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Candidates and Manifestos – Left, Right and Centre

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NPP Manifestos - from 3% in 2019 to power play in 2024

by Rajan Philips

Not quite The Charge of the Light Brigade that the English Poet Tennyson wrote during the Crimean war, but Sri Lankan voters have not cannons but candidates to the right of them, candidates to the left of them, candidates in front of them, and even to the back of them. With 38 candidates officially running in the election, there are enough to surround the voters from all directions.

Out of the 38 only three are expected to perform significantly and at least keep their deposits. They are to the left (AKD), right (RW) and centre (SP), and each one of them is making a distinct pitch to attract voter attention. This week saw AKD and the NPP going first with the release of their Manifesto simultaneously in Sinhala and Tamil on Monday. The Independent Ranil Wickremesinghe followed suit on Thursday, but only in Sinhalese with an executive summary in English. Sajith Premadasa rushed in with his own the same day, but it was a limited edition for the Prelates of the Sangha; the more public version is not expected for almost a week on September 4.

Pictures do tell political stories. The two pictures juxtaposed above are from 2019 and 2024 and they illustrate the NPP’s spectacular rise under Anura Kumara Dissanayake – from the deposit losing 3% in 2019 to being a real contender for power in 2024. Pundits are lining up behind the three candidates and are using punditry to promote their favourite candidate. Yet there does not seem to be a corresponding effort to discern the voters and locate the candidates relative to the different segments that make up the voting public.

Who to vote for?

The veteran columnist Kusal Perera rhetorically asks the question “Whom should I vote for this presidential election?” (Financial Times, 28 August 2024), and finds none of the three leading candidates eligible for his vote. Similar to the majority of respondents in the CPA survey that I cited last week. Mr. Perera lists the known infamies of Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa who are both cut from the same UNP cloth, but at its extreme social ends. In addition, Mr. Perera lists quite a few surprising charges against Anura Kumara Dissanayake and traces them to the JVP’s past.

An interesting but lost nugget that Mr. Perera resurrects is the alleged cahooting between the JVP and the Indian High Commission in Colombo to undermine the Ranil-Norway peace process two decades ago. It was widely known that then President Kumaratunga got India’s imprimatur before pulling the rug under the Wickremesinghe government in October 2003, and upending the peace process. But the JVP’s implication is not so widely known. Much blood, water and draught have come and gone since, but its significance today is the possibility that for all its anti-Indian rhetoric the JVP would seem to have had parallel ties with the Indian establishment. And going farther back in time than the much publicized formal visit of Anura Kumara Dissanayake to New Delhi last year to meet with Modi’s mandarins.

There may be others like Kusal Perara who may choose not to vote or spoil their ballot at the booth. But that is not going to stop the election being completed and a new president elected, likely with less than 40% of the total votes in the election. There are rumours and concerns that Ranil Wickremesinghe might play yet another trick to thwart a conclusive election outcome. His decision to supply MPs with repeater shotguns and his gazette extraordinaire for the armed forces to be at the ready to maintain public order, look weird and they sure feed the rumour mill.

But Anura Kumara Dissanayake has dismissed any threat to the elections due to Ranil playing tricks, and has confidently predicted that the NPP will be forming a new government. He has also asserted that Mr. Wickremesinghe will not be able to do anything about it because the government servants, the police and the army including retired veterans are all supporting the NPP. It would have been far better if Mr. Dissanayake had called on the government servants, the police and the armed forces to stand neutral and do their job impartially instead of tagging all or most of them as JVP/NPP supporters.

Just days before the 1977 election, then UNP leader JR Jayewardene gave a public warning to public officials and the police (the army was hardly involved in election security those days) that they should not follow undue directions from higher ups that were intended to bolster the outgoing (SLFP) government. If they could not rebuff bad orders, JRJ said, they should go on leave and return after the election with the new (UNP) government in power.

Mr. Dissanayake could and should have made a statement like JRJ instead of claiming that vital parts of the government are already a part of his campaign. That somewhat undermines his sweeping thesis that he is the pre-eminent change candidate who will undo all the misdoings of the past 76 years. At the same time, the NPP leader if elected president should refrain from doing what JRJ did after becoming Prime Minister and then President in 1977/78. JRJ went on to preside over the politicization of the state apparatus like never before. Nothing has been the same since.

Fast forward to 2024, all three candidates are crisscrossing the country holding rallies and making speeches, but no one knows for sure who is in the lead and who is behind. Through the very questionable polls, self-promotional assertions, special pleading by pundits and weighted gossip, what seems to average out is that of the three main candidates – Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Sajith Premadasa are jostling between the first and second positions, and Ranil Wickremesinghe is behind in third – but “surging,” whatever that means. There is an old saying – if you are drowning, it doesn’t matter if you are a foot or a furlong under water. But surging under water is a new metaphor.

Change and Continuity

With only three weeks to go before the election, the campaign is entering a new phase with the releasing of the manifestos. But manifestos by themselves are unlikely to change the directions in which the voters seem to be leaning already. AKD and the NPP have been releasing manifestos for quite some time. In a sense, they are the most consistent callers for change; their manifesto is both a continuity and evolution from 2019, and the follow up in February 2022. Their electoral progression was interrupted by Ranil Wickremesinghe when he executively denied funds for the local government elections disregarding even the Supreme Court’s order.

Now Ranil Wickremesinghe is the continuity candidate, but his campaign seems hopelessly top heavy. He has the largest number of ‘agents’ – all Ministers appointed by him and MPs who depend on him for their pension. The images of RW and his entourage bring back memories of MR 1 (duly blessed by MR 2) and his entourage before the January 8 election in 2015. They looked on the way out rather than staying put. What is it going to be for RW now?

Ranil Wickremesinghe is also trying out alternative slogans, like Donald Trump in the US. He first got 34 parties to sign on to the slogan, Puluwan Sri Lanka, in a Battaramulla ceremony, a play on Barak Obama’s “Yes, we can” mantra. That was supposed to be the title of his election manifesto. But the slogan did not catch on, and so the manifesto was released on Thursday with a different title: “Five Years of Winning the Country with Ranil.” Its “principal components,” the five precepts, speak for themselves: “Theravada Trade Economy,” “Operation – Beyond 2025,” “Make a Radiant Society,” “Win the Motherland,” and “Unite Sri Lanka.”

Sajith Premadasa is in the middle and is in contention. The manifesto release in two editions and a week apart may have been a slip up. He is found to be appealing by those on the right who are frustrated with Ranil Wickremesinghe, and those in the middle who find Anura Kumara Dissanayake a little too far to the left. There are others who find commonalities between Sajith Premadasa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake; those on the right find the commonalities to be alarming, and those on the left use them to call Sajith Premadasa a progressive.

Interestingly, and hopefully consequentially, both Premadasa and Dissanayake are committed to ending the executive presidential system and returning to a parliamentary system that will have a Head of State elected by the people’s representatives. Ranil Wickremesinghe is silent on the matter. His main mantra is the IMF and the irrevocability of the Agreement he reached with the IMF. But he should know that any agreement can be renegotiated without revocation, especially after a national election. And the election is not a referendum on the IMF Agreement.

The presidential election is not going to be conclusive in itself without an immediately following parliamentary election. Ranil Wickremesinghe is the only candidate who would be inclined to keep the current parliament going as long as it could. And, if elected, he will. Premadasa and Dissanayake, on the other hand, are likely to dissolve the current parliament and go for a parliamentary election as soon as possible.

At the same time, the transition from the presidential election to the election of a new parliament will be an uncharted period for the country in the event of a Premadasa victory or, perhaps more so, a Dissanayake victory and the NPP reduced from three to two MPs in parliament. Not that the bridging challenges during a transitional period cannot be identified or addressed. But they need to be acknowledged in advance by the candidates and articulated as part of their current campaign. That will also add to the validity of their claim that they can be trusted with power.



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Combining local resources,traditional knowledge and science to build a food-secure Sri Lanka

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World Food Day 2026: Innovating today for a better food future

by Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

What will be on the Sri Lankan dinner table ten years from now? Will our children be able to get nutritious food at a price their families can afford? Will farmers be able to grow enough despite changing weather and rising costs? And how much of the food we produce will actually reach the consumer, instead of being lost or wasted along the way?

These questions can’t wait. A farmer faces unpredictable weather. A family faces rising food costs. Fruit goes unsold after a good harvest. Some children do not get enough nutrition. The future of food is tied to the future of Sri Lanka itself.

World Food Day 2026 is a chance to look beyond the immediate problems and ask whether we can build a food system that feeds our people well, gives farmers better opportunities, protects the environment and makes better use of what we already have. The answer can be yes, but we will have to think differently.

We are not starting from zero. Sri Lanka has diverse crops, fisheries, traditional food knowledge, indigenous varieties, research institutions, universities and a young generation able to create new solutions. What we need is to bring these together and act. Producing more will not secure our food future on its own. It will depend on how intelligently we produce, process, preserve, distribute and consume food.

Making more of what we already have

Innovation does not always mean inventing something new. Often it means finding better uses for the resources we have.

Sri Lanka grows traditional rice varieties, kurakkan, green gram, cowpea, jackfruit, breadfruit, cassava, sweet potato, coconut and palmyrah. All of them have great potential for modern, nutritious, value-added foods. Jackfruit and breadfruit can be made into flour and other convenient products. Traditional rice varieties can go into new foods that suit changing consumer needs. Palmyrah, with its strong cultural heritage, can create new income through better processing, packaging, quality assurance and market development.

The aim is to connect our traditional food knowledge with modern consumer needs and technology, while keeping our food heritage.

Stop wasting the food we produce

Reducing food loss and waste should be a major priority. Seasonal fruits such as mango, banana, papaya and pineapple can be lost in large quantities when production exceeds demand or when storage, transport and processing facilities are inadequate. With suitable technology, these fruits can become dried products, pulps, powders, beverages and other shelf-stable foods.

Agricultural and fisheries by-products are resources too. They could be turned into food ingredients, animal feed, bio-based products and other useful materials, which would move us toward a more circular food economy.

Technology alone is not enough. We need stronger local processing facilities, cold storage, efficient transport, collection centres and market information systems, especially close to where food is produced. Cutting food loss raises the value of what our farmers and fishers already produce.

Nutrition and food safety come first

Food security means more than having enough food. People also need food that is safe and nutritious.

Sri Lanka can develop affordable, nutritious foods from local pulses, grains, vegetables, fruits and fish. Children and other vulnerable groups should get particular attention. Schoolchildren in particular deserve a focus: safe, nutritious, locally sourced products for school feeding programs would support child nutrition, local farmers and domestic food industries at the same time.

Food safety must stay at the centre of food innovation. Good hygiene, quality control, laboratory testing, traceability and appropriate food safety systems are what make new products safe as well as attractive and nutritious.

A food system that can cope with climate change

Climate change is already affecting agricultural production, water availability, crop yields and food prices. We need food systems that can handle changing conditions. That means climate-resilient crops, efficient water use, soil and water conservation, better storage and resource-efficient food processing.

Traditional knowledge matters here. Generations of Sri Lankan farmers have developed practices suited to local climates and ecosystems. Combining that experience with modern science can give us solutions that fit local conditions and are sustainable. Technology alone will not build the future of food. Science, experience and local knowledge together can.

Give young people a bigger role

Sri Lanka’s universities have an important part to play in shaping our food future. Young people should be encouraged to identify real problems in the food system and work on practical solutions in areas such as food waste, sustainable packaging, nutrition, food safety, modernising traditional foods and digital technologies.

A good research project should not always end as a research paper. Where appropriate, research should be supported to move on to products, technologies, enterprises and community solutions. That needs stronger partnerships between universities and industry, along with mentoring, research funding, business support and market connections. If young researchers and entrepreneurs can turn their ideas into viable food innovations, both consumers and producers will benefit.

A pathway designed for Sri Lanka

We do not need to copy food-system models from other countries. We can build a pathway that suits our own resources, culture and needs. It would bring together local resources, traditional knowledge, scientific research, appropriate technology and entrepreneurship, with farmers, fishers, universities, research institutions, food industries, entrepreneurs and policymakers working side by side.

The goal goes beyond selling raw materials. We need to create more value, reduce waste, improve nutrition, generate jobs and strengthen rural livelihoods. This matters especially for small and medium-scale food enterprises, which can drive local economic development when they get the right technical, financial and market support.

The choices we make today

The food future will not create itself. It will be shaped by what we grow, what we research, what we process, what we consume and what we choose not to waste.

So, the question for World Food Day 2026 is this: what can we do today so that every Sri Lankan has safe, nutritious, affordable and sustainable food tomorrow?

The answers are already around us, in our farms, fisheries, food businesses, universities, laboratories and communities. We have the resources, the traditional knowledge, the scientific expertise and talented young people. What we need now is to connect them and act.

A better food future begins with the choices we make today.

Dr. Kaushalya Wijayasekara

Senior Lecturer, Department of Biosystems Technology, Faculty of Technology, University of Ruhuna

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20th Anniversary of Digampathana blast – the day Sri Lanka Navy cried

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Aftermath of the terror attack

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc
(Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

The Digampathana suicide truck attack on 16th October 2006 remains the deadliest single strike in Sri Lanka Navy history, leaving scars that time cannot erase.

It was a seemingly ordinary Monday morning on 16 October 2006, but the calm of that day would soon be shattered in a way none of us could have imagined. As the Commandant of the Naval and Maritime Academy and Flag Officer Commanding Naval Fleet at Trincomalee, I was aware that a number of my cadets were travelling that morning, part of a convoy of fifteen buses carrying naval personnel from Trincomalee, Colombo, and other bases, heading toward Dambulla to rendezvous with another group. The convoy also included trucks and escort vehicles, a routine movement planned and coordinated with the army to ensure the roads were clear. The morning started quietly. Some personnel greeted friends, handed over their weapons, or strolled to a nearby tea shop. It all seemed so ordinary—too ordinary for what would come next.

Sri Lanka Navy sunk LTTE Ships carrying arms, ammunition and warlike materials thousand miles away from Sri Lanka in Indian Ocean in September and October 2007.

By late morning, both convoys had reached the small ground at Digampathana, near the Sigiriya junction, and personnel mingled briefly, unaware that a carefully orchestrated act of terror was waiting. Then, suddenly, an empty half-truck veered directly into the convoy. It exploded with a ferocity I can still recall as if it were yesterday. Nuts, bolts, and high explosives tore through the air. Pandemonium erupted instantly. I later learned that 107 of our naval personnel were killed on the spot and another 153 critically injured. The scene was indescribable—bodies scattered, vehicles mangled, personal effects strewn across the ground. I remember later hearing that the head of the suicide bomber was recovered more than 100 meters away from the blast, a grim testament to the sheer force of the explosion.

I was in my office at the Naval and Maritime Academy when my mobile phone rang. A young midshipman from the 21st intake called, his voice trembling: “Sir, there was a huge explosion at the convoy point! Many are dead … my batch mate Wijesundara is among them.” I immediately jumped into my jeep with my escort Chief Petty Officer and driver and rushed to Digampathana, relying on every ounce of my driving skill to reach the scene. The journey, which usually took little more than an hour, felt endless that day, each passing mile weighed down by dread.

When I arrived, I was confronted with a sight that no training can prepare you for. The injured were being rushed to Dambulla Hospital, where doctors and nurses worked tirelessly, improvising in ways that saved lives despite the overwhelming chaos. I went back to the site after visiting the hospital. The remains of our naval personnel were scattered across the ground, and someone had begun collecting weapons and protective gear. I immediately contacted Surgeon Rear Admiral Nico Jayasekara and received his instructions: collect all body parts in separate bags and transport them to the Trincomalee Naval Hospital mortuary. This gruesome work had to be done with care and dignity, and it filled the icebox in my vehicle. Through DNA testing initiated by Rear Admiral Nico, we were able to identify every naval personnel lost that day, bringing some closure to grieving families.

The Navy Commander at the time, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, was devastated. I had worked closely with him and knew how deeply he cared for his men. He ensured that the fallen were honoured with full ceremonial naval funerals at Welisara Naval Base, attended by families and comrades. Sixty-seven funerals were conducted in a single day—a number that still haunts me.

The Digampathana attack remains the largest single loss of naval life in our history. It was a day of sorrow, but also a day that reinforced our resolve. The tragedy galvanized the Navy to target the LTTE Sea Tiger wing with renewed determination and reshaped our maritime operations forever. Every time I think of that day, I remember not just the lives lost, but the courage, professionalism, and dedication of those who survived, those who treated the injured, and those who ensured the fallen were honored properly. May the souls of our naval hero’s rest in peace, their sacrifice guiding us and inspiring generations of naval personnel to come.

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‘Murder at Whitby Abbey’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 24

I was intrigued by the title of a book I found in a book drop at the condominium of a friend, Murder at Whitby Abbey, and I brought it home with me though I will not be able to return it in the near future. It was described on the cover page as ‘a standout in the crowded medieval mystery field’, though I fear I do not know of other books in this field, apart from the Cadfael series, which I have dealt with earlier.

The book, by Cassandra Clark, is set during the reign of Richard II and has as a backdrop his precarious position, which led to his being replaced, and murdered, by his cousin Henry, who reigned as Henry IV. It is a gloomy book, the action taking place in the twelve days of Christmas leading up to the Epiphany. And the gloom is pervasive, even though this is supposed to be a time of festivity, with mummers performing, and many of those in the guest house where the heroine stays going to town to enjoy themselves, with much drinking and much music, which also fills the guesthouse.

The heroine Hildegarde is a nun, sent to try to acquire a relic being sold by Whitby Abbey, though this was also a penance set by the Abbot of the monastery that governed her abbess because she had had sex with a man. Soon after she and her companions reach the Abbey set high on a cliff, she finds that there are other bidders, and soon suspects that the hierarchy, not perhaps the Abbot who seems a weakling, but his rapacious bursar, is determined to make money, and not above creating false relics to sell to several aspirants.

After Hildegarde and her Cistercian companions – Whitby is a Benedictine Foundation – two monks, Gregory and Egbert, and a young priest Mark, reach the abbey, they find that Aelwyn, a monk they had met on their way to the guesthouse had died. This was in the apple store, and they realize, when they find the surplices of novices stuffed into the air vents, that he had been left to suffocate in the overwhelming scent of apples.

Clark

The Cistercians are asked to look into the death, perhaps because they are likely to get no cooperation from the Abbey folk, but perhaps because those in charge are keen to know what happened. And the infirmarer, an old monk, suggests Hildegarde talk to a man called Edred who worked for the bursar, and had been a friend of Aelwyn’s. But Edred too is killed, before he can keep an appointment he had made with Hildegarde, drowned in a pool near the farmhouse of the Abbey.

Meanwhile tensions arise between the fisherfolk and the abbey for the bursar wants to charge them for using the beach that technically belongs to the abbey to dry their fish and their nets. This leads to physical battles, when the guards used by the abbey, under the command it seems of the bursar whose determination to make money is not resisted by the abbot and the prior, try to storm the area where the fishermen live.

Hildegard finds out more about what had happened through two youngsters, one of whom Torold is the son of Aelwyn by a woman who worked as a prostitute for a cartel, and with whom Mark fell in love. The other works on the farm and had seen Edred meet someone near the pool, after which that someone left the place by himself. And the boy had also found in the pool a sort of dagger with the seal of the abbey.

He and his dog, and Torold who follows her, rescue Hildegarde from a man at arms who has waylaid her and tries to rape her earlier. Escaping into the abbey she was nearly been raped then by the bursar, but she managed to escape, in the process setting fire to him and the muniments room, which led, when he was rescued, to the discovery of a box with the money he said had been stolen, blame being cast on both Aelwyn and Edred.

Matters come to a head when the fisherfolk try to storm the abbey, being resisted by the men at arms stationed on the towers. But then Hildegarde realizes that behind the murders was the bursar’s clerk, whom she pursued to the cathedral. There is great drama then as she escapes from him when he tries to kill her, and then from the man at arms who had tried to both rape and kill her, but they both fall from the scaffolding she had climbed, the latter coming from a tower where he had been stationed.

Both of them think they run the rapacity of the abbey, the latter claiming to work for the nobles opposed to Richard, who is presented throughout the book as devoted to his subjects, not to power or money. But though the villains die, the bursar continues, having got over the hysteria the fire had caused and his acknowledgment then of guilt – and though the abbot and the prior seem less vicious, whether they will be able to assert themselves is questionable.

Before the climax, when the others in the guesthouse were leaving, Hildegarde found that two of them were in possession of the relic, for which they seem to have paid well. Hildegarde herself had made a derisory offer, but before she leaves the abbot gives her the relic, perhaps in gratitude for what she and her fellow Cistercians had discovered, the abbey having made as much money as it needed and more from the gullible other buyers.

Mark’s inamorata is saved from the stews because she moves in with Edred’s widow whom the bursar had thrown out of the rooms he occupied when her husband was found dead. Hildegarde had paid for lodgings, in a house run by the man who ran the brothels, but he had a kindly side and was going to finance them to make nets for the fishermen.

So, the Cistercians set off for their home as swiftly as they can to get there on the day of the Epiphany, having stopped en route to pray for King Richard whose birthday it was.

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