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Editorial

Cat among the pigeons

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UNP General Secretary Palitha Range Bandara last week set the cat among the pigeons by saying that both the presidential and parliamentary elections should be postponed for two years by way of a referendum. This outrageous suggestion drew the predicable flak from all directions with nobody publicly expressing support for the proposal. Quite the contrary.

In fact with not only political parties and groupings but also legal professionals, commentators and even the Elections Commission joined in shooting it down. Range Bandara, the day after dropping his brick, promised to explain himself last Thursday. But no explanation was forthcoming on that day, only a further promise that he will clarify on Monday. Let’s wait and hear what he has to say.

Nobody in his right mind will ever believe that the idea of postponing elections was born in the UNP secretary’s head. His was obviously a command performance reflecting his master’s voice. Whether the UNP or its leader, President Ranil Wickremesinghe, wanted to fly a kite to gauge in which direction the wind is blowing we do not know.

But a politician of Wickremesinghe’s experience would well know that the whole country has been thirsting for an election since the ignominious departure, first of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa and thereafter his brother, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. There is no need to belabour the fact that the local elections, due in 2022 were postponed sine die, on a “no money” excuse after nominations were received, was for the reason that the ruling party funked an election. Given the country conditions of the period post-aragalaya, it is no rocket science to guess what the result of any poll would have been. So no kites need be flown to know whether the country favours any postponement of elections at this time.

There is no gainsaying that not only GR but also the SLPP government had lost its mandate in 2022 when its parliamentary majority comfortably elected Ranil Wickremesinghe to serve out Gotabaya’s balance term. His only opponent at that election was SLPPer, Dullas Alahapperuma, whose name was proposed by none other than Prof. GL Pieris, then chairman of the SLPP. It can be credibly claimed that elections then, when near anarchy prevailed, was an impossibility.

The president untiringly claims to this day that he accepted the prime ministry when nobody else wanted that job. Various names including those of Sajith Premadasa and Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka are mentioned in connection with such offers. While Premadasa has not denied having received one, it is not clear that Fonseka did, in fact, have an invitation.

Wickremesinghe, without doubt, deserves credit for near normalizing the situation when fuel queues stretched for miles, cooking gas was near unobtainable, 10-hour power cuts prevailed and prices of essentials had literally shot through the roof. He prevented what might have been total anarchy when forces inimical to democracy attempted to mount an attack on parliament after earlier capturing President’s House and the Presidential Secretariat. However that be, country conditions have now settled and arrangements for a presidential election later this year are in place.

True, no dates have been declared beyond the Elections Commission laying down a time frame between Sept. 17 and Oct. 16. The constitution is clear on when the election must be held as a new president must be in office when GR’s term would have ended on Nov. 17.

As recently as last week, the president declared that nobody is now talking about the abolition of the executive presidency. This subject has for long been part of the political discourse with several past presidents including Mahinda Rajapaksa, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumartunga and most recently Maithripala Sirisena pledging to the country that they would, upon election, abolish that office. All of them welshed on that promise.

Apart from not abolishing the executive presidency, Mahinda Rajapaksa amended the constitution to end the two-term limit on the presidency and tried disastrously in 2015 to win himself a third term. CBK came closest to abolishing the office, but an attempt to include the retention of executive power till the end of her second term as a transitory provision resulted in the draft constitution being set ablaze in the well of the legislature. The premature death of Ven. Madulwawe Sobhitha Thera enabled Sirisena to break his election promise.

Readers will remember that Ranil Wickremesinghe twice deprived himself of the presidential ticket of the UNP. The first occasion was when Mahinda Rajapaksa, as a war-winning president, sought a second term in 2010 the year after the end of the civil war. RW, we believe rightly, decided that General Sarath Fonseka whom MR once described as the “world’s best army commander” but later court martialed and jailed was a better candidate. Last time round he conceded the UNP ticket but not the party’s leadership to Sajith Premadasa. Wickremesinghe, for whatever reason, has still not declared himself a candidate for the forthcoming election. But all the circumstantial evidence plus what his intimates are saying indicates he will be a runner.

As for Palitha Range Bandara, he is likely to say that retaining the present stability without the disruption of elections is best for the country. He’ll probably insist that what he said last week was his personal opinion. But few will buy that argument.



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Editorial

Fear of elections

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Monday 25th May, 2026

Governments never postpone elections they are confident of winning. They devise ways and means of postponing elections and concoct various excuses for such shameful action only when they realise that their luck has run out and they cannot muster enough popular support to secure victory. The Yahapalana government postponed the Provincial Council (PC) elections in 2017 for fear of losing them, but badly lost the Local Government (LG) polls it had to conduct the following year. Its constituents have not yet recovered fully from that electoral debacle. The SLPP government also postponed the LG polls in 2022 and 2023. Now, the JPV-NPP government with a two-thirds majority in Parliament is doing everything possible to avoid the PC polls.

JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva has said it will not be possible to hold the PC elections this year. He is reported to have claimed, at the opening of an NPP coordination office in Jaffna, over the weekend that budgetary allocations were made for conducting the PC elections, but due to Cyclone Ditwah, the government was compelled to allocate Rs. 500 billion for disaster relief, and therefore it will not be possible to hold the PC elections this year. Electoral reform has also stood in the way of the PC polls, he has said.

The JVP-NPP government has reneged on another election promise. The NPP’s election manifesto, Thriving Nation: A Beautiful Life, makes a solemn pledge to hold the PC polls within one year of the formation of an NPP government. “Provincial Council and local government elections, which are currently postponed indefinitely, will be held within a year to provide an opportunity for the people to join the government” (p. 127).

The government boasts that the state coffers are overflowing, unlike in the past. If so, allocating funds for the PC polls should be child’s play. The government’s claim that it cannot allocate funds for the PC polls due the ongoing disaster relief programme is similar to the SLPP-UNP government’s absurd excuse for postponing the LG polls in 2023. The Election Commission was ready to hold elections, and the Supreme Court ordered the UNP-SLPP government not to withhold funds allocated from Budget 2023 for the LG elections, but the then President Ranil Wickremesinghe claimed that financial difficulties had compelled his government to prioritise expenditure on essential supplies required to meet the basic needs of the population over conducting elections. The JVP/NPP leaders seem to have taken a leaf out of Wickremesinghe’s book.

The JVP finds itself in a situation replete with irony. It went on a spree of violence to sabotage the first PC polls in 1988, but without success, and vowed to scuttle the PC system. But today a JVP-led government has undertaken to hold the PC polls albeit with some delay. The JVP vehemently opposed the postponement of the LG polls in 2023. But it has done exactly what it opposed tooth and nail about three years ago.

All political parties represented in the current Parliament, save a few, are responsible for the indefinite postponement of the PC polls. They either backed or refrained from opposing an amendment to the Provincial Council Elections Act, presented by the Yahapalana government in 2017 to put off the PC elections. They included the SLFP, the UNP, the JVP, the SLMC, the TNA and the current SLPP leaders, who were in the Joint Opposition at that time. The bill was stuffed with new sections, at the committee stage, to pave the way for postponing the PC elections; most of those additions were widely considered inconsistent with the underlying principles of the original bill, which was passed.

Electoral reform has necessitated the delimitation of electorates in view of the new mixed proportional system, and the process of redrawing the boundaries of constituencies is expected to take about one year. Parliament could have resolved this issue a long time ago. The JVP-NPP government has also dragged its feet on it for obvious reasons. Parliament can decide to hold the PC elections under the Proportional Representation system, pending the completion of the delimitation process. The Opposition is reportedly planning to push for this option. Hence, the government has come out with another excuse—funding constraints caused by disaster relief needs. It has unwittingly revealed its fear of elections.

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Editorial

Of that move to rein in Trump

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Republicans on Thursday postponed a vote on a Democratic-sponsored war powers resolution to rein in President Donald Trump’s military campaign in what could be seen as a missed opportunity to pave the way for a negotiated settlement of the Iran conflict. They did so as it became clear that the GOP would not be able to muster a majority to defeat the resolution which, if passed, would have compelled Trump to stop the Iran war. Republicans hold slender majorities in both chambers of Congress. They are doing everything in their power to scuttle the war powers resolution. However, they cannot go on postponing the vote on it indefinitely.

Some of the US legislators who voted to scuttle a previous war powers resolution have changed their position and expressed willingness to put Trump in a straitjacket to save lives, funds and America’s international image. This is believed to be the main reason for Trump’s decision to postpone US withdrawal from the current ceasefire and resume strikes on Iran. Three Republicans voted for the previous war powers resolution which was almost passed.

Trump’s decision to postpone military operations has also been attributed to the depletion of a substantial portion of America’s advanced missile defence inventory during the conflict with Iran, according to a report published by The Washington Post. This revelation is reported to have caused serious concerns in Washington over its capacity to sustain military commitments vis-a-vis multiple theatres simultaneously, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, where allies such as Taiwan, Japan and South Korea remain heavily dependent on the American security umbrella. Military inventories take years to replenish. US arms sales to Taiwan have already been paused to ensure that the Pentagon has enough munitions for the Iran war, according to media reports. Ukraine is likely to face a similar fate.

Congress members are becoming increasingly disillusioned with Trump’s war, which has driven domestic fuel prices up. Even the patience of Republicans who wholeheartedly backed Trump’s military campaign have had a change of heart due to the prolongation of the war and the unexpected consequences of it, such as Iran using the Hormuz Strait as a strategic lever to shift the war to the economic front. Besides, Iran has demonstrated remarkable resilience and a mindset that it is unconcerned about the consequences of its counterattacks. It has warned Washington that the Gulf of Oman could become a ‘graveyard’ for US Navy ships deployed in the region if it continues its military aggression. Tehran has so far sprung several surprises for the US and Israel, and its aforesaid warning cannot be dismissed as mere rhetoric.

It will be in the interest of global peace for Congress itself to step in to curb Trump’s war powers and de-escalate the West Asia conflict, without letting it spiral out of control.

An early end to the Iran conflict will benefit the entire world tremendously. Besides the colossal loss of lives and the destruction of assets, including oil infrastructure, the war has taken a heavy toll on almost all countries, and the developing nations are the worst hit. Economies around the world are reeling from massive oil price increases.

The war powers resolution is based on a law passed during the Vietnam war to enable Congress to regain power over external conflicts, but Trump has publicly called it unconstitutional. He has undermined vital US systems and institutions. When he failed to secure a consecutive second term, he claimed the election had been stolen by his political opponents and allegedly provoked the Capitol attacks in 2021. Now, he is trying to arrogate to himself some congressional powers related to war.

If the GOP continues to support Trump’s military campaigns, it will do so at the risk of losing its hold on Congress, for Trump’s popularity ratings are trending downward, with midterm elections drawing near. Even when the President is popular, his party tends to lose seats in midterm elections. Trump’s approval rating has plummeted to 35%, according to Forbes. Several polls have also found that 64% of US voters think it was wrong for Trump to go to war with Iran. Both the US and the rest of the world will gain if the war powers resolution is passed and Trump made to act with restraint.

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Editorial

Some vehicle traders ‘more equal’?

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Saturday 23rd May, 2026

SJB MP Mujibur Rahman has alleged in Parliament that on the eve of the announcement of a 50% customs duty surcharge on vehicle imports, Letters of Credit (LCs) for 1,782 vehicles had been opened by three close associates of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Previously, the Opposition claimed that the number of LCs opened on that day exceeded 4,000.

Rahman said the number of LCs opened during the week prior to the announcement of the surcharge mounted to 4,000. The government and the Opposition have locked horns over the issue. It has also been claimed in some quarters that some other vehicle importers also benefited from inside information.

It may not be fair to level sweeping allegations against all vehicle importers. They watch foreign exchange rates, particularly the depreciation of the rupee, global issues and trends, and respond accordingly without the benefit of inside information. When the rupee began to tumble, some vehicle importers may have expected the government to resort to drastic measures, such as import restrictions, to manage the situation. It is natural that traders place bigger orders when the rupee shows signs of continuous weakening. Vehicle importers are no exception.

When it became clear that the rupee free fall would last for a while, vehicle importers may have opened more LCs. That is the name of the game in the business world. It is a gamble, though. If the West Asia conflict goes away by any chance, with the global oil markets stabilising and prices returning close to the pre-war levels, the rupee will rally and the vehicles, imported during the rupee depreciation, may not fetch the desired prices and the importers may not get the expected returns on their investment in such an eventuality. Even ordinary consumers react in a similar manner and stock up on goods that are expected to be in short supply. Most filling stations hide their stocks on the eve of monthly fuel price revisions, for the trend is for the fuel prices to increase in this country. They have no need for inside information to do so. They go by market trends and act with impunity to profiteer. Some of them also place bigger fuel orders towards the end of every month, expecting price increases.

However, the possibility of some vehicle importers having benefited from their political connections and received inside information about the customs duty surcharge in advance cannot be ruled out. Even Budget secrets are leaked to some businesses in this country. Financiers of successive governments have earned billions of rupees in profit by hoarding cigarettes in the run-up to Budgets that increased tobacco prices. Political leaders are known to work hand in glove with business leaders.

As for the allegation that the incumbent government leaked information about the duty surcharge to its cronies, what needs to be examined is whether there were unusually large vehicle orders placed in the run-up to the announcement of the surcharge, and whether the importers concerned are known to have links to the ruling coalition. If only a few vehicle importers who backed the JVP-NPP election campaigns placed huge vehicle orders just days before the surcharge was imposed, it could raise questions of favouritism. A graph showing the number of vehicles imported by leading traders, especially the ones with political links, during the past month may reveal unusual patterns, if any.

Now that the Opposition has levelled a very serious allegation against the government and some companies, the burden is on it to support its claim with facts and figures. The government ought to make all necessary information available if it has nothing to hide.

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