Features
CHINESE BUSINESSES OF COLOMBO FORT
by Ifham Nizam
In this series of interviews on Colombo’s heritage, we cover the Chinese businesses of Colombo Fort with the help of Historian Asiff Hussein, the Author of The Great Days of Colombo.
Q: In your book ‘The Great Days of Colombo’ you have covered many Chinese businesses that thrived in Old Colombo. It seems they did quite well. What was the reason for Chinese settling here and how come they did so well in business?
A: I guess the Chinese who settled here had their reasons. Although not much known, the Chinese of old had great business acumen, which explains why ethnic Chinese have done so well in business in countries like Malaysia and Singapore. The Peranakan or Straits Chinese found widely in South East Asia have been traders perhaps for centuries.
Those Chinese who arrived in Ceylon must have done so for fear of foreign invasion after the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in the early 1930s and political turbulence at a time when Communism was making inroads under Mao Zedong. It’s interesting to see that all those who arrived here did so before the revolution of 1949 that led to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China. Being business people used to free enterprise, they must have seen the writing on the wall and decided the time had come to look for greener pastures elsewhere.
Most migrants who arrived here seem to have come from Shandong and Hubei provinces in the Chinese Mainland. Those that came from Shandong were mostly textile merchants while those who hailed from Hubei generally made a living as dental mechanics. Most seem to have arrived here during the inter-war years of the 1930s and in the World War II years and immediately afterwards, at any rate before the country achieved independence in 1948.
They settled in various parts of the island including in Colombo and even Jaffna where they peddled their wares or practiced their trade. In Colombo, they settled in areas like Slave Island and Maradana with a good many going on to establish hotels and restaurants in Colombo Fort. Chinese fare was very popular even back then.
Q: What were these Chinese restaurants in Fort called and what were they like?
A: These were mostly to be found in Chatham Street and York Street and seem to have dominated the culinary landscape of Fort. If one is going to say that food is the most important thing, then one might as well say they dominated the Fort. These restaurants seem to have sprung up beginning from about the WW II years or not long afterwards.

Free China Hotel was one such hotel and restaurant. It stood on York Street and must have taken its name as a protest against communism that was then making inroads in mainland China or who knows as a rallying cry against the Japanese invasions of the time. It was known from about the mid-1940s or maybe even earlier and seems to have had its heyday in the 1960s. It was most popular for its noodles served with sliced green chillies. Surprisingly, it offered as many as 500 dishes and ice creams “Ceylon’s Best” coming in as many as five flavours. It even hosted weddings including those of local Chinese couples when it would serve traditional Chinese fare such as pork and pumpkin soup. Another somewhat popular restaurant on York Street well known in the 1970s was Chinese Victory Café. It suffered a fire in 1963 but seems to have survived for a long time afterwards. Interestingly this restaurant too had a name with political undertones. Victory is not a name a hotel usually bears. Nectar Cafe at the corner of York Street and Bailey Street thrived in the 1960s and 1970s. It served a variety of good food including occidental fare like sandwiches, cakes, puddings and ice creams offered with fruit salad. It was basically a self serving restaurant where customers would pick their choice and form a line to the billing counter to pay for it, before taking their seats placed around half a dozen tables or so to enjoy their meals.
Q: You also mentioned Chatham Street as a Chinese culinary hotspot. What were they like and what did they offer?
A: Yes, it was Chatham Street that had most of the Chinese restaurants in Fort. These included Nanking Hotel which was the most popular of the lot, Peiping Restaurant, Peony Hotel later called Orchid Restaurant and the Mandarin Tea Rooms. They all seem to have had their best days in the 1960s and 1970s. Our fascination for Chinese food is nothing new. They had it back then too and it must have been really good. Nanking Hotel was placed at the corner of Chatham Street and Queen Street. Nanking was named after the Chinese city of Nanjing which is alternatively rendered as Nanking which is still best remembered for the infamous massacre by the Imperial Japanese army that invaded China. Who knows, perhaps it was named in memory of its victims. The hotel was most famous for its prawn-mixed fried rice, but also served Chinese fare like noodles and soups. It was run by the family of Yu. Foreigners frequently patronised the spot, particularly sailors and passengers of ships that used to call at the Colombo harbour. Nanking must have been quite old really and founded in the 1950s if not earlier. It is even mentioned in a book by James Jacobs titled From the Imjin to the Hook. A National Service Gunner in the Korean War (2013). Speaking of Colombo where they landed, he says: “Many of the restaurants did not look too clean, so we decided on a Chinese establishment called The Nanking. Not being familiar with the pedigree of the pig that had gone into the sweet and sour pork, what part of the crustaceans the prawn balls had been extracted from, or what chops had been cooked in the chop suey, we stuck to good solid British fare and ordered fish and chips. We hoped that the waiters would not realize we were on our way to kill some of their fellow countrymen”. The reference to their fellow countrymen is interesting because it obviously refers to the Chinese soldiers who were fighting alongside their North Korean allies. Then there was Peiping Hotel on the other side of Chatham Street closer to York Street. This is where the Fort Pilawoos Hotel later came to be. It was best known for its delectable crab dishes. It was run by the Kao family. I was told it had a jukebox where diners could insert a coin and select their songs from a list. A mechanical arm would then spring to action to get the record out and play the song.
Q: Besides restauranteering, what were the other trades the Chinese in Fort engaged in?
A: Silks and textiles of course. The silk industry in China has been known for thousands of years. Chinese tradition holds that it was Empress His Ling Shi who discovered silk as far back as 2640 BC. In fact, the making of silk was a well-kept secret confined to China for more than two thousand years.
Thus it is not surprising that the Chinese here dealt in silks and textiles. Several such shops were found in Chatham Street. I came across one that still survived a couple of years ago, though I’m not sure if it’s still there. It was called The New Chinese Shop and despite its name was actually quite old. It had been around since the early 1940s or according to some accounts the early 1950s. The shop was set up by the Chang family as a tailoring and curio shop but later became best known for its school uniforms, having given up selling traditional Chinese ornaments some time ago.
Further down, towards York Street and housed in York Building I found the Vogue Corner which was started in the 1950s if not earlier. It dealt in a variety of garments. Midway between these two and on the same side of the street was China Silk Stores which flourished in the 1950s 1960s and 1970s before closing shop around the 1980s. Shanghai Silk Stores on the other side of the street near the De Mel Building met a similar fate as did Eastern Silk Store further down towards Queen’s Road. It’s fascinating to know that certain parts of Fort was a kind of Chinatown though not as large as the true Chinatowns one comes across in places like San Francisco, touted as the largest Chinatown outside of Asia which I visited in the Summer of 2010 and found to be a most colourful place. One can only imagine how vibrant Fort must have been back then with its many Chinese hotels and silk shops.
Features
Coercive laws recipe for future misrule
by Jehan Perera
The NPP government is going after powerful figures from the past and present who have engaged in corruption, fraud and criminal activity in a way that no previous government in Sri Lanka has done. Former ministers, politicians and senior state officials are among those facing investigations and legal proceedings. The government has placed before Parliament a document listing 50 cases involving corruption, fraud and other crimes. These include not only financial offences but also cases relating to the Easter Sunday attacks, the killings of Lasantha Wickrematunge and Wasim Thajudeen, the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda and attacks on journalists Keith Noyahr and Upali Tennakoon.
The significance of this effort is that it can demonstrate that nobody is above the law, regardless of political connections or social standing, which will help restore public confidence in institutions that have long been distrusted. It could also recover public resources, improve the investment climate and strengthen the foundations for a more prosperous and just Sri Lanka. When criticised for focusing on the past and not the present, the government position is that these investigations were initiated under earlier governments, particularly between 2015 and 2019, and that it is now allowing investigators to proceed to deal with the backlog without political interference.
But there is an aspect of the government’s approach that is less justifiable. While pursuing past wrongdoing by powerful individuals, it is also advancing a triumvirate of draft laws that could give the state sweeping powers over citizens, organisations and dissent in the present and future. The draft Prevention of Terrorism legislation, the Prevention of Organised Crimes Bill and the NGO Registration and Supervision Bill raise serious questions about the over-centralisation of power. Each of these laws strengthens the powers of the state while weakening the rights and safeguards that protect people from their misuse and thus questions the basic rights of people in democracy where ‘the power of the people is vested in the government’. This is a recipe for future misrule rather than the rule of law. As the well-known saying goes, power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.
Proposed Laws
The real test of system change, for which the government obtained an overwhelming mandate, requires not only a government willing to hold others accountable, but one prepared to subject itself to the same principles of legality, transparency and restraint. The three proposed laws that are particularly important in this regard are the Protection of the State from Terrorism Bill, the Prevention of Organised Crimes Bill and the NGO Registration and Supervision Bill. Each of these draft laws has been presented as serving a legitimate purpose. Preventing terrorism, combating organised crime and ensuring that NGOs do not facilitate money laundering or terrorist financing are proper responsibilities of the state. Sri Lanka has international obligations in these areas, and no responsible government can disregard them. However, the existence of a legitimate objective does not justify every means adopted to achieve it.
The proposed Protection of the State from Terrorism Bill illustrates the problem. Although its definition of terrorism draws on a model developed by a former United Nations Special Rapporteur, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka has warned that the definition of terrorism extends beyond the model and could bring legitimate political protest, trade union action and civil disobedience within the scope of counter-terrorism legislation. Its concerns also include prolonged detention, inadequate judicial oversight and restrictions on access to legal counsel. These are objections that go to the heart of the relationship between the citizen and the state. The government cannot credibly promise to protect democratic freedoms while creating powers that could be used to restrict them. It is necessary for the government to reassess the draft through transparent consultation and revise provisions that could criminalise legitimate dissent.
The Prevention of Organised Crimes Bill raises similar concerns. It is presented as giving effect to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime, which Sri Lanka ratified in 2006. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has argued that the convention does not require many of the bill’s provisions. The proposed law extends to a broad range of offences, permits detention orders lasting up to a year, makes confessions to police admissible for purposes of legal evidence, and introduces extensive surveillance powers. A law intended to dismantle criminal networks should not create a parallel system of exceptional powers that could be applied far beyond organised crime. Nor should safeguards developed through years of experience with abuses under the Prevention of Terrorism Act be weakened through legislation bearing a different name. The government should review whether or not existing laws could be used effectively to control these crimes or whether each exceptional power is necessary.
Civil Society
The proposed NGO Registration and Supervision Bill presents another test of the government’s intentions. The government may reasonably seek transparency in the finances of organisations receiving public or foreign funds, including measures to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing. It seeks to justify its overreach on the grounds of meeting the internationally mandated requirements of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for the Asia-Pacific region. But these objectives do not justify placing civil society and NGOs under excessive administrative control when even the FATF ranks them as low to medium risks. The draft bill would require registration and renewal, impose extensive obligations on organisations and empower authorities to suspend or deregister them on broadly framed grounds. It is important to redraft provisions that confer excessive discretion over registration, renewal, suspension and deregistration of NGOs.
Among the concerns raised by United Nations human rights special rapporteurs with regard to the draft NGO law are provisions requiring organisations to align with government policies and restrictions that could affect advocacy, dissent and freedom of association. The implications extend well beyond organisations that engage directly with the government. Community groups, human rights organisations, independent researchers and organisations working on reconciliation or accountability could find their activities constrained by uncertainty over how these provisions might be interpreted. Organisations that criticise government policies are not thereby working against the country. Their freedom to do so is part of what distinguishes a democracy from a system in which the government determines which opinions and activities are acceptable.
The government has generated considerable public goodwill through its pursuit of corruption and criminality. It should not assume that this goodwill gives it an unlimited mandate to strengthen the coercive powers of the state. The NPP knows from its own history that governments can treat dissent as a threat and use the machinery of the state against their opponents. There is still time to correct the drafts through transparent public consultation, narrow definitions of offences, meaningful judicial control over detention and surveillance, and effective remedies against arbitrary decisions. A government that pursues corruption while weakening safeguards against state abuse risks undermining its own achievements. Besides bringing to light the abuse of power by previous governments, the NPP government needs to build a system in which no future government can abuse power in the belief they can get away with it.
Features
Quality assurance without quality enhancement: The irony of university QA
By Ramya Kumar
According to the Quality Assurance Council (QAC) of the University Grants Commission (UGC), quality assurance (QA) refers to “the means (i.e. the policies, attitudes, actions, procedures, etc.), by which an institution can guarantee with confidence and certainty, that the standards and quality of its educational provision are being maintained and enhanced”.
An expansive structure has been in place since 2005 to govern and implement QA processes within the state university system. The QAC is the focal point at the UGC that implements external reviews of state universities and institutes. Each university has its own Centre for Quality Assurance (CQA) tasked with performing QA in line with QAC directives. Faculties, in turn, have Internal Quality Assurance Cells (IQAC) performing their own QA; they are answerable to the CQA.
The big question is whether this all-encompassing top-down QA system, that in many ways undermines the internal dynamics of university governance, actually supports universities to enhance the quality of education. This article highlights some concerns.
Top-down check-box activities
The QAC conducts external reviews of universities and degree programmes. A review team appointed by the UGC (who may or may not have experience in the institution/programme in question) examines the self-evaluation report submitted by the said institution/programme. The team then conducts a site visit to verify the claims made in the university’s self-evaluation report, clarify issues identified during the desk review, and examine how QA procedures operate in practice. The team holds meetings with the university administration, members of the Council and Senate, Deans, Heads of Departments, academic and non-academic staff, students, and others. Following the visit, a draft report is submitted to the relevant institution/programme for comment before final publication. The reviewed institution/programme then prepares and publishes an action plan addressing the recommendations, with subsequent monitoring of progress.
There are some worthy QA initiatives under implementation, such as improving facilities for students with disabilities and strengthening mechanisms to address sexual- and gender-based violence. However, for the most part, QA activities have little to do with improving the quality of education. They are mostly preoccupied with monitoring faculty and department websites, digital transformation, student feedback, subject evaluation, course evaluation, peer evaluation, and, more recently, staff appraisal. These activities, which consume an inordinate amount of time—so precious at understaffed universities—have become check-box activities completed to generate evidence for the next review. Below is an excerpt of a conversation between two academics (1 and 2) that conveys how QA plays out at universities (reproduced with permission).
1: … .it’s like social media you know, like posting things on Facebook or twitter or Instagram. When people do a lot of social media, everything they do, they do thinking, “okay I’m going to post it in this way… this I have to put on my Instagram.” QA is a little like that… everything is considered in light of, “ah we can use this for the review, as evidence… for example very recently we were encouraged to have all the things that we do in our department in the faculty newsletter so then they can put in the review. Every little thing has to be noted down….
2: And with pictures and all…
1: At the very least it has to be written so that you have written evidence .. you can’t be doing something for the sake of doing something or because it is good for the department … and sometimes people tell me “oh yea that’s a good idea we can fit that under this x, y section of the review..”
2: Yea, and nobody really thinks about the actual outcome… whether it’s actually helping anyone..
1: I also find that a lot of the words that we used in different ways have now been co-opted to the QA discourse ..including quality.. I can’t actually say what I want as an “outcome”, for example, that the outcome of this workshop is that my students “think about” … then I am told “ah but no that’s not one of the Bloom’s taxonomy words, “think about”.…
2: And the worst part is these medical and agriculture people, these types of people go around spreading it like some kind of gospel!
1: Yea, this cookie cutter way of doing things, they think is the height of innovativeness or creativity, when actually it is so mundane … for me the most awful thing about it is like some fungus of mundanity has taken over through QA reviews.
2: yea, when you say QA, my mind closes off immediately and I stop listening…
Auditing everything but power
QA leaves out crucial aspects of university governance. For instance, there is no review or assessment of the “quality” of university administrations under Criterion 1 or the integrity of procedures governing the promotion of academic staff under Criterion 6 of the institutional reviews.
The majority in the Council—the university’s executive and governing body, which is responsible for selecting the Vice-Chancellor (VC)—are appointed in ad hoc fashion. Apart from the Ex-Officio members in the Council (VC, Deans, etc.), and the two members elected by the Senate, the remainder are appointed by the UGC with no formal consultation or vetting procedure. The VC appointment process described in UGC Circular No. 03/2023 exemplifies how an ostensibly technical process can become entangled in political sycophancy. The Registrar invites applications for the position of VC through advertisement. Applicants must submit a curriculum vitae, a statement of vision for the university and supporting documents. The University Council appoints a three-member Search Committee of senior academics to encourage “eminent persons” to apply, while the UGC appoints a former VC from another university to “observe” the selection process.
A Special Meeting of the University Council is convened. Candidates are interviewed and must make a presentation to the Council Members, followed by questions. Each Council member “gives marks” for seven prescribed criteria: strategic focus (20%), effective leadership (20%), holistic thinking/conceptual skills (10%), academic and research excellence (15%), personal integrity (10%), professional communication (10%) and managerial competence (15%). Marks are averaged, and the Council recommends three candidates to the UGC in rank order. The UGC-appointed observer separately submits a confidential report on the selection process.
This procedure is expected to guarantee quality, but does it? Applications are submitted to the Council Members, who have been appointed on questionable bases, and who are expected to review the applications and give scores, based on objective assessments. But, in reality, most Council Members are manipulated by VC candidates, who often have personal ties with them. The UGC-appointed observer usually has no genuine interest in the outcome. And there is no way for anyone to actually question the Council’s decision once it is made. Although the highest-ranked candidate may ultimately be appointed, the selection remains a political decision made by the President, who retains the discretion to appoint any one of the three.
External reviews also do not look into the promotions of academic staff, except to scrutinise whether there are policies and procedures in place to govern promotion. Academic staff may apply for promotion to Professor once they satisfy the prescribed eligibility requirements, which typically include the period of service, academic qualifications, research and publication achievements, teaching experience, and contributions to the university and wider community. Applications are evaluated against specified criteria, with research output and academic contributions assessed through documentary evidence and expert evaluation. Under the UGC’s scheme for Professors, two experts from outside the applicant’s institution assess specified aspects of research and knowledge dissemination. Again, beneath this technical process, which is externally evaluated, lies a problematic points-based scheme that can be manipulated and abused with impunity.
Rethinking university QA
Like the VC election process and the schemes of promotion for academic staff, QA reviews are open to manipulation. Before a review, there is a chaotic rush to complete evidence gathering and reporting. Academics leave all other work aside, including at times their teaching, to focus on completing documentation and preparing reports. The standardised criteria in the review manuals and scoring sheets often do not reflect differences in disciplines and institutional contexts. But this does not really matter because any serious problems experienced by institutions or programmes are hastily brushed under the carpet to conceal any evidence that could taint the review. The goal is to obtain an A or at least a B grade at whatever cost.
QA may result in positive change if it moves beyond top-down check-box activities towards internally designed and owned processes encompassing all aspects of university governance, led by departments and faculties, and supported by adequate resources. The current QA system needs to be dismantled and replaced by procedures that are accountable, not to the UGC, but to our students and the communities we serve.
(Ramya Kumar is attached to the Department of Community and Family Medicine, Faculty of Medicine, University of Jaffna)
. Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
Down Memory Lane — the Grand 20th Edition!
Yes, Down Memory Lane, the beloved Sing-Along concert series that first struck a chord, way back in 1997, returns for its landmark 20th edition this Saturday, 17th October, at the beautiful Bolgoda Grand Resort, Moratuwa town centre.
Having celebrated its glorious 25th anniversary with the show in 2023, this milestone 20th concert promises to be even more special.
The organisers, the ever-popular Moratuwa Arts Forum, are pulling out all the stops to present yet another unforgettable evening, brimming with camaraderie, fellowship, and pure nostalgia.
Get ready for two-and-a-half hours of non-stop singing as veteran vocalists, from the Moratuwa Arts Forum, will take the stage to lead and inspire the happy audience to sing, sing and sing to their hearts’ content.
The repertoire? Absolutely magical, according to the organisers.

Veteran Arun Dias Bandaranaike: Will handle the evening’s proceedings / Priya Peiris: Event Conceptor
Around 40 golden oldies — from timeless English vintage evergreens and hits from the 50s to the 90s, to toe-tapping calypsos, soulful American plantation melodies, rousing cowboy and Dixieland favourites, aa well as cherished Sinhala standards. All to be sung with much gusto!
This year’s dedicated organising committee comprises Brian Coorey (Chairman), Priya Peiris (Event Conceptor), Hiran Fernando, Suranga Fernando, Viranjan Perera, Hemka Fernando and Neelesh Silva. Guidance and support comes from Moratuwa Arts Forum President Sarana Guneratne and Secretary Chandani Silva.
Adding his signature charm to the evening, as Master of Ceremonies, will be the veteran Arun Dias Bandaranaike.
Don’t miss this landmark celebration of music and memories!
For further details, contact Hiran Fernando on 0772636446 or WhatsApp 0783636446.
-
Features6 days agoThe Sri Lankan who made Scottish history
-
Sports6 days agoNissanka absence opens door for Sri Lanka’s young guns
-
News5 days agoNDB fraud Rs 60mn more than reported
-
News7 days agoGnansara Thera to be assigned to prison printing section: Officials
-
News5 days agoRemoving monk’s robes matter for Sangha to decide: Mahanayake Theras
-
News7 days agoOIC of FCID summoned before Maligakanda Magistrate
-
Features6 days agoFuture of Sri Lanka’s state university system: Should it be shut down and reopened?
-
News6 days agoShiranthi R remanded until 13 Oct.
