Features
Barking up the wrong tree
Economic downturn due structural weaknesses and not ‘open economic’ policies
by Jayampathy Molligoda
This article makes an attempt to present few socio-economic factors and indicators reflecting Sri Lankan economic downfall and examine whether it has some bearing on our failure to address serious structural weaknesses in the economy for the last 45 years.
My view is it’s not the open economic policy that has contributed to the downfall of our economy. It’s due to the fact that successive governments have failed in undertaking much needed structural reforms in the economy. As a result, our export performance has drastically declined and thus widening the trade deficit. It should be clearly understood that large fiscal (government budget) and external ‘current account’ deficits, popularly known as the ‘twin deficit’, are the two key structural problems in Sri Lanka identified as core weaknesses of the economy for many decades. In addition, the socio-political issues also would have contributed to the deterioration of the quality of life of the majority of people and thus eroding ‘rich value systems’ prevailed in the Sri Lankan society for a long period of time.
Socio-political issues:
The political analysts had been critically commenting on the manner in which President JRJ managed the country’s political system and governed the country during the initial period of the Presidential system under 78 Constitution. His governance style had created some kind of impression that JRJ government had made attempts to use tactics to undemocratically oppress the legitimate opposition by, first taking out the civic rights of the Leader of opposition, Mr Sirima Bandaranaike and suppress the trade union instigated general strike in 1980 and then postpone the Parliamentary elections by six years through a referendum, thus playing into extreme terrorism of LTTE, JVP and breakdown in law & order.
As a result, there has been a gradual deterioration of the economy of this country, although, both President JRJ and later President Premadasa were able to transform the socio-political system in the country and spur economic growth paving way for employment creation through private investments. Since 1978, the government of the day has been following an aggressive open economic policy framework and until 2014 there has been some progress in much needed infrastructure development with the participation of foreign and local enterprises in the private sector. However, no attempt has been made to evaluate the efficacy & effectiveness of such investments to the economy. Even after the war was successfully ended by 2009, we couldn’t establish trust & understanding among communities to establish a long- lasting peace and sound national security & defence system and political stability which are necessary pre-requisites for economic development on a sustainable basis.
Examine few key economic indicators:
(A) Government debt and depreciation of rupee:
Our total government debt was only Rs. 80 billion by end 1982, which includes some of the foreign loans obtained for the acceleration of Mahaweli development programme completed within six years. As for rupee depreciation- by end 1977, it was Rs 15.56, and by end 1982, it was Rs 21.32 for one US $. As can be seen, it was a gradual upward movement of the value of US $ and not very high rupee depreciation during the period-1977 to 1982. Since then, government debt had been increasing at a much faster rate and at the end 2014, it has gone up to Rs. 7, 486 billion, and by end 2019, it has further increased up to Rs. 13,031 billion. Our total external debt as a % of GDP by end 2010 was only 38% and it had increased to 67% by end 2019. As for rupee depreciation- by end 2004, it was Rs. 104.61 for one US$ and by end 2014 it was Rs. 131.05, now it’s Rs. 204/ but in the black market, it’s around Rs235-Rs 240/=.
(B) Poor export performance:
Compared to other regional counterparts, Sri Lankan export performance has been declining and it can be concluded that the investments made in infrastructure projects are giving diminishing returns. During the two decades in 1980’s and 90’s, we saw our export performance commencing from 1980 at one billion US$ (in the year 1980) going up to US$ 4.6 billion in the year 1999 and US $ 11.9 billion in 2019. The export performance reflects 26% of the GDP during the two decades ending 1999. However, the next two decades commencing 2000 to end 2019, the export performance of Sri Lanka has drastically declined to 16% of the corresponding GDP figures. (See table)

As can be seen, our trade deficit during the period 2010 to ‘19 has widened to 78% of total exports and our exports as a % of GDP has also decreased from 28% during the period 1990-99 to 14% during the ‘10 years period’ of 2010 to ‘19. In fact, it was an average of only 13% during the period 2015 to ‘19. The export revenue has been stagnating at an average of US$ 10. 9 billion and the trade deficit has widened to an average of US $ 8.5 billion during the period 2010 to ‘19. Repeated attempts to offset the trade deficit through tourism proceeds and remittances have not been successful without having corresponding forex inflows from export proceeds and FDI. Further, the exchange rate policy has created competitiveness issues for exporters, as external trade counterparts have become more competitive at the global market place due to their currencies are getting depreciated at a faster rate. Just to give an illustration, one cannot hold by his two hands four rubber ball in the water simultaneously for a long period of time; similarly, (i) our bank interest rates, (ii) inflation rate, (iii) rupee exchange rate and (iv) expecting large inflows of FDIs, cannot be held back for a long period of time – it’s a recipe for disaster in economic sense. These factors have adversely contributed to current macro- economic situation lowering the economic growth & development of the country.
From the above economic indicators, it can be seen that during the last seven years, the economic situation got badly affected, out of which during the last two years, it was mainly due to Covid-19 and the year-2019, it was partly due to Easter Sunday attack. Up to now, our economy would have lost nearly US $ 10 billion as opportunity cost on account of tourism proceeds from May 2019 to end November 2021. It is expected that tourist arrivals will pick it up, targeting some 100,000 arrivals per month for the next 12 months ending 2022. It’s unfortunate the ‘political party blame culture’ also contributed to the deterioration of society’s values. Because of these events, the international community lost confidence in supporting SL and even private sector FDIs have failed to come. One can also conclude that inward looking policies will not offer solutions to foreign exchange crisis, although there is nothing wrong in promoting domestic production, smart agriculture and industrial revolutions, which covers ICT development. We cannot find solutions by simply blaming the present government or previous governments, instead the key opinion leaders (KOLs) could get the government of the day to bring in much needed financial discipline through government budgetary process and instil new political culture and demand the government to bring in much needed structural reforms in order to reverse the declining trend.
Radical changes are needed to address structural weaknesses:
During the Presidential elections in November ‘19, a massive mandate was given by masses to the incumbent President, GR to undertake much needed ‘system change’. The economic situation would improve, if we are able to make some structural reforms in the economic front and undertake radical changes in the socio-political front which include changes to some areas of the foreign policy implementation. The solution lies with the Government taking some bold decisions – however they need to be mindful to the political realities and maintain policy consistency, until we are able to overcome difficulties and improve credit rating.
Key structural reforms and radical changes:
a.The present $$$ crisis needs to be resolved immediately.
i.Trade deficit for a long period of time has been around US 10 billion per year.
ii.Expected tourism earnings may not be sufficient to offset deficits in the short term.
iii.External foreign exchange reserves are low- US $1,6 Billion by end November.
iv.Banking system is faced with severe foreign currency shortage for essential items.
b.Under a revolutionary Land reforms and proper land use plan, we need to identify uncultivated land parcels, which includes Mahaweli land to fast track cultivation and development work which could be handled under PPP models by inviting private sector participation with proper monitoring of progress through an effective regulatory mechanism.
c.Use ‘National Sustainable Development Council of Sri Lanka’ as the institutional vehicle to drive green economic policy changes, whilst the Council continues to focus on 17 SDGs.
d.Existing guarantees given by Multilateral agencies for some credit lines may not be available for fuel, diesel, petrol, but only for renewable energy sources. Therefore, if we continue to have diesel plants, sourcing foreign exchange without such credit lines, that becomes a serious issue, that’s why it is necessary to focus more on renewable energy.
e.Structuring mega projects have to be in line with international trends i.e.; Sustainable development goals, COP 26 Glasgow- ‘Climate change’ to attract the right investors for our projects. Indirect costs in delaying our mega projects. Colombo East Terminal (ECT), 300MW convertible power plants, Northern/Central Highway, Port access road etc. are examples resulting from delays. However, there should be a mechanism to ascertain whether the investments made in infrastructure projects are yielding desired, expected returns.
f.Drive against drugs & underworld operations, action against corrupt practices and improve public sector service efficiency. Maintain government fiscal deficit around 7% by increasing direct taxes and restructuring SOEs, thus further reducing the burden of high expenditure.
g. Focus on FDI led ‘export oriented’ growth strategy coupled with increase in domestic production, light industries, SMEs, ICT applications.i.e.; Grama Niladhari tabs etc. and a mechanism to reduce cost of living rise, provide relief packages, and paddy/rice value chain.
h.Within the framework of non- aligned movement, Sri Lanka could slowly shift our foreign relations towards India Japan and the US. This would enable FDIs and bi lateral funds to flow in from these countries including UAE, South Korea, Vietnam to attract funds and resolve US sanctions imposed through western banks. Even the IMF will facilitate structural adjustments and rating will improve.
Therefore, it is suggested the government to appoint an ‘Expert Council’ to look into these areas mandating them to recommend a short- term solution within a set of ‘medium term’ strategic plans for the next three -five years.
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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