
“They can see the corruption and wrongdoing of the LDP, which really puts people’s minds in a very negative space. But you know, they think it doesn’t make much difference if they vote or not,” Prof Takeshita says. “That’s the reason why the voting turn-out levels and the interest towards politics among the Japanese public is down to the rock bottom.”
With that in mind, analysts like Prof Takeshita aren’t hopeful that this could spell the end of LDP dominance or majorly redefine Japanese politics.
Commentators have instead fixated on how it could play out in terms of politics in the LDP: the removal of key figures could change the government’s course on policies ranging from tax cuts to foreign affairs and even the PM’s flagship defence ramp-up.
There will most likely be a crackdown on regulations, and introduction of more stringent reporting measures around money flow, says Prof Takeshita.
But the shake-up won’t necessarily lead to profound reform, or a foundational breakdown of the LDP. “It’s not big enough of a scandal for Kishida to get consensus from the party to make an overhaul,” he says. “And there’s a lot of people who benefit from this methodology of funding in Japan, a lot of people who know that’s the status quo. And the one thing the Japanese public don’t want to do is break the status quo.”
(BBC)
News
State Banquet Hosted by the President for the Maldivian President and Delegation
A special state banquet hosted by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in honour of Maldivian President Dr Mohamed Muizzu, who is on a state visit to Sri Lanka at the invitation of the Sri Lankan President, was held on Monday (04) at the President’s House in Colombo Fort.
Upon arrival President Dr Mohamed Muizzu and First Lady Sajidha Mohamed were warmly received by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake.
Addressing the gathering, President Dissanayake stated that the long-standing and steadily growing close relationship between Sri Lanka and the Maldives has been further strengthened by the visit of President Muizzu and First Lady Sajidha Mohamed.
He also noted that if the unique appeal of both nations could be jointly promoted, it would bring significant benefits to the people of both countries, particularly in the tourism sector.
The President further emphasised that the strong ties between the people of Sri Lanka and the Maldives, along with their cultural connections, date back centuries. He added that similarities between the two languages reflect this bond, and that the two nations will continue to remain close friends engaged in constant interaction.
President Dissanayake remarked that Sri Lanka considers it an honour to have hosted the signing of the Maldives’ Declaration of Independence in 1965, describing it as a symbol of unity, cooperation and goodwill between the two countries. He added that this is why Maldivians regard Sri Lanka as their second home.
He also stated that the Maldives is regarded as a reliable and valuable partner in efforts towards Sri Lanka’s social and economic development, as well as regional peace and prosperity, highlighting the importance of joint engagement on global issues.
Pointing out that the two countries, as neighbours in the Indian Ocean, share deeply interconnected realities, the President said that challenges such as rising sea levels, climate change and global economic crises affect both nations. He stressed that these can only be addressed through unity and collective purpose, and expressed appreciation for the Maldives’ support during times of difficulty in Sri Lanka.
He further noted that the discussions held between the two leaders would open new avenues for strengthening cooperation between the peoples of both countries. Inviting President Muizzu to work together in safeguarding enduring values such as tolerance, compassion and sustainability, he emphasised the importance of unity in building a brighter future.
Extending his best wishes to President Muizzu and the Maldivian delegation, President Dissanayake expressed confidence that the visit would contribute to the continued progress and prosperity of both nations.
In his address, President Mohamed Muizzu stated that it was a great pleasure to visit Sri Lanka, a long-standing partner in Maldivian history. He described the occasion as not merely a diplomatic engagement, but a celebration of a friendship as deep and gentle as the ocean that connects the two island nations.
He noted that for centuries, the waves between the two shores have carried more than trade and travellers, they have conveyed trust, affection and a shared rhythm of coexistence without rivalry, built on cooperation.
President Muizzu described these enduring human bonds as a golden thread uniting the two nations, characterised by humility, sincerity and permanence.
He emphasised that the friendship between the two countries is founded on mutual respect and has successfully withstood the tests of time. He recalled that Sri Lanka has always extended a steadfast hand of friendship to the Maldives, and expressed the gratitude of the Maldivian people for Sri Lanka’s support in shaping and nurturing the nation’s development.
He further stated that the ocean does not divide Sri Lanka and the Maldives, but unites them, adding that their unity is their greatest strength in ensuring that the Indian Ocean remains a region of peace, stability and opportunity for all.
Addressing climate change as a pressing global challenge, President Muizzu called for joint advocacy for climate justice and for the rights of small nations to survive and thrive. He stressed the importance of collaboration in innovation, resilience and global dialogue, noting that the true meaning of diplomacy lies in the people of both nations.
He also acknowledged Sri Lanka’s achievements in literacy, healthcare and human development as a long-standing inspiration to the Maldives. Looking ahead, he expressed a desire to deepen ties through opportunities in education, training and technology that empower younger generations.
He highlighted that every student nurtured, every life healed and every mind inspired contributes to a more peaceful and prosperous region.
President Muizzu remarked that Maldives–Sri Lanka friendship is not only recorded in official statements, but lives on in the smiles of children growing up familiar with each other’s flags, languages and cuisines. He noted that such bonds are reflected in the warmth exchanged between citizens and the quiet pride shared in each other’s success, adding that these connections cannot be artificially created, they must be experienced and cherished.
Concluding his speech, he stated that although the horizon may be vast, it always unites the sea and the sky, just as the Maldives–Sri Lanka friendship, though far-reaching, is always grounded in shared purpose and mutual respect.
He invited both nations to move forward together with gratitude for the past, confidence in the present and hope for a shared future, expressing his wish that the close friendship and cooperation between the Maldives and Sri Lanka will continue to grow stronger.
During the event, President Muizzu also signed the official commemorative book for visiting heads of state.
Several Sri Lankan dignitaries, including Prime Minister Dr Harini Amarasuriya, Deputy Speaker Rizvie Salih, and other ministers and officials, were present. Members of the Maldivian delegation, including senior ministers and diplomatic representatives, also attended the occasion.
(President’s Media Division)
News
India pushes for direct link between Rameswaram and Talaimannar, FTA upgrade
India wants to upgrade the India-Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement, signed in 2000 during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s presidency.
Declaring that more than 65% of Sri Lankan exports use FTA benefits whereas only 5% of Indian exports use the same, Indian High Commissioner in Colombo, Santosh Jha, emphasised the urgent need to transform the FTA into a modern framework that delivers the full potential of the bilateral economic partnership.
Jha was addressing the Global Innovation & Leadership Summit “Sri Lanka & India Ties: A Civilisational Bond,” organised by Z Media & WION, in Colombo, recently.
Jha said: “We have spent too long talking about it (FTA); sometimes renaming it; but not actually moving with purpose and required political will to forge a new framework. I say this not to assign blame — but to note that every year of delay is a year of opportunity lost. Think of it, in the last six years, India has signed nine FTAs, covering trade with 38 countries.”
Jha dealt with the situation developing in West Asia where the unprovoked US-Israeli war against Iran has caused tremendous hardships all over the world.
“We are living through an extraordinary period of global turbulence. Supply chains, markets, and everything else available, as a leverage, are being weaponised, as never before. Geopolitical competition is reshaping trade, alliances and partnerships. Trust in global order is eroding; Utility of global institutions are in question. Wars and conflicts are proliferating; even if these wars are regional, nobody seems immune from its impact. Economic uncertainty in some form or another has become almost a permanent condition. And we are all struggling in different degrees to adapt, as nations.
In these circumstances, relationships built on shallow transactional foundations are the first to crack. They are the ones where a change of government, a shift in commodity prices, or a geopolitical tremor is enough to undo years of effort.”
Commenting on Indo-Lanka relations, Jha said: “Civilisational bonds are different. They are not dependent on who happens to be in office in any given year. They are not contingent on a favourable deal or a transaction. They are sustained by something far deeper and more durable: a shared sense of who we are and where we come from, and what we seek to build for ourselves.
When the world is uncertain, you turn to those you trust. And trust, real trust, is built over centuries, not decades. India and Sri Lanka have that in plenty. But we must not take it for granted. In fact, we should nurture it, build on it and use it to our mutual advantage.”
Jha underscored the need to connect India with Sri Lanka. Jha said: “Let me be direct. The distance between Colombo and Chennai by sea is roughly 300 kilometres. But the distance between Rameswaram and Talaimannar — the closest points of our two countries — is about 30 kilometres. Thirty kilometres. And yet, there is no direct road. No railway. No ferry service that runs at scale. No energy grid connection. No pipeline. It is, frankly, an anomaly. It is as if two neighbouring rooms are connected only through a corridor outside, even when there is a door that can be built between the two rooms, right in the shared wall of the two rooms. We need to open that door.”
Land connectivity via a bridge or tunnel across the Palk Strait has been discussed for decades. There are enough examples of such corridors across the world. The engineering is well understood. The economics are compelling. The benefits, wherever such bridges have been built, are unmistakable. But we continue to waver. But let me say clearly: the time for wavering is over. A fixed link between India and Sri Lanka would transform the economic geography of this entire region. It would make Sri Lanka a hub, it aspires to become, in a way that no port expansion or airport upgrade can achieve on its own.
Energy connectivity is equally transformative. India has made massive strides in renewable energy across solar, wind, nuclear and green hydrogen. Sri Lanka has its own targets. A submarine electricity interconnection between the two countries would give Sri Lanka access to affordable and clean power. It will also create a market for Sri Lanka’s energy exports and help realise its vast potential. In a power-hungry age of data centres, India’s demand for renewable energy will only increase; and Sri Lanka needs to fully understand that opportunity to forge ahead.
Beyond electricity, serious conversations must also take place about long-term energy supply arrangements, including the petroleum pipeline and the development of tank farms in a meaningful, sustainable way. It can provide Sri Lanka with price stability and energy security. Something that we know today after the West Asia crisis is at premium. These are not fantasies. They are projects that have been studied, scoped, and in some cases are ready for decision. India already has implemented similar projects with its other neighbours – Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh – who are benefitting not just by exporting their surplus power to Indian markets but also by enjoying a level of energy security, which would not have been possible otherwise in the current difficult global situation.
News
Treasury theft won’t be treated by creditors as a default: Govt.
Sri Lanka’s creditors were unlikely to classify the recent USD 2.5 million Treasury fund heist as a technical debt default, Deputy Minister of Finance Anil Jayantha Fernando told Parliament yesterday (05), citing assessments by the Government’s financial and legal advisors engaged in the debt restructuring process.
Responding to queries raised by Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, Fernando said the incident is expected to be treated as a cybercrime matter rather than a failure or refusal by the State to honour its debt obligations.
“Although the funds remitted by Sri Lanka were not received by the Australian creditor, this does not indicate an inability or unwillingness on the part of the Government to repay,” he said, adding that given the nature of the incident and Sri Lanka’s relations with Australia, advisors believe neither Australia nor Paris Club members are likely to deem it a debt default.
Fernando said debt restructuring advisors had been consulted on whether the episode could amount to a technical default, while investigations are continuing to establish the nature of the alleged fraud.
Outlining the sequence of events, he said the Sri Lanka Computer Emergency Readiness Team was notified on January 9, 2026, with the Criminal Investigation Department also informed the same day. He said Australia Export Finance later notified Sri Lankan authorities on March 23 that the funds had not been received. A complaint was subsequently lodged with the CID by the Director General of the External Resources Department on March 24, while the Financial Intelligence Unit was informed on April 1.
Rejecting allegations that the Government had withheld information from Parliament, Fernando said there had been no attempt to suppress facts, noting that disclosure had been delayed pending further clarity from ongoing investigations, particularly regarding possible official involvement and internal control lapses.
He assured that all findings would be presented to Parliament in due course.
Premadasa questioned the delay in informing the House, given the timeline of events.
Fernando also cautioned against unverified speculation surrounding the death of a Ministry official linked to the incident, urging both the Opposition and the media to refrain from disseminating unsubstantiated claims.
Responding to claims raised by Premadasa that the deceased official was the first to detect and report the fund diversion, Fernando declined to confirm or deny the assertion, warning that such speculation could mislead the public and aggravate the situation.
He said investigations by the CID, in collaboration with the Finance Ministry’s External Resources Department and the Public Debt Management Office, are ongoing, adding that the continued service of the Ministry Secretary would not impede impartial inquiries.
“I am not prepared to present unverified information until investigations are concluded,” he added.
By Saman Indrajith
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