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Cabinet office as Minister of Northern Resources and Irrigation and Water Resources

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Opening the sluice gates of an Irrigation scheme

I was selected for Cabinet office from my first term of entry to Parliament. Under the presidential regimes of CBK,Mahinda Rajapaksa and Maithripala Sirisena I held many important Cabinet posts including Finance Minister.

I spent 26 uninterrupted years as a Member of Parliament from 1994 – 2020. I am perhaps one of a few MPs who could boast that he has never been defeated at the hustings. Very powerful MPs have had long spells in the wilderness though one could not honestly say that it has done them much good. The effect of landslide elections as in 1956, 1970, 1977 and 2004 was that prominent members had to give way to newcomers or local favourites.

This has not always been so. For instance the Bandaranaikes and Senanayakes were returned regularly in the early days. But all others including Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, NM, Colvin, Mahinda Rajapaksa and his siblings, the Gunawardene family of Boralugoda and even JRJ, Premadasa and other party leaders have on occasion suffered the sting of defeat. However with the coming of Proportional Representation (PR) party leaders have had the advantage of heading the district lists.

I have been even more fortunate in being se, Education and Foreign Affairs though admittedly for shorter spells than I would have liked. In this chapter I will highlight some of my experiences as a Minister in the background of the policies and politics of the time.

My first appointment came as a result of the move of our “Gang of Four” from the UNP to the People’s Alliance led by CBK. In her Cabinet CBK included representatives of the smaller parties that helped to constitute the alliance. Accordingly the MEP [Dinesh Gunawardene], LSSP [Bernard Soysa and later Batty Weerakoon and Athauda Seneviratne] CP [Indika Gunawardene] and EPDP [Douglas Devananda] were accorded representation in the Cabinet.

The Secretary of the PA wrote to me to nominate two members of our group to be given Cabinet rank. After an internal consultation it was decided to nominate me and Nanda Mathew for those posts. Initially we were appointed Ministers with Special Responsibilities. Later Nanda was appointed Minister of Shipping and I was given the portfolio of Northern Rehabilitation – both positions which were held by President CBK previously. While the majority of the PA were happy about our entry there was bound to be some who were apprehensive of this move since it could affect their personal ambitions.

Lakshman Kiriella for instance was piqued that he had not been given Cabinet office by CBK. Now he found a new competitor in Kandy. When I met Mahinda Rajapaksa he asked me sourly “Now what will happen to Kiriella?” This perhaps may have been the beginning of Kiriella’s drift towards the UNP which was sealed sometime later when he decided to join his class mate Ranil and open a new chapter in his life as a UNP leader.

In fairness to me it should be stated that he was for a long time engaged in a “ding dong” battle with Anuruddha Ratwatte who was the leader of the Kandy SLFP group. Similarly there was a bitter battle between Wijayapala Mendis and Jeyaraj Fernandopulle for Katana. Jeyaraj who was angry that he was not given Cabinet rank by CBK gravitated towards the Mahinda camp. He was further aggravated by Mendis’ arrival.

With Mrs. B in her last days

Anyway we got some bad vibes from the Rajapaksa faction which had looked on these developments as a way of strengthening CBK’s hand in government at their expense. Later I became a member of CBK’s “kitchen cabinet” which included Lakshman Kadirgamar, Mangala Samaraweera, Anura Bandaranaike and on occasion Maithripala Sirisena. We would meet at least thrice a week in President’s House when CBK would entertain us with good wines and home cooked meals finishing with a wood apple merangue. Later after CBK was in the wilderness, Maithripala would complain of our “wine parties” to ingratiate himself with Mahinda Rajapaksa who was ever on the lookout for a slight or humiliation directed at him by the Bandaranaikes.

Northern Rehabilitation

My first Cabinet office was a great challenge. As Minister of Northern Rehabilitation I had to set up a new outfit since earlier it was run out of the Presidents office. We had to find new office space and furnish and staff it. Fortunately Norris Obadage – a colleague from Peradeniya University days and a senior SLAS officer – was appointed as my Permanent Secretary and these tasks were accomplished without much difficulty.

Also since a Minister was allowed a five-member personal staff I could accommodate my political employees who could better service the needs of my electorate. This was not as easy as it sounds as I was changing party affiliations and some of my die hard UNP supporters left me. We had to reach out to new supporters who were sympathetic to the SLFP. That we were successful was attested by the fact that I nearly doubled my vote in successive elections. This was a difficult task since my new SLFP colleagues jealously guarded their vote base and were not amused when several of their supporters came over to my side.

The Ministry of Northern Rehabilitation, though relatively unknown, played an important role in our ethnic relations. While the LTTE did occupy large swathes of territory in the North, Sri Lankan governments, of all persuasions, maintained the infrastructure of the northern districts in common with the other districts in the country. This was because for us all our people were citizens of a unitary nation and were equally entitled to the services of the state. Thus the provincial administration from the Government Agent downwards, education, higher education, agriculture and health services and other allied services were maintained at a great cost by the centre.

The LTTE was canny enough to allow these services to continue though in fact our public servants had to tread a thin line. I was proud of our public servants who coped in spite of material and social difficulties. For instance the GA and his assistants would cycle to work. So did university professors and medical staff in Jaffna. Perhaps our most difficult assignment was to keep the food supplies – rice, sugar, flour etc., and medicines – moving.

It must be said that every thing did not go perfectly well. On occasion the LTTE would commandeer food supplies. But in general they found it convenient to let our convoys through. When the situation got bad I used my ingenuity and contacted my Tamil friends of University days. For instance I found that Sri Shanmugarajah, NM Perera’s favourite Samasamajist from Peradeniya University who had retired to a farm in Vavuniya, had some influence over LTTEers who were his students.

When there were logjams and poor people were desperate for food I got Shan to intercede and quickly allow food convoys to go through. We were lucky in that there were excellent SLAS officers like Ganesh who was GA Jaffna and Mrs. Charles of Vauniya who could tackle difficult life and death problems. I instructed them not to take foolhardy decisions.

I decided to look beyond the mere supplying of essential services to Northern province and examine some perennial problems of the peninsula which I had been aware of from my Civil Service days. In those days I enjoyed visiting the peninsula in my official capacity, especially studying water issues. At that time the Permanent Secretary for land and irrigation was Sri Kantha, a kindly old CCS who had been a Government Agent of Jaffna and was a confidante of CP de Silva.

He would talk of Iranamadu tank which was the biggest reservoir in the district. Later it was repaired as a mega ADB project and today forms the centerpiece of drinking water supplies to Jaffna and irrigation facilities to paddy fields in Kilinochchi. We supported a project suggested by a British funding agency for a study of ground water in Jaffna district as the supplies were running low due to a draw off by agricultural wells.

Ironically due to the war and restricted demand there was sufficient water at that time but it boded ill for the future. Similarly we promoted the dredging of Kankesanturai harbour which had been cluttered by sinking vessels to prevent amphibian landings by Sea Tigers. That project was completed after the defeat of the LTTE.

I must say a word here about the magnanimity of the Sri Lankan state. Though criticized by the diaspora, government services were provided without interruption even in the contested areas. Take for instance education which was dear to the Tamil people. The school and university system functioned effectively – teachers were paid, text books were distributed and national examinations were held simultaneously with the South. The regional education office functioned despite difficulties like electricity failures and lack of transport.

Since fuel was scarce public servants, professors, teachers and students travelled by bicycle as mentioned earlier -an old tradition in the peninsula. Even children of high ups in the LTTE sat for national public examinations since examination department certificates were useful for them to migrate to the west. Similarly health personnel including medical specialists rode bicycles to their places of work.

There were constant complaints that medical supplies were hijacked by LTTE cadres to treat their wounded. It is quite likely that many of those professionals were sympathetic to the LTTE. But there were others like Rajani Thiranagama and Ratnajeevan Hoole who were critical of LTTE repression. They were gathered round a publication called “Broken Palmyra” which criticized government forces and LTTE alike. Rajani was killed by LTTE cadres near Jaffna University.

There was much hope when Jaffna Campus was opened in the seventies. Many well known young Sinhala professors volunteered to teach in the Sinhala department set up there. However with the LTTE resuming violence, Sinhala students and teachers were hastily brought back to Colombo. Some Sinhala students were attacked and crippled for life. They came back south with their illusions shattered.

After taking over the Ministry of Northern Rehabilitation, I and Secretary Obadage tried hard to establish contact with our Tamil friends from University days. Obadage made an unannounced visit to the North to confer with the GA and his senior staff. I remembered an incorrigible rioter called Pararajasingham who was our favourite disrupter in Arunachalam Hall. After graduation he went back to Jaffna as a teacher. He sent several messages to me encouraging us to stand firm against the LTTE. Later I learnt that Para had been murdered by the LTTE. My tenure as Minister in this office was short as elections to Parliament were to be held on October 10, 2000.

Parliamentary Election 2000

In this election which was held on October 10 2000, I was contesting as a SLFPer for the first time. All the long standing leaders of the SLFP in Kandy were in the fray and the election was likely to be a hard fought one, especially because some candidates who were unsuccessful in earlier elections were raising the caste issue among their voters. Fortunately there was a groundswell of support for me as those party members who were disappointed with their representatives, whom they overwhelmingly supported in 1994, began turning to me. Also the growing middle class in Kandy which was generally supportive of the UNP backed me in this election.

This was particularly true of many University teachers who supported me voluntarily as did my University friends like Wijaya Wickremaratne and Lal Wijenaike who were leftists. Lal’s wife, who was the daughter of a well known Trade Unionist, was a speaker on my platform. CBK also threw her weight behind me informing recalcitrant local councillors that she would like to have me returned to Parliament to join her Cabinet.

This message was conveyed to them by SB Dissanayake who acted as her “eyes and ears” in the hill country. The UNP felt the absence of vote getter Gamini Dissanayake and I was able to scoop up some of that vote also. The upshot was that I could substantially increase my votes when compared to the votes I received in 1994 as a UNP candidate.

The allocation of Parliamentary seats in Kandy district in 2000 were as follows;

SLFP six seats, UNP five seats and Muslim Congress one seat. The winning SLFP candidates were:

Anuruddha Ratwatte – 152,511, DM Jayaratne – 85,711, M Aluthgamage – 71,653, Sarath Amunugama – 68,738. Lakshman Kiriella – 57,424 and Ediriweera Weerawardene – 35,388

However in the national tally the SLFP/PA could win only 107 seats which was short of an outright majority. It had to go into an alliance primarily with the Muslim Congress to form a new government. This boded ill for the CBK government because the UNP began to woo the Muslim Congress which was led by Hakeem since Ashraff had been killed in an air accident. The helicopter carrying Ashraff was on its way to Ampara when it hit a hill near Kadugannawa during bad weather killing all on board.

His wife had contested Ashraff’s old seat and won. She sat in Parliament but Hakeem called the shots. We got news that he appeared to be succumbing to UNP blandishments. He had become close to Milinda Moragoda and as I well knew he was Ranil’s schoolmate and confidante.

Another bad omen for the SLFP was the sudden death of Mrs. Bandaranaike who was returning from Horagolla after casting her vote. It was traumatic for the Bandaranaike siblings as well as for our party which was being run by PM Ratnasiri Wickremanayake since CBK was still recovering from her injuries. I was greatly saddened by Mrs. B’s death since I had associated closely with her as her Director of Information in the 1970-1977 period.

A few of us led by Mangala had met her with a bouquet of flowers to show our appreciation at Rosmead Place just a few weeks before her death. There were moves and counter moves which culminated in the return of Speaker Anura Bandaranaike to the SLFP after making up with his sister CBK. This in turn led to heartburn among certain senior elements of the party who began to nurture ambitions of reaching the top since the heir apparent had defected to the UNP with their blessings.

The strong comeback engineered by CBK in 1994 was losing steam, particularly because the northern war debilitated her management of the economy. It was leading to internal friction which broke out in the open before long. The charade I will now describe was another example of the deteriorating discipline within the SLFP camp.

In her backroom discussions with her close associates CBK had decided to appoint me as the Minister of Agriculure. SB Dissanayake, my student at Vidyodaya University, had particularly urged this step as this was an area in which not much progress had been achieved. Farmers were a major constituency which had backed the SLFP even though the UNP had a good record of investing in the agriculture sector.

DM Jayaratne who was given this position had done little to develop agriculture and was easily persuaded to spend Ministry funds on useless vanity projects like converting a hill in Gampola, his electorate, into a park in which he built a dagoba to look like a mangoosteen with a carrot as the pinnacle. Fertiliser distribution was messed up by setting up rival corporations to which he appointed his supporters as Chairmen and other officials. He became a prisoner of fertilizer companies and its agents.

Accordingly CBK had prepared my letter of appointment as the new Cabinet Minister of Agriculture. Jayaratne was to be appointed the Minister of Irrigation which itself was an important Ministry. When as a courtesy too senior SLFPer, CBK had informed DMJ of the proposed change of portfolio a few minutes before the swearing in ceremony, he blew a fuse. He threatened to jump out of the window if his old portfolio was not restored to him. CBK panicked, recalled our letters of appointment and switched portfolios.

Thus on October 19, 2001 when I should have been appointed the Minister of Agriculture, I left Presidents House as the new Minister of Irrigation – another example of the fast deteriorating authority of CBK and the conspiracies that were being hatched within and outside the government.

Irrigation and Water Resources

I spent a little over a year as the Minister of Irrigation and Water Resources till the election of 2002. This was the most enjoyable period of my Cabinet career. Perhaps to compensate me for the agriculture fiasco, CBK had added the subject of the National Film Corporation to my Portfolio. This gave me much satisfaction as I had been the founder Chairman of the NFC in 1972.

Large reservoirs (tanks) canals and other water bodies are located in all parts of the island. I realized that ours was essentially a “hydraulic civilization” on a par with Cambodia, Thailand and Myanmar which were all Buddhist states. The “Naga” emerging out of the water was a central part of Buddhist culture. It was the “Naga” which spread its hood over the Buddha to save him from the elements when he was meditating for realizing the doctrine. The iconic Naga is now the symbol of the Mahaweli project as envisaged by two history addicts – JRJ and Gamini Dissanayake.

My portfolio took me to the length and breadth of the country to view a mighty irrigation system which would have otherwise escaped me however much I had studied Wittfogel’s classic work entitled “Hydraulic Civilisation” and my friend RALH [Leslie] Gunawardene’s studies of our Dry Zone civilization. It was as though my lifelong interests were coming alive. CBK who had read my research article on Chandrikawewa and an adjoining colony told me that it influenced her to give me the Irrigation portfolio. Her insight was right on the mark and I undertook my responsibilities with great satisfaction.

The only unhappy Minister was Anuruddha Ratwatte who was the previous Minister of Irrigation. He told me that he had looked forward while returning from the war zone to landing his helicopter near the NCP tanks and enjoying a country rice meal wrapped in a lotus leaf. He lost both the war and his lotus leaf wrapped lunch.

Another plus point for me was that I would be working with top class professionals – Irrigation Engineers and Technical Assistants. Working in far flung areas, usually away from family and home, they worked with a dedication which greatly impressed me. As a Government Agent I had worked with many of their “legends”-Silva Gunasekera, Alagaratnam, Ratna Cooke, Manamperi, Rosa, Hewavisenti and Godfrey Silva, on major irrigation projects – Uda Walawe, Chandrikawewa, Samanalawewa and Minipe and was easily recognized as a friend by the engineering community.

A senior SLAS officer Bandusena who was the brother-in-law of CCS colleague Hemasiri Premawardene, was appointed as my Permanent Secretary. He was a close relative of Kusum Balapatabendi – the Secretary to the President, and the seniormost bureaucrat in the country. Since Prema and I were immediate neighbours and his wife and mine were contemporaries at Peradeniya I realized that I was getting high level cooperation from the start and would have a free hand in a Ministry which was usually subject to frequent pressures from politicians.

I decided to take bold steps and make a “splash” in my new assignment. The Irrigation department has vast resources like circuit bungalows, vehicles, foreign funding and highly skilled and trained engineers in large numbers. But I realized early that greater coordination and productivity needed to be achieved. The Director of Irrigation was Jinadasa a competent and amiable leader who was respected by the staff. ‘Their hero however was former Director Ponrajah – a multitasker who had returned from training at Imperial College, London and virtually written all the departmental manuals singlehanded.

It was difficult to have a conversation with the engineers without Ponrajah’s name being invoked time and time again. It was then that I realized the great contribution made by Tamil Engineers and Civil Servants in maintaining our greatest asset – the historic hydraulic infrastructure built by ancient kings and restored and added to by national minded leaders like DS and Dudley Senanayake, CP de Silva, JR Jayewardene and Gamini Dissanayake. It was a heritage worth saving from the depredations of opportunist politicians and plain crooks who later headed this nation.

(Excerpted from Vol. 2 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography) ✍️



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The call for review of reforms in education: discussion continues …

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PM Harini Amarasuriya

The hype around educational reforms has abated slightly, but the scandal of the reforms persists. And in saying scandal, I don’t mean the error of judgement surrounding a misprinted link of an online dating site in a Grade 6 English language text book. While that fiasco took on a nasty, undeserved attack on the Minister of Education and Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, fundamental concerns with the reforms have surfaced since then and need urgent discussion and a mechanism for further analysis and action. Members of Kuppi have been writing on the reforms the past few months, drawing attention to the deeply troubling aspects of the reforms. Just last week, a statement, initiated by Kuppi, and signed by 94 state university teachers, was released to the public, drawing attention to the fundamental problems underlining the reforms https://island.lk/general-educational-reforms-to-what-purpose-a-statement-by-state-university-teachers/. While the furore over the misspelled and misplaced reference and online link raged in the public domain, there were also many who welcomed the reforms, seeing in the package, a way out of the bottle neck that exists today in our educational system, as regards how achievement is measured and the way the highly competitive system has not helped to serve a population divided by social class, gendered functions and diversities in talent and inclinations. However, the reforms need to be scrutinised as to whether they truly address these concerns or move education in a progressive direction aimed at access and equity, as claimed by the state machinery and the Minister… And the answer is a resounding No.

The statement by 94 university teachers deplores the high handed manner in which the reforms were hastily formulated, and without public consultation. It underlines the problems with the substance of the reforms, particularly in the areas of the structure of education, and the content of the text books. The problem lies at the very outset of the reforms, with the conceptual framework. While the stated conceptualisation sounds fancifully democratic, inclusive, grounded and, simultaneously, sensitive, the detail of the reforms-structure itself shows up a scandalous disconnect between the concept and the structural features of the reforms. This disconnect is most glaring in the way the secondary school programme, in the main, the junior and senior secondary school Phase I, is structured; secondly, the disconnect is also apparent in the pedagogic areas, particularly in the content of the text books. The key players of the “Reforms” have weaponised certain seemingly progressive catch phrases like learner- or student-centred education, digital learning systems, and ideas like moving away from exams and text-heavy education, in popularising it in a bid to win the consent of the public. Launching the reforms at a school recently, Dr. Amarasuriya says, and I cite the state-owned broadside Daily News here, “The reforms focus on a student-centered, practical learning approach to replace the current heavily exam-oriented system, beginning with Grade One in 2026 (https://www.facebook.com/reel/1866339250940490). In an address to the public on September 29, 2025, Dr. Amarasuriya sings the praises of digital transformation and the use of AI-platforms in facilitating education (https://www.facebook.com/share/v/14UvTrkbkwW/), and more recently in a slightly modified tone (https://www.dailymirror.lk/breaking-news/PM-pledges-safe-tech-driven-digital-education-for-Sri-Lankan-children/108-331699).

The idea of learner- or student-centric education has been there for long. It comes from the thinking of Paulo Freire, Ivan Illyich and many other educational reformers, globally. Freire, in particular, talks of learner-centred education (he does not use the term), as transformative, transformative of the learner’s and teacher’s thinking: an active and situated learning process that transforms the relations inhering in the situation itself. Lev Vygotsky, the well-known linguist and educator, is a fore runner in promoting collaborative work. But in his thought, collaborative work, which he termed the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) is processual and not goal-oriented, the way teamwork is understood in our pedagogical frameworks; marks, assignments and projects. In his pedagogy, a well-trained teacher, who has substantial knowledge of the subject, is a must. Good text books are important. But I have seen Vygotsky’s idea of ZPD being appropriated to mean teamwork where students sit around and carry out a task already determined for them in quantifying terms. For Vygotsky, the classroom is a transformative, collaborative place.

But in our neo liberal times, learner-centredness has become quick fix to address the ills of a (still existing) hierarchical classroom. What it has actually achieved is reduce teachers to the status of being mere cogs in a machine designed elsewhere: imitative, non-thinking followers of some empty words and guide lines. Over the years, this learner-centred approach has served to destroy teachers’ independence and agency in designing and trying out different pedagogical methods for themselves and their classrooms, make input in the formulation of the curriculum, and create a space for critical thinking in the classroom.

Thus, when Dr. Amarasuriya says that our system should not be over reliant on text books, I have to disagree with her (https://www.newsfirst.lk/2026/01/29/education-reform-to-end-textbook-tyranny ). The issue is not with over reliance, but with the inability to produce well formulated text books. And we are now privy to what this easy dismissal of text books has led us into – the rabbit hole of badly formulated, misinformed content. I quote from the statement of the 94 university teachers to illustrate my point.

“The textbooks for the Grade 6 modules . . . . contain rampant typographical errors and include (some undeclared) AI-generated content, including images that seem distant from the student experience. Some textbooks contain incorrect or misleading information. The Global Studies textbook associates specific facial features, hair colour, and skin colour, with particular countries and regions, and refers to Indigenous peoples in offensive terms long rejected by these communities (e.g. “Pygmies”, “Eskimos”). Nigerians are portrayed as poor/agricultural and with no electricity. The Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy textbook introduces students to “world famous entrepreneurs”, mostly men, and equates success with business acumen. Such content contradicts the policy’s stated commitment to “values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Is this the kind of content we want in our textbooks?”

Where structure is concerned, it is astounding to note that the number of subjects has increased from the previous number, while the duration of a single period has considerably reduced. This is markedly noticeable in the fact that only 30 hours are allocated for mathematics and first language at the junior secondary level, per term. The reduced emphasis on social sciences and humanities is another matter of grave concern. We have seen how TV channels and YouTube videos are churning out questionable and unsubstantiated material on the humanities. In my experience, when humanities and social sciences are not properly taught, and not taught by trained teachers, students, who will have no other recourse for related knowledge, will rely on material from controversial and substandard outlets. These will be their only source. So, instruction in history will be increasingly turned over to questionable YouTube channels and other internet sites. Popular media have an enormous influence on the public and shapes thinking, but a well formulated policy in humanities and social science teaching could counter that with researched material and critical thought. Another deplorable feature of the reforms lies in provisions encouraging students to move toward a career path too early in their student life.

The National Institute of Education has received quite a lot of flak in the fall out of the uproar over the controversial Grade 6 module. This is highlighted in a statement, different from the one already mentioned, released by influential members of the academic and activist public, which delivered a sharp critique of the NIE, even while welcoming the reforms (https://ceylontoday.lk/2026/01/16/academics-urge-govt-safeguard-integrity-of-education-reforms). The government itself suspended key players of the NIE in the reform process, following the mishap. The critique of NIE has been more or less uniform in our own discussions with interested members of the university community. It is interesting to note that both statements mentioned here have called for a review of the NIE and the setting up of a mechanism that will guide it in its activities at least in the interim period. The NIE is an educational arm of the state, and it is, ultimately, the responsibility of the government to oversee its function. It has to be equipped with qualified staff, provided with the capacity to initiate consultative mechanisms and involve panels of educators from various different fields and disciplines in policy and curriculum making.

In conclusion, I call upon the government to have courage and patience and to rethink some of the fundamental features of the reform. I reiterate the call for postponing the implementation of the reforms and, in the words of the statement of the 94 university teachers, “holistically review the new curriculum, including at primary level.”

(Sivamohan Sumathy was formerly attached to the University of Peradeniya)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

By Sivamohan Sumathy

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Constitutional Council and the President’s Mandate

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A file photo of a Constitutional Council meeting

The Constitutional Council stands out as one of Sri Lanka’s most important governance mechanisms particularly at a time when even long‑established democracies are struggling with the dangers of executive overreach. Sri Lanka’s attempt to balance democratic mandate with independent oversight places it within a small but important group of constitutional arrangements that seek to protect the integrity of key state institutions without paralysing elected governments.  Democratic power must be exercised, but it must also be restrained by institutions that command broad confidence. In each case, performance has been uneven, but the underlying principle is shared.

 Comparable mechanisms exist in a number of democracies. In the United Kingdom, independent appointments commissions for the judiciary and civil service operate alongside ministerial authority, constraining but not eliminating political discretion. In Canada, parliamentary committees scrutinise appointments to oversight institutions such as the Auditor General, whose independence is regarded as essential to democratic accountability. In India, the collegium system for judicial appointments, in which senior judges of the Supreme Court play the decisive role in recommending appointments, emerged from a similar concern to insulate the judiciary from excessive political influence.

 The Constitutional Council in Sri Lanka  was developed to ensure that the highest level appointments to the most important institutions of the state would be the best possible under the circumstances. The objective was not to deny the executive its authority, but to ensure that those appointed would be independent, suitably qualified and not politically partisan. The Council is entrusted with oversight of appointments in seven critical areas of governance. These include the judiciary, through appointments to the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal, the independent commissions overseeing elections, public service, police, human rights, bribery and corruption, and the office of the Auditor General.

JVP Advocacy

 The most outstanding feature of the Constitutional Council is its composition. Its ten members are drawn from the ranks of the government, the main opposition party, smaller parties and civil society. This plural composition was designed to reflect the diversity of political opinion in Parliament while also bringing in voices that are not directly tied to electoral competition. It reflects a belief that legitimacy in sensitive appointments comes not only from legal authority but also from inclusion and balance.

 The idea of the Constitutional Council was strongly promoted around the year 2000, during a period of intense debate about the concentration of power in the executive presidency. Civil society organisations, professional bodies and sections of the legal community championed the position that unchecked executive authority had led to abuse of power and declining public trust. The JVP, which is today the core part of the NPP government, was among the political advocates in making the argument and joined the government of President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga on this platform.

 The first version of the Constitutional Council came into being in 2001 with the 17th Amendment to the Constitution during the presidency of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. The Constitutional Council functioned with varying degrees of effectiveness. There were moments of cooperation and also moments of tension. On several occasions President Kumaratunga disagreed with the views of the Constitutional Council, leading to deadlock and delays in appointments. These experiences revealed both the strengths and weaknesses of the model.

 Since its inception in 2001, the Constitutional Council has had its ups and downs. Successive constitutional amendments have alternately weakened and strengthened it. The 18th Amendment significantly reduced its authority, restoring much of the appointment power to the executive. The 19th Amendment reversed this trend and re-established the Council with enhanced powers. The 20th Amendment again curtailed its role, while the 21st Amendment restored a measure of balance. At present, the Constitutional Council operates under the framework of the 21st Amendment, which reflects a renewed commitment to shared decision making in key appointments.

 Undermining Confidence

 The particular issue that has now come to the fore concerns the appointment of the Auditor General. This is a constitutionally protected position, reflecting the central role played by the Auditor General’s Department in monitoring public spending and safeguarding public resources. Without a credible and fearless audit institution, parliamentary oversight can become superficial and corruption flourishes unchecked. The role of the Auditor General’s Department is especially important in the present circumstances, when rooting out corruption is a stated priority of the government and a central element of the mandate it received from the electorate at the presidential and parliamentary elections held in 2024.

 So far, the government has taken hitherto unprecedented actions to investigate past corruption involving former government leaders. These actions have caused considerable discomfort among politicians now in the opposition and out of power.  However, a serious lacuna in the government’s anti-corruption arsenal is that the post of Auditor General has been vacant for over six months. No agreement has been reached between the government and the Constitutional Council on the nominations made by the President. On each of the four previous occasions, the nominees of the President have failed to obtain its concurrence.

 The President has once again nominated a senior officer of the Auditor General’s Department whose appointment was earlier declined by the Constitutional Council. The key difference on this occasion is that the composition of the Constitutional Council has changed. The three representatives from civil society are new appointees and may take a different view from their predecessors. The person appointed needs to be someone who is not compromised by long years of association with entrenched interests in the public service and politics. The task ahead for the new Auditor General is formidable. What is required is professional competence combined with moral courage and institutional independence.

 New Opportunity

 By submitting the same nominee to the Constitutional Council, the President is signaling a clear preference and calling it to reconsider its earlier decision in the light of changed circumstances. If the President’s nominee possesses the required professional qualifications, relevant experience, and no substantiated allegations against her, the presumption should lean toward approving the appointment. The Constitutional Council is intended to moderate the President’s authority and not nullify it.

 A consensual, collegial decision would be the best outcome. Confrontational postures may yield temporary political advantage, but they harm public institutions and erode trust. The President and the government carry the democratic mandate of the people; this mandate brings both authority and responsibility. The Constitutional Council plays a vital oversight role, but it does not possess an independent democratic mandate of its own and its legitimacy lies in balanced, principled decision making.

 Sri Lanka’s experience, like that of many democracies, shows that institutions function best when guided by restraint, mutual respect, and a shared commitment to the public good. The erosion of these values elsewhere in the world demonstrates their importance. At this critical moment, reaching a consensus that respects both the President’s mandate and the Constitutional Council’s oversight role would send a powerful message that constitutional governance in Sri Lanka can work as intended.

by Jehan Perera

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Gypsies … flying high

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The present setup

The scene has certainly changed for the Gypsies and today one could consider them as awesome crowd-pullers, with plenty of foreign tours, making up their itinerary.

With the demise of Sunil Perera, music lovers believed that the Gypsies would find the going tough in the music scene as he was their star, and, in fact, Sri Lanka’s number one entertainer/singer,

Even his brother Piyal Perera, who is now in charge of the Gypsies, admitted that after Sunil’s death he was in two minds about continuing with the band.

However, the scene started improving for the Gypsies, and then stepped in Shenal Nishshanka, in December 2022, and that was the turning point,

With Shenal in their lineup, Piyal then decided to continue with the Gypsies, but, he added, “I believe I should check out our progress in the scene…one year at a time.”

The original Gypsies: The five brothers Lal, Nimal, Sunil, Nihal and Piyal

They had success the following year, 2023, and then decided that they continue in 2024, as well, and more success followed.

The year 2025 opened up with plenty of action for the band, including several foreign assignments, and 2026 has already started on an awesome note, with a tour of Australia and New Zealand, which will keep the Gypsies in that part of the world, from February to March.

Shenal has already turned out to be a great crowd puller, and music lovers in Australia and New Zealand can look forward to some top class entertainment from both Shenal and Piyal.

Piyal, who was not much in the spotlight when Sunil was in the scene, is now very much upfront, supporting Shenal, and they do an awesome job on stage … keeping the audience entertained.

Shenal is, in fact, a rocker, who plays the guitar, and is extremely creative on stage with his baila.

‘Api Denna’ Piyal and Shenal

Piyal and Shenal also move into action as a duo ‘Api Denna’ and have even done their duo scene abroad.

Piyal mentioned that the Gypsies will feature a female vocalist during their tour of New Zealand.

“With Monique Wille’s departure from the band, we now operate without a female vocalist, but if a female vocalist is required for certain events, we get a solo female singer involved, as a guest artiste. She does her own thing and we back her, and New Zealand requested for a female vocalist and Dilmi will be doing the needful for us,” said Piyal.

According to Piyal, he originally had plans to end the Gypsies in the year 2027 but with the demand for the Gypsies at a very high level now those plans may not work out, he says.

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