Editorial
Business as usual in the House

Thursday’s farcical re-election of Ranjith Siyambalapitiya as the Deputy Speaker of the incumbent Parliament is a clear demonstration, if any is needed, that it’s business as usual in the Sri Lanka Parliament. This despite the revolutionary fervor of the people outside that first the Rajapaksas, aiya and malli, and thereafter the other clansmen must go. ITAK MP, Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, put it neatly. He said that the 65 Members who voted for Mr. Imthiaz Bakeer Markar represented the people. The 148 who voted for the eventual winner represented the Rajapaksas.
The way that papadam crumbled defies rational explanation. First, Siyambalapitiya, elected on the SLFP ticket resigned some weeks ago saying that having being elected from the blue party (which incidentally had an arrangement with the Rajapaksa pohottuwa) was resigning as his party had decided to leave the ruling group. He said that the president, no less, had refused to accept his resignation and he, in deference to this request, would stay on till May 1 when he would quit. He even said that he will not draw any of the pay and perks of his office until his eventual departure. And so it (presumably) was.
Then came his eventual departure. The ex and back-again deputy speaker then left office and the House last week solemnly set about electing his successor. But voila, who was that successor? None other than Siyambalapitiya himself, proposed by longtime minister and dyed-in-the-wool SLFPer, Nimal Siripala de Silva seconded by equally senior Susil Premajayantha aka Premajayanth. The latter, readers would remember, not long ago got shunted to the ‘B’ team after a long innings in the ‘A’ team and was sulking somewhat until he suddenly found himself sacked altogether, a fate later suffered by Weerawansa and Gammanpila, and took a three-wheeler home to don his black coat and return to practicing law.
If this was not a deal between the Rajapaksas and the SLFP, one cannot know what a deal is. So we are back to business as usual with various opportune arrangements made to suit needs of the moment. These are often accompanied by consideration, both visible and invisible as the Galle Face agitators are loudly proclaiming; and the rest of the country has long known but done nothing about until the advent of the aragalaya. How independent are the claimed “independents” who recently crossed from one side of the House to the other? Not much, the results of the deputy speaker’s election (more correctly re-election) shows.
Wimal Weerawansa, one of the more garrulous of that group was absent at the voting. He has not up to the time of writing offered an explanation of why this was so. TNA leader R. Sampanthan, is a very old man and may not have been well enough to attend. Justice Wigneswaran too has been mum on the subject and would hopefully offer and explanation sooner or later; like in the old days on the bench when judgments were reserved or delivered with a terse “reasons later.” Why three MPs spoilt their votes – how this was done was not made public – is also inexplicable. While there’s been a lot of noise in the public domain over the years that many of our MPs are uneducated or not educated enough to perform legislative and other parliamentary duties, nobody has been accused of being illiterate. All that a valid vote required was the name of the candidate of choice and the signature of the voter.
Why Siyambalapitiya’s resignation went to the president is a mystery that remains uncleared. Commonsense would dictate that it should go to the speaker. Standing Orders, we are told, has no provision as to whom a presiding member of the House, whether speaker, deputy speaker or deputy chairman of committees should tender a resignation. So Siyambalapitiya had chosen to go to the president and the speaker, apparently, had waited to hear what the outcome was before the election of a successor was taken up. Although a solemn ritual of placing a screen and a ballot box in the well of the house was conducted, and names of members were called out to vote, opposition whip Lakshman Kiriella was heard asking “where’s the secrecy when MPs must sign the ballot paper?” But that is the way Standing Orders prescribe for taking a secret ballots.
There was no response to the demand that ballot papers be immediately destroyed. Presumably they would be kept in the safe custody of the Secretary General of Parliament. But strange are the ways of our Parliament. There isn’t a trace of the impeachment motion against former President Ranasinghe Premadasa which a former speaker “entertained” and then stopped entertaining. Where it went, who signed it and who didn’t and whether it still exists will presumably remain for ever in the realm of the unknown. It also needs clarification whether an MP voting in secret has the freedom to write he/she was abstaining on the ballot paper. And if that was done were the votes deemed “spoilt?” Perhaps we’ll know in the fullness of time and will also learn the strategy underlying Thursday’s events.
That apart, this issue of our newspaper today offers readers a range of analytical commentary on the ongoing drama both at Galle Face and elsewhere. There is also a perception among television viewers that events around us are taking a new flavour to what prevailed before with the Frontline Socialist Party-aligned Inter University Students Federation adopting a more boisterous attitude than previously on view in their demonstrations. It has been previously reported that the FSP is the only political presence at Galle Face. Whether this can cause an ‘infection,’ and how all this will unravel, only time can tell.
Editorial
Transparency compromised

Monday 7th April, 2025
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Sri Lanka visit saw the signing of seven MoUs between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoU on the implementation of HVDC Interconnection for import/export of power, the MoU on cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and the MoU on defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.
The signing of those MoUs, especially the one on defence cooperation, on 05 April, is a textbook example of irony. The significance of that day may not have been lost on keen political observers. The JVP, which leads the ruling NPP coalition, launched its first abortive insurrection on 05 April 1971, and one of the five classes it held to indoctrinate its new recruits, before sending them on a suicidal mission, was on Indian expansionism.
There is no gainsaying that Sri Lanka must not allow its land, sea and airspace to be used against India in any manner—or against any other nation for that matter. President J. R. Jayewardene, in his wisdom, got too close to the US in a bipolar world, and antagonised India in the process. He had the scourge of separatist terror and the Indo-Lanka Accord to contend with. The JVP went all out to scuttle the implementation of that accord, albeit in vain. The US and India have closed ranks today in a bid to thwart China’s rise, and a government led by the JVP has signed an MoU with India on defence cooperation!
The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency. There has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs, especially the one on defence cooperation.
When the JVP/NPP was in the Opposition, it would flay governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. It has kept Parliament in the dark about the MoUs in question. It is apparently emulating its bete noire, Ranil Wickremesinghe, not only in managing the economy but also signing vital MoUs!
India has demonstrated its ability to render Sri Lankan political parties malleable. PM Modi can justifiably pat himself on the back for having tamed the once anti-Indian JVP, which unleashed brutal violence purportedly to extricate Sri Lanka from what it described as India’s tentacles, in the late 1980s.
In 2024, the Modi government gave a diplomatic leg-up to the JVP/NPP, enabling its rise in national politics as a political party with some international recognition, and boosting its chances of winning elections. There is reason to believe that the JVP-led NPP would not have been able to win any parliamentary seats in the North and the East if it had not been in the good books of India. Interestingly, in October 2015, Dissanayake himself stated in Parliament that Jaffna had become a den of RAW spies. “They attempt to create political instability in Jaffna and we should put a stop to it,” he said. Today, the JVP is at India’s beck and call! In 2021, the then former MP Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa, who had been a member of the Parliamentary Select Committee that probed the Eastern Sunday terror attacks (2019), told BBC that he believed India had been behind the carnage, and his conclusion was based on ‘investigative evidence’. Dr. Jayatissa is the incumbent Media Minister. The JVP/NPP no longer inveighs against India for what it accused the latter of, in the past. Worryingly, its government stands accused of having blocked local media out of some key events related to PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit over the weekend.
It is toe-curling to see some JVP leaders who resorted to mindless terror in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord , in 1987, going all out to justify the inking of an MoU on defence cooperation between their government and India, more than three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular MoU marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. If it had refrained from unleashing terror in 1987, tens of thousands of lives and state assets worth billions of US dollars could have been saved. Most of all, how would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India?
Editorial
Bottom trawling: Right and Might

Indian Prime Minister Narndra Modi’s three-day visit here was predictably heralded by a blaze of publicity in the local press and electronic media. This was no cause for surprise given that good relations with our giant neighbour, or Big Brother as some would prefer to style it, must remain the cornerstone of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. New Delhi accurately judged in which direction the political winds were blowing well ahead of last year’s presidential and parliamentary elections and invited the soon to be President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to visit India where he was well received. Weeks after being elected president, and scoring a better than two thirds majority in the parliamentary election that followed shortly thereafter, Dissanayake paid a state visit to India, his very first after being elected and was very warmly welcomed.
Prime Minister Modi is now here on a reciprocal visit and has a crowded agenda including a visit to Anuradhapura where he will pay homage to the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhiya, grown from a sapling of the bo tree in India under which the Buddha attained enlightenment; and formally inaugurate the Maho-Anuradhapura railway signaling system and the newly upgraded Maho-Omanthai railway line, both assisted by India. Several memorandums of understanding, including possibly a Defence Co-operation Agreement, kept under wraps at the time of writing this comment, are due to be exchanged. Official word on the subject is that matters to be covered in the MOUs include energy, digitization, security and healthcare along with agreements relating to India’s debt restructuring assistance. But no details have been forthcoming.
Additionally, the visiting prime minister and his delegation who will have bilateral discussions with Sri Lanka’s president is also due to virtually inaugurate several India assisted projects. These include the Sampur solar power plant, the 5,000 mt temperature and humidity controlled cold storage facility in Dambulla and the installation of 5,000 solar panels across 5,000 religious sites here. Sri Lanka cannot forget the massive assistance provided by India in 2022 when this country faced the worst economic crisis in its contemporary history. At that time India provided multi-pronged assistance, including a $4 billion financing package through multiple credit lines and currency support, to help this country sustain essential imports and avoid defaulting on its debts.
Sri Lanka is undoubtedly benefiting from great power rivalry between India and China in the Indian Ocean where India seeks advantages through its Neighbourhood First policy while China seeks leverage through its Belt and Road initiative. The fact that the new Sri Lanka president chose to make his first state visit to India and thereafter follow with a visit to China may be an indication of priorities in Colombo. There is no escaping the reality that all countries must, where foreign relations are concerned, place their own national interest above all other considerations. This is so be it for Sri Lanka, India, China or any other country. Thus while not looking gift horses in the mouth, we must always be conscious that there is no such thing as a free lunch and be protective of our own interests.
Relations between Sri Lanka and India saw both high and low points during this century. The low was during the civil war Sri Lanka waged against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the earlier stages of which India allowed the insurgents to train and base on Indian territory. India, in fact, provided them with weapons and military training and other assistance through its RAW (Research and Analysis Wing). state intelligence agency. It may be argued that the communal disharmony between the Sinhalese and the Tamils that escalated into civil war was a problem of Sri Lanka’s own making and sub-regional sentiment in Tamil Nadu greatly influenced New Delhi’s hand in intervening.
Relations thereby plummeted and were restored to a point by the signing the Indo- Sri Lanka Peace Accord between President J.R. Jayewardene and Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in July 1987. With two insurrections raging in the north and south of the country, Jayewardene had no option but seek Indian assistance on India’s terms. What followed including Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, as he campaigned for re-election as India’s prime minister is contemporary history that requires no elaboration. But since then, in the post 2022 situation when Sri Lanka faced an unprecedented economic crisis and was forced to declare bankruptcy, India came to our rescue with massive assistance and relations between the two countries have never been better.
At this point of time when Sri Lanka is headed in a new political direction under new leadership, will it be possible for the greatest irritant in present Indo-Lanka relations – bottom trawling by Indian fishermen poaching in Sri Lanka waters and destroying the marine environment – to be conclusively resolved? India has always adopted the position that this issue must be resolved in what she calls a “humanitarian manner.” It is undoubtedly a livelihood issue for fishermen – on both sides. Indian fishermen enjoyed free rein on the Sri Lanka side of the International Maritime Boundary during the war when Lankan fishermen were prohibited from going into deep sea. The Indians claim fishing in our waters to be their “traditional right.”
Prime Minister Modi’s party attempted to win votes in Tamil Nadu during the last election by accusing the Congress of “ceding” Kachchativu to Sri Lanka. The right on this issue is on our side while the might is on India’s. In the midst of honeyed words that will be much of the picture during until Sunday when the visit ends, result in might conceding to right? Even at least as far as stopping bottom trawling, illegal on our side though not in India’s goes?
Editorial
Dulling the pangs of hunger

Saturday 5th April, 2025
The government has, with the help of the National Food Promotion Board, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture, launched a programme to provide the public with nutritious food at reasonable prices as part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. The public, fleeced by private eatery owners ruthlessly, will surely benefit from this programme, which deserves praise. It will also help improve the government’s approval rating significantly. A way to a person’s heart is said to be through his or her stomach.
A widely-held misconception is that every prospect pleases in this country, and only politicians are vile. True, most politicians are thought to be bad, but it is not fair to single them out for castigation. There are many others who are either equally bad or even worse. The blame for people’s hardships due to the high cost of living should be apportioned to the business community, given to unconscionably exploitative practices; its members, from wayside eatery owners to corporate fat cats, jack up the prices of their products and services according to their whims and fancies, at the expense of the public. The rice millers have become a law unto themselves.
Why food inflation is high is not difficult to understand. A plain hopper is priced at Rs. 25, and an egg costs about Rs. 30 at present, but an egg hopper is sold at Rs. 100! Food prices that went into the stratosphere at the height of the economic crisis in 2022 have not come down significantly owing to the greed of the unscrupulous members of the business community.
The government initiative to make quality food available at reasonable prices to the public should continue, and it is hoped that the NPP leaders will also develop the Hela Bojun Hala (HBH) restaurant chain under the Ministry of Agriculture. These eating places not only sell nutritious food made from local ingredients at very reasonable prices but also economically empower women. All HBH outlets are run by women and do not sell wheat flour products or sugary drinks.
The NPP government can give a turbo boost to the HBH programme by expanding it across the country. That will help provide direct employment to many more women. Sri Lanka’s overall unemployment rate is 4.7%, and about 6.7% women are unemployed. Besides, during gluts, fruit and vegetable growers often dump their unsold produce on the roadside in protest. The government may be able to use the HBH network to help the farming community while generating employment opportunities and providing the public with quality food at affordable prices.
Minister of Agriculture K. D. Lalkantha, known for innovative thinking and hard work, was the chief guest at the recent launch of the aforesaid food programme. He should take time off from pursuits such as counting monkeys and give serious thought to developing the HBH network further so that more people will have access to reasonably-priced, hygienic, and nutritious foods, and more jobs can be created for women, and men as well if a home delivery service is set up at the HBH outlets.
Sri Lanka’s political culture is such that when a new government is elected it launches its own programmes and either scrap the ones introduced by its predecessor or let them wither on the vine. It is hoped that the NPP government will be different and develop the HBH programme, which has become a success.
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