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Challenges to Pohottuwa in Geneva – II

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By Austin Fernando

(Continued from Wednesday)

Prosecution

Normally the Attorney General’s (AG) Department prosecutes criminal cases. Since AG and its officials have appeared in legal proceedings, representing the military in local Courts and Geneva, it is not surprising that victims are questioning its impartiality. Therefore, they may vehemently demand the ‘Special Prosecutor’s Office (30/1). As regards this, there have been situations in other countries, where joint prosecutors’ or deputy prosecutors’ appointments were made. (SLTT: ‘Data on Criminal Accountability in Post-Civil War Societies: Implications for Sri Lanka’: Geoff Dancy/ Eric Wiebelhaus-Brahm)

However, regarding prosecutions, the Judicature Act (Section 41), read with the Supreme Court Rule (SCR) (Rule 70), restricts appearance in Courts to attorneys. Further legal issues in this regard are submitted by commentators. In terms of Supreme Court Rules 67 to 69, an ‘Attorney-at-Law’ is a person admitted to the Sri Lankan Bar. These stipulations restrict foreign lawyers’ right of audience before our courts. Additionally, the Code of Criminal Procedure limits prosecution to the AG or an Attorney of the AG’s Department. In the High Court and a Magistrate Court, only a State Counsel or a specially authorized pleader could prosecute. This effectively blocks international participation in prosecution. These restrictions constraint the establishment of the Special Prosecutor’s Office unless laws and procedures are revised. Perhaps, the task before the legalists is to find ways and means of overcoming these restrictions by way of the revision of laws and procedures if the Accountability Mechanism (AM) is to be a reality.

Parliament blockades

I do not think it is easy for the government to establish an AM envisaged by the UNHRC. First, these legal constraints must be overcome by Parliament by amending laws. About 75% of parliamentarians are seen to have Sinhalese. Let’s face the political reality of legislating, when the law, however reasonable, projects ‘anti-Sinhala’ nuances.

Parliamentarians are not elected on considerations like knowledge, empathy, education, etc. Sadly, they win by sparking race, religion, caste, thuggery, pseudo-nationalism, media clout, and money. As Eastern Governor, I explained these to Prince Hussein, and believe he understood them. UN Special Procedure expert Pablo de Grief also advised GOSL should not be in a hurry to establish the AM or the Special Prosecutor’s Office. This status remains unchanged.

The answer may not be international investigations, but to find a compromise formula to abide by the constitutional obligations. A change seems to have occurred in the President’s approach. The government could explore the ways and means of convincing the majority in Parliament, if/when legislation is revised.

Changing scenarios

Recently, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa tweeted:

“We are committed to work with the @UN to ensure accountability & human dev. to achieve lasting peace & reconciliation. We are dedicated to resolving the issues within the democratic & legal frame to ensure justice & reconciliation by implementing necessary institutional reforms.” (Sunday Times)

I guess there has been a change in the President’s hard stance, which became evident at the War Hero Commemoration (2020), where he said he would not hesitate to withdraw Sri Lanka from any international organisation that continues to make baseless allegations and harass security forces. What he meant by ‘international organisation’ was the UNHRC, which is demanding that the so-called “baseless allegations” be proved in a court.

The President’s tweet and the aforesaid statement at the War Heros Commemoration are contradictory. Of course, pledges assuring “accountability”, “human development”, “lasting peace”, and “reconciliation”, “ensuring justice within a legal framework”, “institutional reforms,” etc., are hackneyed. The appointment of Prof. G. L. Peiris as the Foreign Minister was the second step, probably signaling flexible, sober strategizing. The third step was interventions by Minister Sabry and others. The fourth step was appointing the Advisory Board. As a next quick response PGLP may introduce the non-controversial TRC law because a draft is already available, and the Opposition cannot object. Its origin is theirs.

However, after presidential tweeting, the new doctrine may be to review and withdraw or amend earlier stances on UNHRC interventions, made by Minister Dinesh Gunawardena. Minister Gunawardena declared: “Sri Lanka rejects the High Commissioner’s Report because the allegations contained in the report were based on ill-founded premises, and the Minister said, “the trajectory that has emerged about the recommendations and conclusions reflects the preconceived, politicized and prejudicial agenda which certain elements have relentlessly pursued against Sri Lanka.” (UNHRC’ Interactive Dialogue’ 24-2-2021—emphasis added)

Then, “… we consider that the High Commissioner’s insistence in the current Report on the “full implementation” of the demands made on Sri Lanka in Resolution 30/1 indicates that the OHCHR fails to recognize the rational and legitimate concerns voiced by States that are seeking, in good faith, to address issues.” (UNHRC 27th February 2021—emphasis added)

The underlined sections in the above-mentioned excerpts are tantamount to a bitter complaint against the planned UNHRC partisanship and a bias against Sri Lanka; they will not please High Commissioner Michelle Bachelet. But President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tweet will certainly please her. It may please the UNHRC Core Group. The importance of the US Ambassador’s gestures is thus obvious. When the President softens his stand why cannot his Foreign Minister? If Prof. Peiris, whom I consider an experienced, knowledgeable, sober, capable negotiator, wishes to move on the new trajectory, he must overcome prejudices and be guided by the President’s stance.

Recently, Virakesari, Thinukural, and Thinakaran quoted Prof. Peiris as having refuted accusations against GOSL. Commentators have expressed different views on such denials. “In fact, the Presidential warrants appointing the said commissions of inquiry (e.g., Udalagama, Paranagama, Mahanama Thilakatratna) themselves ex-facie reflect the existence of allegations that merit investigation, despite which there is continuous and disingenuous, yet futile, denial.” She quoted the experiences of post-conflict states, e. g., former Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, etc.. and added, “… stubborn denial does not make the allegations disappear but continue to enlarge with each passing day of inaction.” (SLTT: Page 127: Mahindaratna). Considering what the UNHRC Session 37, (A/HRC/37/23: paragraph 52) called on the Member States to explore actions for sake of accountability, (i.e., including universal jurisdiction), GOSL should be cautious.

Potential AM processes

To create a positive mindset on accountability, the government must prepare the public to accept an AM. This failed in the past and has no assurance for the future. One good example is how the victims were not made aware of the legal constraints of appointing foreign judges. Even the annoyance of victims at the inception and even now against the OMP (Thinakaran 27-8-2021) is another.

If GOSL agrees in principle to establishing an AM (currently unimaginable) one earlier restriction is eased by the ability to appoint judges, prosecutors, investigators from selected dual citizens making participation “in a Sri Lankan judicial mechanism” viable. I remember a quote from the Japanese Judge Motoo Noguchi, who discussed issues with me, sharing international experience in prosecutions. Quote: “Justice is inherent of domestic nature and ownership is important in the process. However, if this is impossible or extremely difficult with Sri Lankan nationals only, you would need the participation of foreign professionals.” Surmounting that ‘extreme difficulty’ is still open. This will need an evaluation of our judicial capacity and find ways to balance. Over to Minister Ali Sabry.

Therefore, regardless of the outcome of investigations or trials, if the domestic process is perceived as credible, then GOSL would meet the international and domestic obligations of accountability. The balanced approaches are feasible, but flexibility is a necessity, rather than sticking to one’s guns and demanding the pound of flesh! This applies to all stakeholders.

If the government is willing, this could be tried through several interventions. Anyhow, these steps may not be that easy, but it is up to Prof. Peiris to find a way out.

First, appointing a TRC, and executing the OMP, showcasing good performance could persuade the majority community to understand that TJ institutions are positive tools. Since there are no judicial mechanisms, they will be unrestricted with evidence and legal procedures.

Secondly, the media could create a public discourse on crimes, their horrendous nature, etc., and educate the public on accountability. This exercise will face stiff opposition from the groups who have strongly canvassed against the AM. Therefore, the personalities and institutions spearheading the AM will certainly matter. There is also the need to engage with the victims; this is a task especially for civic groups and clergy. Whatever happens in the operations should receive publicity through the media. Public support is an essential ingredient for success. The GOSL should harness the media support in the way they did during the conflict. Over to Minster Dallas Alahapperuma, an excellent, balanced media communicator!

Thirdly, this exercise does not produce immediate results and takes time to operate successfully. This will not be problematic since there is no commitment on the part of GOSL to act according to a timeframe. These sentiments resonate with UN Rapporteur Pablo de Grief.

Fourthly, the task of winning over the military security forces requires their participation in this exercise. It is only a handful of military personnel who are suspected of alleged violations. So, if untainted officers could be selected, it may be possible to educate them on the accountability process. Over time, certain assurances could be given in respect of a prosecutorial policy of focusing on the most serious and emblematic cases, offering mitigatory sentences for those cooperating with the prosecutors. They will reduce opposition from within the military and from society at large since the question of military personnel being sent to the gallows will not arise. Easier said than done! President’s commitment is essential.

Fifthly, any emblematic cases could be taken up in Courts with military participation. This may be difficult but the case of the rape and murder of Krishanthi Kumaraswamy and three others shows that such crimes were committed, and the Sri Lankan law enforcement and judicial processes can conduct investigations and prosecuting the perpetrators expeditiously, even during the war, with the help of the Military Police. So, why allow such issues to be internationalized? Mahindaratna has added, “This further demonstrates that, while politicians thrust the military to the forefront as an excuse to abstain from implementing the rule of law for wartime crimes, the military itself is not an obstacle for such processes.” (SLTT: page 129).

Sixthly, it will be useful to publicize the slow performance of similar international institutional arrangements to prove to the victims the need to find alternatives that provide much quicker reconciliatory approaches than the judicial process.

Engaging the clergy, civil society groups, and the District Administration personnel is recommended. Do not forget that these three groups stood by the affected during the war.

GOSL and these groups may make use of the examples of the International Criminal Tribunal in the former Yugoslavia, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Extraordinary Chambers in the Court of Cambodia, and the International Criminal Court, where the numbers punished were smaller than complaints and the prosecutorial process was extremely slow. The difficulties in finding evidence, (though some hardliners claim to have trophy evidence), loss of documentation, the demise of witnesses, memory losses on events, etc. will lead to a similar situation in Sri Lanka as well.

Seventhly, while valuing the gains of accountability exercises like the revelation of criminal activity, endorsement of accountability for crimes, and respect for Rule of Law, etc., if the realization dawns that punishment cannot be meted out immediately, those demanding such action may opt for trade-offs such as human/economic development, reconciliation, normalization, etc.

However, the grief of victims does not vaporize quickly, and victims’ survivors will not promptly accept these arguments, and healing exercises should parallelly happen nationally, probably with the participation of all religious dignitaries. Additionally, reparation systems should be boosted generously. Over to you, Minister Basil Rajapaksa. Let it be stressed that no argument is peddled that the value of human lives could be assessed in terms of rupees and cents.

Conclusion

When the country faces grave problems internationally, the national political leadership should unite to fight its cause. Unfortunately, the Opposition and governments do not cooperate with genuine intentions. The Opposition need not wait for asking but must help voluntarily since what the government is sowing now will be reaped by the current Opposition politicians in the future. Even within the government also, coordination with the Opposition should happen committedly and genuinely.

If it is justice that Tamil politicians seek for the victims, they may be standing with the intentions of Prince Zaid Hussein. However, the process of achieving that goal must be based on reason, justice, and effective implementation, and not ethnic/religious/regional biases.

The success of finding a solution hinges on many factors, the most essential being the political commitment. It is expected of the government, victims, and all other stakeholders to overcome their biases. It is extremely difficult but needed because TJ is essential; the economy should not be crippled, and the country should remain stable. It will not be able to achieve this goal if the government and Opposition do not respect multi or bipartisanship relationships, collaborate and cooperate in the national interest.

I end this by quoting Kashmiri leader Farooq Abdullah, who said: “Diplomacy of give-and-take is a necessity in the current situation. If we show fists to them, they will double their fists and the result would be confrontation and conflagration that a nation reeling under the pandemic and severely crippled economy cannot afford.” This advice that was offered to India as regards its engagement with China applies to us since we have been showing fists at each other, though the crisis is domestic.

We may well remember what Mark Twain said: “The principle of give and take is the principle of diplomacy — give one and take ten.” I hope Prof. Peiris will do likewise. Best wishes, Sir!

(The writer could be contacted at appuchchi@yahoo.com)



Features

Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

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President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

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What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

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Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

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Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).

In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.

Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.

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