Features
Ceylon’s path to setting up a university : Public Lecture Series 1918-1921
By the close of the nineteenth century, Ceylon (as Sri Lanka was then known) boasted a growing number of sectarian and denominational schools, many of them established by missionary and private enterprise. Yet, despite these proliferating institutions of primary and secondary instruction, the island remained starkly devoid of any formal structure for tertiary education.
Ambitious young Ceylonese, having completed their matriculation, found themselves compelled to look abroad—most often to the United Kingdom—if they wished to pursue advanced studies. Only a privileged few obtained scholarships; for the majority, overseas education remained the preserve of wealth and influence.
This glaring deficiency in the educational apparatus became increasingly intolerable to the emerging intelligentsia of Ceylon, many of whom were simultaneously agitating for constitutional reforms and greater political autonomy under British rule. Among them, a number began to voice their frustration at the imperial government’s failure to establish a university in Ceylon.
Anagarika Dharmapala, captured the sentiment with characteristic candour, declaring: “What we got in Ceylon was a bastard education” (Guruge, 1967, p. 71). Among the foremost voices in the campaign for a university was Dr. Marcus Fernando, a respected medical practitioner, a graduate of the University of London, and a man of broad political and entrepreneurial interests. Alongside leading figures such as Sir James Pieris and Sir Ponnambalam Arunachalam, he helped found the Ceylon University Association—a body dedicated to securing for the island an institution worthy of its aspirations. Their cause was not merely one of academic development, but of national dignity and intellectual self-reliance.
While the British authorities remained hesitant, preferring to model Ceylon’s educational standards after those of Britain rather than neighbouring India, they gradually introduced reforms designed to align the colony’s academic qualifications with metropolitan benchmarks. Chief among these was the adoption of Cambridge examinations, and a modest expansion of scholarships to high-performing students—a privilege previously confined to elite institutions such as the Colombo Academy (later Royal College) (Warnapala, W., 2011, p. 13)
At the time, certain professional institutions did exist—the Ceylon Medical College, Law College, and Technical College among them—but these functioned as specialised schools rather than comprehensive universities offering a full spectrum of disciplines. What Ceylon sorely lacked at the dawn of the 20th century was not merely an institution of higher learning, but one that could cultivate both practical expertise and a liberal, humanistic tradition of scholarship—a university worthy of the island’s intellectual promise.
Among the earliest and most vocal advocates for such an institution was Sir Ponnambalam Ramanathan, by then an elected member of the Legislative Council. A formidable orator and statesman, Ramanathan launched a vigorous campaign urging the colonial government to address what had come to be known as the university question.
Yet, until 1910, the government remained obstinate in its resistance. Colonial officials maintained that Ceylon was “not yet ripe” for a university, a view that thinly veiled both imperial condescension and bureaucratic inertia. It was only through the growing momentum of public pressure—and the intervention of renowned intellectuals such as Dr. Ananda Coomaraswamy, who lent his formidable influence to the cause—that this entrenched attitude began to shift. By 1912, the government formally conceded the need for a university, and the following year the Legislative Council passed a resolution recommending the establishment of a University College (Warnapala, p. 36).
However, the path to realisation was far from immediate. The outbreak of the First World War (1914–1918), followed by the imposition of Martial Law during the 1915 riots, delayed the project significantly. Yet amidst this turbulence, one civil servant emerged as a tireless champion of educational reform: Sir Edward Brandis Denham. An administrator of uncommon intellect and vision, Denham was widely regarded as one of the finest statisticians of his day, a reputation immortalised in his magnum opus, Ceylon in the Census of 1911. His appointment as Director of Education marked a turning point in the colonial administration’s approach to higher education. Unlike many of his contemporaries, Denham was a liberal-minded reformer who recognised that the demand for a university was not merely a political gesture but a cultural necessity.
Denham pushed forcefully for progress once the immediate crises had passed. His plans to establish a University College by 1919, though delayed until 1921, laid the essential groundwork. It was through his advocacy that the government acquired the historic “Regina Walauwa”, which would become the home of the new University College. His unwavering commitment bore fruit two decades later when, in 1942, the institution was elevated to the status of the University of Ceylon—a lasting testament to his vision and perseverance.
In the long arc of Ceylon’s educational history, Sir Edward Denham’s role stands singular and enduring. He was not merely a colonial bureaucrat, but a man who believed that the intellectual empowerment of a people was integral to their national dignity. His legacy, both as statistician and educator, remains etched in the foundations of modern Sri Lankan academia.
With plans of establishing the University College underway, Denham did not stop there. A remarkable initiative in higher education was undertaken—one that marked a turning point in the intellectual life of the island. Recognising the urgent need to elevate the standard of university preparation and to cultivate a more erudite society, Denham conceived the idea of organising a course of public lectures for the benefit of those intending to pursue the University of London Courses.
What set this effort apart was the calibre of its contributors. The greatest authorities of the day were summoned to deliver lectures on subjects of fundamental academic importance. These were not merely utilitarian lectures designed for examination success, but were conceived as instruments of intellectual awakening, open to all men and women, and delivered at the Technical Schools in Colombo. Denham advertised these lectures in The Times of Ceylon during early May 1918. The venture reflected a rare combination of administrative foresight and pedagogical idealism and would leave an enduring legacy on the educational landscape of British Ceylon.
The programme, which commenced on May 20, 1918, featured a breadth of disciplines, from economics and botany to constitutional law and English literature. A small free lending library was also established to accompany the lecture series—a modest but telling gesture towards the creation of a self-sustaining academic culture. The courses, as offered in that distinguished year, are recorded as follows:
I. An Introductory Course in Economics
A series of foundational lectures in economics was entrusted to Professor N. S. Subba Rao, M.A., the eminent Principal of the Maharajah’s College, Mysore, and Professor of Economics at Mysore University. A First Class in the Economics Tripos (Part II) at Cambridge and a recipient of the Le Bas Prize, Professor Subba Rao consented to deliver this course through the kind permission of the Syndicate of Mysore University. The series, anticipated to consist of 10 to 15 lectures with accompanying classroom exercises, was to begin in late May or early June.
II. Logic: Deductive and Inductive
Mr. W. T. Stace, C.C.S.
, a Prizeman of Trinity College, Dublin, offered a course of 16 lectures on formal logic—both deductive and inductive. These were held on Mondays and Thursdays from 8 to 9 a.m., beginning May 20th, and were noted for their lucid exposition of classical logical forms. After retiring from the Ceylon Civil Service, Stace worked at the Princeton University’s Department of Philosophy.
III. British Constitutional Law and History
In the realm of political and legal thought, Mr. P. de S. Kularatne, LL.B., B.A., H.C. (London), later to become a prominent figure in Ceylonese education, delivered 16 – 20 lectures on British constitutional development. Held on Tuesdays and Thursdays from 8 to 9 a.m., beginning May 21st, the course provided students with a comprehensive understanding of British legal and political institutions—essential knowledge for any colonial student of law or public affairs. Mr. Kularatne served as Principal of Ananda College for two terms.
IV. Intermediate Lectures on Tropical Botany
The scientific offerings of the programme were by no means neglected. Rev. Fr. Maurice LeGoc, M.A., Ph.D. (Cantab), B.Sc. (London), a figure of considerable scientific reputation, conducted an intermediate-level course on Tropical Botany. These lectures, held Tuesdays and Thursdays from 8 to 10 a.m., were highly regarded for their empirical rigour and relevance to the region’s flora. Fr. LeGoc served as Rector of St. Joseph’s College from 1919 to 1940.
V. English Literature, 1760–1834
In the field of letters, Mr. Leigh Smith, M.A., Principal of the Government Training College, undertook a survey of English literature from 1760 to 1834, a period that encompassed both the Enlightenment and the early Romantic movement. His 12 lectures, geared toward the London B.A. and Intermediate (Honours) Examinations of 1919, were to be further enriched by special lectures from Rev. W. S. Senior, M.A., on selected texts. These were held on Wednesdays and Fridays from 8 to 9 a.m. Rev. Senior who wrote the famous Call of Lanka was the Vice Principal of Trinity College, Kandy.
The entire term’s course was made available for a modest fee of Rs. 10, with Rs. 7.50 charged for each additional subject. These series of lectures continued in 1919 and 1920, and with the establishment of the University College in 1921, lectures were broadened to many other subjects and held at College House. These included the following:
Intermediate Courses:
- Languages: English, Latin, Greek, French, German, Sinhalese, Tamil, Sanskrit, Pali
- Humanities: Modern History, Constitutional Law and History, Logic, Geography
- Sciences: Pure & Applied Mathematics, Botany, Chemistry, Physics, Zoology
Social Sciences: Economics
Final Courses:
English, Latin, Greek, History, Pure & Applied Mathematics, Botany, Chemistry, Physics
Lecturers Include:
- English: Rev. H. Highfield (Principal, Wesley College), Rev. W. S. Senior (Vice-Principal, Trinity College), Mr. W. A. Samarawickrama (BA London)
- Latin & Greek: Mr. L. H. W. Sampson (B.A. Oxon), Mr. W. A. Samarawickrama , Mr. A. N. Strong (M.A. Edin.)
- Mathematics: Mr. U. D. K. Caspersz (BSc, London), Prof. F. H. V. Gulasekharam (MA, Madras)
- Chemistry: Prof. W. N. Rae (MA, Cantab.)
- Physics: Prof. A. E. Grant (MA.(Oxon), B. Sc. (London), B. Sc. (Wales).
- Botany: Very Rev. M. J. LeGoc (Rector, St. Joseph’s College)
- Zoology: Dr. Joseph Pearson (D.Sc. (Liverpool), B.Sc. (Victoria) Director of the Colombo Museum)
- Economics: Sir Charles Collins (CCS and later Colonial Secretary)
- Education: Rev. Fr. D. J. Nicholas Perera (Founder Rector of St. Peter’s College, M. A. (London), B. Sc. (London).
- Logic: Mr. W. T. Stace
- French: Mr. T. L. Minor (Teacher, St. Joseph’s College)
- German: Mrs. Kularatne (Cambridge Modern Languages Tripos)
- Law & History: Mr. P. de S. Kularatne (Principal, Ananda College)
- Geography: Mr. L. Mc D. Robison (B.A. (Manchester)
- Sinhalese & Sanskrit: Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana, Mr. W. Samarasekere
- Tamil: Mr. S. Ratnaswamy (BA, Madras), Mr. S. Candiah Pillai
In retrospect, the 1918 to 1921 public lecture series marked a defining moment in the intellectual history of colonial Ceylon. By drawing together some of the most eminent authorities of the time—scholars of international repute in economics, literature, science, law, and the humanities—the initiative established a rigorous academic standard that would shape generations to come. These lectures were not merely preparatory sessions for examinations; they cultivated a deeper culture of scholarship, critical thinking, and public engagement with knowledge. In doing so, they laid a firm and enduring foundation for the emergence of a structured university system in Ceylon. The eventual establishment of the University College in 1921, and its transformation into the University of Ceylon in 1942, owes much to this early, enlightened effort. It was through such pioneering ventures that the intellectual life of the island was set on a path toward maturity, self-reliance, and national purpose.
*The writer can be reached on avishkamario@gmail.com
By Avishka Mario Senewiratne,
Editor, The Ceylon Journal ✍️
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
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