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Budget 2026: The Emperor’s new clothes

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There’s an old saying in politics: it’s easier to criticize from the opposition benches than to govern from the cabinet. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s 2025 & 2026 budget presentations have proven this adage with stunning, almost theatrical precision. What we witnessed was not merely disappointing policy documents, they were masterclass in political amateurism, economic illiteracy, and brazen historical revisionism that should alarm every serious observer of Sri Lankan governance.

Audacious attempt

Let’s begin with the most glaring intellectual fraud: AKD’s audacious attempt to claim credit for economic stabilization he actively sabotaged. As an opposition politician, he was the loudest voice denouncing the IMF program as a “sellout of national sovereignty” and a “neo-colonial agreement.” He mobilized protests, inflamed public anger, and positioned himself as he stood firmly against the very cost-cutting, revenue focused and foreign reserves building policies that later helped save Sri Lanka from complete economic collapse.

Now, as President, he speaks solemnly of guiding “complex negotiations” to completion, as if he were the architect rather than the arsonist. This isn’t political evolution; it’s political amnesia of the most cynical variety. The IMF Extended Fund Facility that stabilized our foreign reserves, the debt standstill that preserved our scant remaining dollars, the painful tax reforms that rebuilt government revenue, every single pillar of our current stability was constructed by the Wickremesinghe administration while AKD threw rhetorical Molotov cocktails from the sidelines.

To now claim stewardship of this recovery is like a man who spent years vandalizing a bridge suddenly demanding applause for finally allowing people to cross it. It reveals something far more troubling than ordinary political opportunism, it suggests a leader fundamentally disconnected from the consequences of his own words and actions.

The highway hypocrite’s

new road map

When the budget speech turned to infrastructure, it delivered one of its most puzzling moments, full of contradictions that left many scratching their heads. Here was a man whose political party built its reputation on obstructing every major development project in recent memory, filing fundamental rights cases against the Central Expressway, leading protests against Port City, framing highways as “corrupt, debt-trapping ventures that served only the elite to transport Embul Thiyal” (of course corruption not only on highways but also on Nelum kuluna, Mattala airport, Mahinda Rajapaksa International Cricket Stadium Weerawila, without matches, etc., in previous governments by SLPP and UNP as well, should be handled separately), now waxing poetic about connectivity and the economic potential of national infrastructure.

This is not merely hypocrisy; it’s historical theft. The JVP’s legacy on infrastructure is one of delay, increased costs, and mindless obstructionism dressed up as environmental concern or anti-corruption zeal. Engineers and project managers spent more time in courtrooms defending legitimate projects than they did on construction sites, thanks to the very party AKD led.

Now he stands before us as a modernizer? A builder? He’s neither. He’s a squatter who moved into a completed house and is pointing at the foundation claiming he mixed the cement. The sheer audacity would be impressive if it weren’t so insulting to the intelligence of anyone with a functional memory.

Amateur hour on fiscal policy

Beyond the historical revisionism, the actual policy content of the budget reveals a disturbing lack of economic sophistication. The government inherited a clear, IMF-mandated path: achieve a primary surplus of 2.3% of GDP, broaden the tax base, control expenditure, and reform loss-making state enterprises. These aren’t suggestions, their contractual obligations with international creditors.

The budget “appears to be betting on increased revenue from economic growth to fill the gap, a risky strategy that presumes growth will be robust and immediate. That’s not a plan, it’s magical thinking, as he claimed it by himself. These kinds of ideas don’t rescue countries from debt; they push them further in. The IMF demanded “better-targeted social safety nets to reduce fiscal drains,” and instead we got expanded, poorly targeted handouts that directly contradict the program’s core philosophy.

AKD wants the credit for stability without enduring the pain of maintaining it. He wants to be seen as generous to the people while locked into tight spending rules. The result is a budget that satisfies neither the IMF’s demands nor the public’s genuine needs, the worst of both worlds.

The ghost of SOE reform

The budget’s treatment of SOE reform? Vague references to “restructuring” and finding “strategic partners” with no concrete timelines, no financial targets, no clear frameworks, and critically, no mention of depoliticizing board appointments. This is the language of someone who knows what he should do but lacks the spine to do it.

The tax complexity trap

The budget’s approach to taxation reveals the same pattern of intellectual incoherence. While making minor adjustments to tax brackets, the government introduced a “complex array of tax holidays and concessions for specific sectors like technology, agriculture, and exports.” This is precisely backwards.

The IMF program, which AKD now claims to champion, requires simplification and broadening of the tax base. Instead, we ended up with a flood of special exemptions that “creates a complex and non-neutral tax system” that “distorts investment decisions, opens avenues for lobbying and corruption, and ultimately narrows the tax base, the exact opposite of what the IMF program requires.”

This isn’t sophisticated economic policy, it’s the work of someone confusing activity with achievement, someone who thinks complexity equals competence. Any first-year economics student understands that tax neutrality and simplicity are foundations of good policy. But AKD’s budget reads like it was designed by a committee trying to please every special interest that lobbied them.

The broken promise parade

And then there’s the immediate retreat from core campaign promises. AKD rode to power partly on the pledge to “remove the oppressive VAT on essential items” like medicines, educational materials, and food imports. This was his answer to the public’s pain, his differentiation from the “neoliberal” policies he condemned.

The reality? “Minor, symbolic VAT exemptions for a very narrow list of specific goods” while the budget speech emphasized the “critical need to preserve government revenue streams to maintain the primary surplus.” In other words, once in power, the constraints of the IMF program, that program he called neo-colonial, became gospel. The promise-maker became the promise-breaker within months.

This isn’t pragmatism; it’s a bait-and-switch. The public was sold one vision and delivered another, with barely an acknowledgment of the pivot. It demonstrates what happens when populist rhetoric meets fiscal reality: rhetoric dies, but the trust also dies with it.

The transparency deficit

For a nation that recently defaulted on its debt, transparency should be the watchword of every budget presentation. International creditors and domestic investors alike need granular detail on debt restructuring progress, contingent liabilities from SOEs, and the government’s medium-term fiscal strategy.

Instead, we got “a high-level overview of debt obligations” that “lacked granular detail on the progress of restructuring negotiations with commercial and bilateral creditors beyond China.” For someone claiming to be steering the ship, AKD seems remarkably uninterested in showing us the map. This opacity “leaves room for speculation and undermines the market confidence the budget seeks to foster.”

In a properly managed economy, budgets are opportunities to build confidence through disclosure. In AKD’s amateur production, the budget raises more questions than it answers, suggesting either incompetence in communication or deliberate obfuscation, neither of which inspires confidence

Double cab controversy

The NPP government’s procurement of 1,775 brand-new double cab pickup trucks isn’t merely fiscal recklessness; it’s a textbook example of Marxist-Leninist party machinery consolidation masquerading as administrative reform. What we’re witnessing is the JVP’s instinctive reversion to authoritarian patterns of control, patronage distribution, and ideological uniformity that defined every failed socialist experiment of the 20th century.

“Any Car You Want, as Long as It’s a Lada”

Remember the old Soviet joke? Citizens could have any car they wanted, as long as it was a Lada! The JVP government has imported this mentality wholesale. By mandating identical, government-issued vehicles for all representatives, they’re imposing uniformity that has nothing to do with efficiency and everything to do with control.

This isn’t about transportation logistics. It’s about establishing a visible, material symbol of party dominance, a fleet of identical vehicles, all bearing government plates, all procured through party-controlled processes, all distributed as rewards for political loyalty. In the socialist playbook, such standardization serves dual purposes: it demonstrates state power over individual choice while creating dependency chains that bind recipients to the regime.

The timing exposes the real motive. With local government bodies now dominated by NPP/JVP cadres following recent electoral victories, this massive procurement functions as the material foundation for party entrenchment. These 1,775 vehicles aren’t transportation solutions, they’re instruments of political consolidation, distributed to party cadres across the country, binding them through material dependence on the central apparatus.

This is classic Leninist democratic centralism adapted for 21st-century Sri Lanka: concentrate resources at party headquarters, distribute them as patronage, demand loyalty in return. The double cabs become party property in all but name, with recipients understanding that continued access depends on continued allegiance.

Tender that wasn’t: Rigging for comrades

The procurement process itself reads like a manual on how to fake competition while ensuring predetermined outcomes. The standard 42-day National Competitive Bidding window compressed to 12 days. Eligibility criteria so specific they could name the beneficiaries outright: 10 years of experience, 1,000 vehicles delivered, 10 service centers, Rs. 10 billion turnover, Rs. 50 million security deposit. This isn’t incompetence, it’s competent corruption. The JVP spent decades in opposition studying how power works. Now, they’re applying those lessons with the efficiency of apparatchiks who know exactly what they’re doing. The tender was designed not to find the best value for taxpayers but to channel public money to connected entities while maintaining plausible deniability.

When confronted, the government deploys classic bureaucratic deflection: the Ministry of Public Security claims ignorance, the Treasury points elsewhere, officials become unreachable. This shell game is straight from the authoritarian playbook, diffuse responsibility so thoroughly that accountability becomes impossible.

Fiscal suicide as ideological statement

The economy is deliberately destructive. Under the permit system, government bore only duty exemption costs, essentially foregone revenue. MPs purchased, maintained, insured, and fueled their vehicles. Personal ownership created natural incentives for care and cost-consciousness.

The new system socializes every cost: purchase, maintenance, insurance, fuel, depreciation, bureaucratic overhead, estimated at Rs. 2-3 billion annually beyond the initial Rs. 12.5 billion. This isn’t just wasteful; it’s ideologically driven waste. JVP’s Marxist DNA recoils from private ownership and individual autonomy. It is better to waste billions on centralized control than allow the “bourgeois” efficiency of personal responsibility.

The government’s claim that MPs “exploited” permits by selling them is intellectually fraudulent. If an MP monetized their permit and used alternative transport, they saved taxpayers maintenance and fuel costs. The permit represented the government’s contribution, what MPs did with it was their choice. That’s called individual autonomy, and to Marxists, it’s a bug, not a feature.

Now, taxpayers fund everything while MPs enjoy government transport. We’ve moved from potential individual benefit to guaranteed collective loss. This is socialism in practice: equal distribution of scarcity, inefficiency, and dependence.

The authoritarian creep

The most chilling aspect isn’t financial, it’s philosophical. Democratic pluralism respects that a representative from mountainous terrain might need different transport than one from Colombo. That an MP might prefer a fuel-efficient hybrid over a diesel guzzler. These choices reflect democratic diversity and individual judgment.

The JVP’s “one vehicle fits all” mandate reveals their authoritarian core. Uniformity. Conformity. Central control. When the state dictates even the vehicle you must drive, it signals a broader tendency toward control extending far beyond logistics into political culture itself. This is the Marxist impulse toward totality, the belief that rational planning from the center produces better outcomes than distributed individual choices. Every socialist regime has started here: standardizing the visible, the material, the daily interactions of life, conditioning citizens to accept state dictation as normal.

The 1,775 question: Building the party state

Why exactly 1,775 vehicles? The government’s vague references to “government institutions” don’t withstand scrutiny. Parliament has 225 members. Provincial councils and local bodies add more, but 1,775?

The number makes sense only as party machinery consolidation. With NPP/JVP now controlling local government, these vehicles flow to party cadres at every level, not just elected officials but party operatives, provincial organizers, local committee members.

This is building a party state where material resources flow through party channels, creating dependency networks that strengthen central control. This is textbook Leninist organization: a vanguard party maintaining discipline through material distribution, ensuring loyalty through access to state resources. The double cabs aren’t transportation; they’re the physical infrastructure of single-party dominance.

The road to ruin

Sri Lanka faces resumed debt repayments in 2028 requiring USD 13 billion in foreign reserves. The rupee crisis persists. Revenue surges from import duties are temporary bubbles. In this context, wasting Rs. 12,500+ million on unnecessary vehicles while committing billions more in recurring costs is fiscal suicide.

But for the JVP, ideology trumps economics. Building party infrastructure, demonstrating state power, imposing uniformity, these matter more than fiscal responsibility. This is the socialist calculation: political consolidation now, regardless of economic consequences later.

The people who voted for change deserve better than a fleet of pickup trucks purchased through rigged tenders, financed by their taxes, distributed as party favors. They deserve a government that respects democratic norms, fiscal responsibility, and the principle that public resources belong to the public, not to party machinery.

If this procurement proceeds, it confirms that Sri Lanka has exchanged one corrupt system for another, this time with Marxist characteristics. The double cabs will roll through our streets as mobile monuments to authoritarian creep, fiscal irresponsibility, and the JVP’s transformation from revolutionary opposition to just another party of power, patronage, and control.

That road leads only to ruin, fiscal, political, and moral. The question is whether Sri Lankans will recognize the danger before the consolidation becomes irreversible.

The Verdict: All Hat, No Cattle

The 2026 budget is not a document of reform, it’s a document of retreat disguised as pragmatism, of opportunism masquerading as statesmanship. It represents the collision between campaign fantasy and governing reality, and in that collision, what’s been destroyed is not just a set of promises but the credibility of a leader who appears to believe his own revisionist history.

Economic policy isn’t performance art. The budget reveals a leader out of his depth, surrounded by the very institutions and agreements he spent years undermining, now desperately trying to claim credit for their success while simultaneously diluting their effectiveness with populist gestures.

The greatest danger isn’t that this budget is bad, though it is. The greatest danger is that it reveals a governing philosophy built entirely on political expedience rather than economic principle. When a leader’s positions are infinitely flexible, when his rhetoric today contradicts his rhetoric yesterday without acknowledgment, when claiming credit matters more than creating value, the nation is left confused/lost.

Sri Lanka deserves better than a chameleon in the Finance Ministry. We deserve leaders who remember their own words, who acknowledge the foundations they inherited, and who have the courage to make unpopular decisions when necessary, rather than wrapping retreat in the language of reform.

The emperor’s new budget, like the Emperor’s new clothes, is a fiction sustained only by our collective willingness to pretend we don’t see the naked truth.

by Dr. Chandana Samarawickreme



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Investing in ecosystems

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Biodiversity is the sum of all the patterns of life that nature creates in biomass

An ecosystem is defined as a geographic area where biotic (living) organisms—plants, animals, microorganisms interact with each other and with the abiotic (non-living) components like air, water, sunlight, and soil, creating a self-sustaining unit of life. A pond with its attendant diversity is the ecosystem that supports pondlife, from frogs to fish or dragonflies, while an ocean is an ecosystem that supports fish to whales. So, it will be seen that ecosystems and their components change with scale.  This creates a challenge for investment, what is the scale chosen for investment in the ecosystem?

In terms of biodiversity, ecosystems represent an evolutionary process over geological time, to sustain life through climate extremes.  Over the span of existence, life forms and consequently their ecosystems have developed to be responsive to changes and represent the most successful combination of species in that environment.

On a geographic scale they manifest today as tropical rainforest or as temperate peatland or Andean paramo, each displaying a unique biodiversity complex that enables sustainability of that ecosystem in that place. These patterns suggest that the form and function of any resident ecosystem can provide a guide for designing restoration programmes and activities in that environment.

During the last two centuries, the landscapes of Sri Lanka were subject to massive changes. The total destruction of the montane forests, removed both above ground and below ground biomass. Fire cleared the land of standing vegetation, followed by the erosion of eons of topsoil.  The forests were replaced with monoculture plantations which were very low in biodiversity.  A response to address this loss of forest biodiversity was proposed as a ‘tree dominated ecosystem analogous to the lost native forest’. This system was tested and codified as Analog Forestry. In this process the structure and function of the original forest is used as the baseline for creating a tree dominated ecosystem.

Why should we try to mimic forests? Forests produce oxygen, filter water, cool landscapes, support biodiversity and provide renewable biomass as critical ecosystem services.  In addition, forest soils contain one of the most species rich ecosystems on the planet, full of microbial life, while at the same time acting as a repository of organic carbon that stores moisture and substrate.  Yet conventional financial systems treat the destruction of this productive infrastructure as a negative externality to the cost of doing business, forcing the environment to bear the cost. The pollution output of industry is an example.  Similarly, the loss of ecosystem services was ignored as a negative externality to the cost of establishing  plantations. It is the accumulation of these externalities that has brought us to the present crisis in environmental sustainability.

 Analog Forestry seeks to reclaim some of the lost ecosystem services by establishing a tree-dominated ecosystem that is analogous in architectural structure and ecological function to the original climax or sub climax vegetation community.  This vegetation complex may comprise natural or exotic species in any proportion, the contribution to creating an ecosystem analogous in structure and function, being a major factor that determines its design.  The ecological functions of the system can be measured by a number of variables.  The most critical being an understanding of the architecture that evolves in any ecosystem  progressing  through the process of seral succession. After this, functions within this ecosystem can be addressed. Some examples are; the ecological function of providing microhabitat, keystone species, stabilizing nutrient cycles, or maintaining trophic flows.

Analog Forestry also draws on the strengths of traditional knowledge.  Many traditional responses mimic the structure or succession process of their local forest vegetation.  The use of successional stages of natural ecosystems to design cropping systems have been recorded in many traditions. Analog Forestry encourages further complexity into the structure of such cropping systems, thus creating space for many species of the original forest to extend their ranges, either by design or effect.

As the species composition in each design varies according to different production goals, species utilised are selected from a comprehensive database.

It is in the output of this ecosystem where value can be generated and a platform for investment can be offered. Currently, only the farm product entering the economy has value in the market. The farm ecosystem has no value.  One way to increase both biodiversity and rural income is by value addition through certification systems confirming clean, responsible production as in organic or regenerative agriculture.  However, the true value of the contributions of ecosystem services generated by the farm, remain opaque to the economy.

The global economy operates on a fundamental accounting error: it classifies the depletion of natural capital as a “negative externality” to the cost of any process in creating a product. Thus, pollution of air, water or soil are considered negative externalities, with no responsibility by the consumer.

 A useful response to this negative trend is to consider creating a product that enhances natural capital through actions such as oxygen production, water purification, climate regulation, soil formation or biodiversity maintenance.

These activities generate positive externalities into the environment and have been recognised for what they are, Ecosystem Services.  Current economic models place the global value of ecosystem services at exceeding $145 trillion annually, substantially exceeding global GDP.  However, these services remain invisible on current institutional balance sheets.

An early attempt at utilising ecosystem services was the capitalisation of biomass through the voluntary carbon and biodiversity credit market. Driven by net-zero commitments, mandatory ESG disclosure frameworks, which are part of the reporting frameworks used by companies for the disclosure of data covering business operations, were developed; They address opportunities and risks that are related to environmental, social and governance (ESG) aspects of business. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s 30×30 conservation targets, which  mandates signatory nations to effectively conserve and manage at least 30% of the world’s terrestrial, inland water, and coastal and marine areas by 2030, while simultaneously placing 30% of degraded ecosystems under active restoration, create a demand for high-integrity environmental credits. This demand has  been accelerating at a pace at which the existing market infrastructure cannot adequately serve. The combined addressable market across carbon, biodiversity, water and ecosystem credits are projected to exceed $370 billion by 2035.

The regulatory frameworks driving this growth such as the TNFD  a global, market-led initiative that provides organisations with a risk management and disclosure framework to identify, assess, manage, and report on their nature-related dependencies, impacts, risks, and opportunities, or the CSRD a new European law that requires organisations to report sustainability information on an annual basis, are already in force.

Analog Forestry provides opportunities for investment in the ecosystems that it creates by providing high value outputs across a range of ecosystem services. For example,the high values placed on carbon sequestration services in the carbon market, could create designs in the floral architecture to provide the greatest aboveground biomass. Such designs could also provide effective cooling of the ambient atmosphere through transpiration. The application of Analog Forestry promotes the growth of organic soils that increase the water retentivity value of that land. A further output is the conservation of biodiversity facilitated by trophic and microhabitat creation.

Investment in such processes requires the setting and monitoring of standards in regard to the chain of custody in the supply of crops to markets or for conservation of biodiversity.  In Analog Forestry such a standard was instituted by the International Analog Forestry Network (IAFN) in response to the demand for a certification system that conforms to the philosophy and principles of Analog Forestry. This system of certification, termed Forest Garden Products (FGP), has been functioning for over 20 years and standards maintained by the IAFN. The certification confirms clean production and biodiversity conservation.

A more complete evaluation of the ecosystem is one that combines all the value fractions of a land, this has been introduced by AQUAE Labs as the Aquae Labs Ecosystem Conservation Index (ALCI).  It has been presented as the world’s first scientifically rigorous, field-validated set of measurement protocols for the financial recognition of natural capital. This system measures ecosystems as living, productive, regenerative infrastructure—and converts their verified output into institutional-grade, tradeable, insured digital assets. Their protocols are available to any interested person.

Thus, environmentally restorative activity has a large potential for generating business opportunities, ranging from  investment in data secure tokens to trading in a diverse range of products and outcomes, Analog Forestry provides an example of a production design for the direction ahead.

 by Dr. Ranil Senanayake

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In the shadow of the Pacific: Decoding El Niño within a landscape of local scepticism

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In the tea-scented hills, the sprawling paddy fields of the dry zone, in various types of daily conversations, academic disclosures at very high levels, extremely loud political discussions in all areas of our Motherland, and even in the crowded markets of Colombo, a single phrase of foreign origin has begun to circulate with the ominous weight of a prophecy: El Niño. It is talked about as a vile harbinger of impending doom.

To many Sri Lankans already battered by years of economic turbulence, as well as unreliable and incompetent political governance, the warnings issued from global climate monitors and the Department of Meteorology of our island, sound just like the dastardly plot of a dystopian novel. We are told that from about July 2026, the island would face an unprecedented climate threat: a major drought capable of drying up reservoirs, decimating crops, and crippling an already fragile power grid.

Yet for all that, as the rhetoric heats up, so does public scepticism. In a nation aimlessly navigating through a severely bruised rupee, skyrocketing costs of living, erratic transport costs, and an endless cycle of political scandals, a collective weariness has set in. It is completely natural to ask: “Is this climate crisis real? Or is it merely a well-timed political smoke screen, a government ploy designed to divert our gaze from systemic corruption, economic mismanagement, and the everyday struggle to survive?”

To find the truth, we must separate genuine meteorological science from political convenience and understand that nature’s cycles have been profoundly altered by the modern world.

Framework of a Distant Monster: What really is El Niño?

El Niño

, which is Spanish for “The Boy Child,” named by Peruvian fishermen who noticed the warm ocean currents peaking around Christmas, is not a sudden, man-made disaster or an unpredictable catastrophe that is profoundly inevitable. It is one half of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) Cycle; the planet’s most powerful natural climate driver. Under normal conditions of the globe, strong trade winds blow from East to West across the equatorial Pacific Ocean, pushing warm surface water towards Asia and Australia, while deep, cold, nutrient-rich water wells up along the South American coast.

During an El Niño event, these trade winds weaken or even completely reverse. The pool of warm water sloshes backwards, migrating toward the Americas. This shift alters the atmospheric circulation across the entire globe, shifting jet streams and flipping weather patterns upside down. Where there was rain, there is drought; where there was dry air, there are torrential floods.

The weakening of the trade winds does not happen spontaneously. Instead, it is the result of a massive, fragile feedback loop between the ocean and the atmosphere known as the Bjerknes Feedback. We need to think of the Pacific Ocean as a giant bathtub. Normally, trade winds push all the warm water to the West (near Asia), leaving cold water in the East (near South America). Because the West is warm, it creates rising air, clouds, and low pressure. Because the East is cold, it creates sinking air and high pressure. This pressure difference is what keeps the winds blowing.

An El Niño event begins when this loop encounters a disruption. Deep in the Western Pacific, sudden, intense bursts of wind blowing from the West (opposite of normal trade winds) occur. These are often triggered by natural weather phenomena, like the Madden-Julian Oscillation, described as a massive band of rain and wind that circles the globe every 30 to 60 days.

Then there is the Oceanic Wave. These wind bursts push a massive, subsurface wave of warm water, called a Kelvin Wave, in the direction of the East across the Pacific. As this warm water moves East, it warms the cold Eastern Pacific. The result thereof is that because the East is now warm, the temperature and pressure difference between the East and the West shrinks. With the pressure difference gone, the trade winds collapse completely.

It is not spontaneous, but it is uncontrolled. It is a self-regulating, natural oscillation. The Earth’s climate system builds up heat over time. Think of the tropical Pacific as a solar heat collector. Eventually, it traps more heat than it can distribute normally. El Niño acts like a planetary pressure release valve. It releases the trapped oceanic heat into the atmosphere, which is why global temperatures spike during an El Niño year. Once the heat is dissipated, the system naturally resets, often swinging to the opposite extreme called La Niña, where trade winds become violently strong and the Eastern Pacific becomes abnormally cold, before returning to neutral.

It is totally reasonable to look at something as massively disruptive as El Niño and wonder if human hands are pulling the triggers, especially given how much we have messed with the planet’s ecosystems. Man’s actions are NOT directly responsible for triggering El Niño, but we are guilty of intensifying its impacts. Because of human-induced greenhouse gas emissions, the oceans have absorbed over 90% of excess global heat. Therefore, when a natural El Niño develops today, it is operating on a much hotter baseline. A “strong” El Niño today causes far more severe heatwaves and droughts than what an El Niño did 100 years ago. In addition, while human stupidity does not directly cause the weather pattern, political negligence, corruption, and deforestation make us completely defenceless against it. Nature creates the drought; human mismanagement creates the famine.

An El Niño event does not just randomly occur; it is highly predictable, but only up to a certain point in time. Meteorologists use a massive network of deep-sea buoys, satellites, and advanced computer models to track sub-surface ocean temperatures. Because those Kelvin Waves take months to travel across the Pacific, scientists can see an El Niño incident brewing even six months before it actually changes the weather on land.

For Sri Lanka, sitting in the warm embrace of the Indian Ocean, this remote shifting of the Pacific engine behaves like a massive atmospheric vacuum. By mid-2026, the developing El Niño is projected to significantly weaken our Southwest Monsoon (Yala season). The moisture-laden winds that usually drench the western slopes and central hills are disrupted, leading to prolonged dry spells, suppressed rainfall, and soaring temperatures: an impending doom of unpredictable severity.

The Mirage of the “Natural Cycle”

A frequent and valid argument raised by sceptics is that Sri Lanka has always survived droughts. Our ancient civilisation was entirely built upon a sophisticated cascade of tanks (Wewas) engineered by our ancient Kings to balance the natural cycles where rain and flood inevitably follow dry spells. Why should 2026 be any different?

The answer lies in a dangerous convergence: the intersection of a natural cycle with an unnaturally altered planet. Historically, El Niño events occurred in predictable intervals of two to seven years. However, decades of global greenhouse gas emissions have trapped immense thermal energy within the world’s oceans. When an El Niño occurs today, it acts on top of a baseline global temperature that is already higher than at any point in recorded human history. It injects a massive burst of heat into an atmosphere that is already supercharged.

Furthermore, our local buffering systems have been systematically dismantled. The natural cycles of nature rely on healthy ecosystems to self-regulate. Decades of rampant deforestation in our central catchments mean that when rain does fall, the soil can no longer retain it; it washes away as flash floods, leaving the land parched shortly after.

Our ancient tank systems are heavily silted due to unchecked agricultural runoff and poor maintenance, dramatically reducing their storage capacity. Today, our population has increased many times over since the last great historical droughts. The margin for error has vanished. When a dry spell hits in 2026, it is no longer just a meteorological event. It becomes an immediate, high-stakes threat to our collective survival.

The Dual Faces of the Peril: “Climate Whiplash”

The relationship between El Niño and Sri Lanka’s climate is highly complex and profoundly uneven. It is quite a hazardous oversimplification to state that the entire island will simply dry up into a desert. In reality, scientists warn of a phenomenon known as “climate whiplash”, a brutal, two-phase sequence that tests different parts of the island in different ways.

This dual nature makes preparation immensely difficult. While the western agricultural zones face severe water stress during the crucial Yala growing season, the Eastern and Northern Plains may experience a stronger-than-normal Northeast Monsoon later in the year, threatening the Maha harvest with floods rather than lack of water.

Compounding this is the impact on marine life. The disruption of oceanic currents halts the upwelling of cold, nutrient-rich waters along our coasts, threatening the phytoplankton populations that form the foundation of our fishing industry. A crisis in the ocean quickly transforms into a livelihood crisis for our coastal communities.

A Convenient Shield: Is the Government likely to exploit the “Crisis”?

Given the undeniable scientific reality of El Niño, why does the suspicion of a “government ploy” remain so stubbornly entrenched in the public psyche?

The truth is that while the weather phenomenon is entirely natural, the political exploitation of it is a time-honoured strategy. For an administration presiding over a heavily depreciated rupee, staggering inflation, fuel shortages, and an electorate deeply disillusioned by systemic corruption and unethical political behaviour, a looming natural disaster is a highly convenient distraction.

Historically, political regimes globally have utilised “disaster capitalism” and the rhetoric of impending doom to achieve three distinct political objectives:

1. Shifting the Blame:

Politicians can attribute economic misery, power outages, and food shortages to an “act of God” rather than years of policy failures, financial scams, and a lack of long-term planning.

2. Consolidating Control:

Under the guise of national crisis management, governments can divert public funds, bypass standard procurement transparency, and suppress public dissent or protests regarding living costs. They can even use draconian laws nonchalantly to quell protests.

3. Securing Foreign Aid:

Crying “imminent drought” acts as a powerful tool to solicit international foreign aid and concessions. Such a step could secure foreign exchange that can prop up a failing currency.

It is a most unfortunate but quite q realistic tragedy of loss of faith that, when our leaders shout “drought,” the citizens do not see a proactive state protecting the public. Politicians are perceived as villains looking for an exit strategy from their own defaults and scandals. The public cynicism is born out of a well-earned, deeply ingrained suspicion: one that is based on abundant past experience.

Bridging the Divide: Real Science Meets Justified Anger

We must not let political pessimism blind us to physical reality. The rising temperatures, the drying up of rural wells, and the global oceanic data, are not fabrications cooked up in a political campaign office; they are verifiable facts measured by independent scientists worldwide.

If we dismiss El Niño as a mere myth, we play directly into the hands of the very politicians we distrust. Total apathy ensures that when the agricultural yields drop, when food prices skyrocket further, and when the power grid fails due to a lack of hydropower, the public will be left entirely unprotected, while the political elite remain insulated in their air-conditioned enclaves.

The real challenge facing Sri Lanka in 2026 is a dual crisis: we are being forced to battle a volatile climate anomaly while simultaneously navigating a severe governance deficit.

The Path Forward: Demanding Accountable Resilience

Surviving the coming months requires a radical shift in how we view governance and climate preparation. We must transform our justified anger into an unyielding demand for transparency and structural resilience.

=Dynamic Energy Management: With hydropower severely threatened by drying reservoirs, the state must immediately diversify our energy mix. This means removing the bureaucratic hurdles that have historically stalled private solar and wind initiatives, often held back to protect corrupt coal and heavy fossil fuel monopolies as well as political henchmen.

= Decentralised Water and Food Security:

Rather than waiting for centralised, state-led distribution networks that are historically prone to corruption and inefficiency, local provincial councils must be empowered. Investment must be funnelled into rehabilitating local cascades, scaling up regional rainwater harvesting, and accelerating tech-driven solutions like the Thalaiyadi desalination efforts in parched Northern Zones.

= Transparent Climate Audits:

If the state claims it requires funds to mitigate El Niño, the civil society and independent media MUST demand a line-by-line public accounting of every rupee spent. If food is imported to offset local crop failures, the procurement processes must be completely transparent to prevent the predictable scams that have plagued past crises.

El Niño

is a very real possibility in the months to come, and its atmospheric mechanics are entirely beyond our control. We could only pray that we will be spared to th greatest extent possible. There is the distinct possibility that the power dynamics of nature could even be completely inverted by a force that could even be similar to the energy associated with the movement of a tectonic plate. Recently there have been a lot of opinions presented by many people, including so-called “experts”, and “pundits”,, pontificating on the likely impact of El Niño on our resplendent isle. These have varied from projected rather innocuous and tame effects on Sri Lanka, to some of them escalating the impact to major disastrous effects on the island. As usual, politicians of all hues have even waxed eloquent, most of them at the top of their voices, on the perceived potential effects of this likely natural calamity.

Yet for all that, even in the face of all the water that has gone under the bridge (pun unintended), it is vital to understand that the impact of an El Niño affair on our lives would be determined completely by human action, policy, preparedness, strategy implementation, and, of course, absolutely candid integrity. We cannot stop the Pacific Ocean from warming. However, we can prevent our institutions that need to deal with the phenomenon from sinking down to vile behaviour patterns, and even stimulate the deteriorating as well as decaying essential response portals.

The ultimate “litmus test” for Sri Lanka in 2026 is not merely whether we can survive a natural dry spell. The real, true, and candid trial for all of us would be the ultimate result as to whether we can be resilient enough to withstand the projected volatile developments of nature, while severely holding accountable the political forces that have left us ever so vulnerable to all types of quirks of nature, as experienced by the management of natural disasters even in the not-too-distant past.

By an Aficionado

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – episode 6

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Dark Fire

From a tale set just over a 100 years ago, I move back several centuries to one set in the 16th century, in the reign of Henry VIII. This was given to me by my friend Daniel Moylan – Lord Moylan I should say, which is how he was announced when he came to see me in the flat of a friend in London. He had mentioned enjoying tales of a Tudor detective, and when I expressed interest, he brought me the second in the series. The first had introduced the hero, a hunchback lawyer called Mathew Shardlake, who worked for Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII’s Chief Minister after the fall of Cardinal Wolsey. Here, too, it is Cromwell who gets Shardlake to find out more about a secret weapon that had been brought to his notice.

The book by C J Sansom, is called Dark Fire and this refers to fire that in Byzantine days could be projected onto enemies and their equipment, notably ships, to set them immediately ablaze. But the secret had been lost, except that it seemed that a soldier, back from the east, had brought home a barrel of the stuff, which had been discovered in one of the monasteries that Henry VIII had dissolved.

Two shady individuals, including a lawyer called Gristwood, had told Cromwell about the weapon and given him a demonstration, which led him to tell the King that he could see the fire in action in a couple of weeks. But the lawyer Gristwood had torn off the formula from the document describing the weapon, and Cromwell asked Shardlake to persuade Gristwood to hand it over.

He forces Shardlake to agree by involving himself in a case Shardlake had taken on to defend a young girl, Elizabeth Wentworth, accused of having murdered her cousin in whose house she was dwelling after she had been orphaned. Joseph, her oldest uncle, who loved her, thought she would do better in town with his rich brother Edwin rather than on his farm, but she hated the house and its inhabitants, and they were all determined, including her grandmother, who was blind but dominated the household, to have her found guilty, after she was found near a well in which her cousin had drowned and his sisters said she had pushed him in.

She refuses to plead, and the judge orders her to be pressed, a form of torture, which would soon have cost her life, but Cromwell sends a trusted servant to get the judge to suspend the sentence for two weeks. And the servant, Jack Barak, tells Shardlake that he must now see Cromwell, who says that the price of the girl’s freedom is finding out Gristwood’s secret.

After this convoluted beginning, the story moves swiftly. Gristwood and his brother are found murdered. Shardlake and Barak realise they are dealing with ruthless men, and Gristwood’s wife and the librarian who had given Gristwood information about the old soldier, are taken into safe custody by Cromwell. The wife, meanwhile, tells Shardlake about Gristwood’s mistress, and they go to a brothel to find her but she flees with her brother, having evidently been sought out previously by the murderers.

Finally, the youngsters agree to meet Shardlake, but when they get to Gristwood’s house, as had been arranged, they find the boy killed, and the girl so injured that she soon dies, though not before having told Shardlake that Gristwood had told her that his contacting Cromwell was part of a plot against him.

Meanwhile, Shardlake has also been working on his own case, and realises that the key to that mystery was the well, from which there had been a foul smell when the body of the boy was brought out. This was by the house steward, who is the confidante of the family, and fancied it seemed by one of the two sisters of the murdered boy.

Shardlake and Barak explore the well on two separate nights, fleeing the first time when dogs are set loose, but also because Barak is horrified by what he seems to see there. The next time he confirms that there were dead animals there, and also the body of a little boy. And after he had managed to get Elizabeth to speak, if obliquely, she then makes it clear that these were victims of her cousin, who had been aided in his cruelty to animals by his sisters.

Shardlake has many narrow shaves from the two murderers, who follow him to the different places he has to visit, and who seem to have a source of information about what he thought was known only to him and Barak and Cromwell. He does wonder then about the three intermediaries through whom Gristwood had got his story to Cromwell, two lawyers and an aristocratic lady whom Shardlake begins to fancy, feeling that his interest is reciprocated.

To his relief she is not the traitor, nor is the lawyer who had vanished for a couple of days, though the other – who had been feared dead when his ring was found on a dismembered finger, near Lincoln’s Inn, where they all practised – was implicated along with the fountainhead of the plot, who was determined to bring down Cromwell.

So he turns up at the climax, which comes in a shed by the river where Shardlake and Barak are trapped. But after the plotters have told them what they had done, they escape since Shardlake had a dagger which Barak uses to cut his bonds, and in the scuffle the chief murderer is killed. His accomplice had died earlier, having fallen off the top of the cathedral, where he had been cornered by Shardlake and Barak, after a hectic chase.

Before the principal murderer in Dark Fire was killed by Barak, the chief plotter had left. The lawyer who had been his principal accessory was caught but before he could be taken to Cromwell, he tried to kill Barak when he was off guard. He was only stopped by Shardlake shooting the last remains of Dark Fire at him, and him being set alight by a candle so that he threw himself into the Thames.

The evidence then is gone but Shardlake and Barak have no doubt that Cromwell will believe them, and they go to his office. He is away, but his secretary says he will send a message, and the two go back home, to rest, after Barak’s wounds have been attended to, by the physician Guy, who had, one gathers, assisted Shardlake also in the first book about him.

They are surprised when there is no word from Cromwell the following morning, but they have decided that they must now go to the Wentworth home to conclude that case. The father of the murdered boy is not there, but they go to see his mother, who is with the steward. She seems to realise the game is up, and having invited them to have a drink she confesses to what had happened.

But Shardlake then realises that he has been poisoned, though he has the presence of mind to remember that Guy had told him an emetic was the answer, and he swallows some mustard and is sick, as Barak is to whom he passes the mustard pot. The steward flees, for Barak has his sword in his hand, and before the pair collapse the grandmother rises in a panic and knocks her head against a wall when she stumbles and falls.

Shardlake had managed to call for a constable before he falls senseless, and had managed to tell the constable who comes in to get Guy, who attends to the two men. The steward is caught, and a magistrate is brought in to take depositions. Edwin is distraught, for he knew nothing of what had gone on, and his brother Joseph tries to comfort him, evincing the goodness that had made Shardlake take on the case in the first place.

The story comes out at the court hearing the next day, and the crusty old magistrate has to acquit Elizabeth and arraign the grandmother and the two sisters. But when Shardlake and Barak go to the Inns, they find that Cromwell has fallen. The Catholics are now in the ascendancy, and Shardlake and Barak leave London, though since the reaction is mild, they get back a few months later. They find that the grandmother has died, and the two sisters have been imprisoned for the murder, for one of them had pushed the boy in, and then both had concealed this and tried to blame Elizabeth.

Shardlake resumes his practice, with Barak now his assistant. His former assistant, who continues though he now needs more support, had turned out to have bad eyesight, which Shardlake had not noticed. Barak had brought this to his attention, which made him realise that underneath the rough exterior was a sensitive soul. And as the extract from the next novel indicates, they will be a pair, on Holmes and Watson lines, or Poirot and Hastings.

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