Features
Barking up the wrong tree
Economic downturn due structural weaknesses and not ‘open economic’ policies
by Jayampathy Molligoda
This article makes an attempt to present few socio-economic factors and indicators reflecting Sri Lankan economic downfall and examine whether it has some bearing on our failure to address serious structural weaknesses in the economy for the last 45 years.
My view is it’s not the open economic policy that has contributed to the downfall of our economy. It’s due to the fact that successive governments have failed in undertaking much needed structural reforms in the economy. As a result, our export performance has drastically declined and thus widening the trade deficit. It should be clearly understood that large fiscal (government budget) and external ‘current account’ deficits, popularly known as the ‘twin deficit’, are the two key structural problems in Sri Lanka identified as core weaknesses of the economy for many decades. In addition, the socio-political issues also would have contributed to the deterioration of the quality of life of the majority of people and thus eroding ‘rich value systems’ prevailed in the Sri Lankan society for a long period of time.
Socio-political issues:
The political analysts had been critically commenting on the manner in which President JRJ managed the country’s political system and governed the country during the initial period of the Presidential system under 78 Constitution. His governance style had created some kind of impression that JRJ government had made attempts to use tactics to undemocratically oppress the legitimate opposition by, first taking out the civic rights of the Leader of opposition, Mr Sirima Bandaranaike and suppress the trade union instigated general strike in 1980 and then postpone the Parliamentary elections by six years through a referendum, thus playing into extreme terrorism of LTTE, JVP and breakdown in law & order.
As a result, there has been a gradual deterioration of the economy of this country, although, both President JRJ and later President Premadasa were able to transform the socio-political system in the country and spur economic growth paving way for employment creation through private investments. Since 1978, the government of the day has been following an aggressive open economic policy framework and until 2014 there has been some progress in much needed infrastructure development with the participation of foreign and local enterprises in the private sector. However, no attempt has been made to evaluate the efficacy & effectiveness of such investments to the economy. Even after the war was successfully ended by 2009, we couldn’t establish trust & understanding among communities to establish a long- lasting peace and sound national security & defence system and political stability which are necessary pre-requisites for economic development on a sustainable basis.
Examine few key economic indicators:
(A) Government debt and depreciation of rupee:
Our total government debt was only Rs. 80 billion by end 1982, which includes some of the foreign loans obtained for the acceleration of Mahaweli development programme completed within six years. As for rupee depreciation- by end 1977, it was Rs 15.56, and by end 1982, it was Rs 21.32 for one US $. As can be seen, it was a gradual upward movement of the value of US $ and not very high rupee depreciation during the period-1977 to 1982. Since then, government debt had been increasing at a much faster rate and at the end 2014, it has gone up to Rs. 7, 486 billion, and by end 2019, it has further increased up to Rs. 13,031 billion. Our total external debt as a % of GDP by end 2010 was only 38% and it had increased to 67% by end 2019. As for rupee depreciation- by end 2004, it was Rs. 104.61 for one US$ and by end 2014 it was Rs. 131.05, now it’s Rs. 204/ but in the black market, it’s around Rs235-Rs 240/=.
(B) Poor export performance:
Compared to other regional counterparts, Sri Lankan export performance has been declining and it can be concluded that the investments made in infrastructure projects are giving diminishing returns. During the two decades in 1980’s and 90’s, we saw our export performance commencing from 1980 at one billion US$ (in the year 1980) going up to US$ 4.6 billion in the year 1999 and US $ 11.9 billion in 2019. The export performance reflects 26% of the GDP during the two decades ending 1999. However, the next two decades commencing 2000 to end 2019, the export performance of Sri Lanka has drastically declined to 16% of the corresponding GDP figures. (See table)

As can be seen, our trade deficit during the period 2010 to ‘19 has widened to 78% of total exports and our exports as a % of GDP has also decreased from 28% during the period 1990-99 to 14% during the ‘10 years period’ of 2010 to ‘19. In fact, it was an average of only 13% during the period 2015 to ‘19. The export revenue has been stagnating at an average of US$ 10. 9 billion and the trade deficit has widened to an average of US $ 8.5 billion during the period 2010 to ‘19. Repeated attempts to offset the trade deficit through tourism proceeds and remittances have not been successful without having corresponding forex inflows from export proceeds and FDI. Further, the exchange rate policy has created competitiveness issues for exporters, as external trade counterparts have become more competitive at the global market place due to their currencies are getting depreciated at a faster rate. Just to give an illustration, one cannot hold by his two hands four rubber ball in the water simultaneously for a long period of time; similarly, (i) our bank interest rates, (ii) inflation rate, (iii) rupee exchange rate and (iv) expecting large inflows of FDIs, cannot be held back for a long period of time – it’s a recipe for disaster in economic sense. These factors have adversely contributed to current macro- economic situation lowering the economic growth & development of the country.
From the above economic indicators, it can be seen that during the last seven years, the economic situation got badly affected, out of which during the last two years, it was mainly due to Covid-19 and the year-2019, it was partly due to Easter Sunday attack. Up to now, our economy would have lost nearly US $ 10 billion as opportunity cost on account of tourism proceeds from May 2019 to end November 2021. It is expected that tourist arrivals will pick it up, targeting some 100,000 arrivals per month for the next 12 months ending 2022. It’s unfortunate the ‘political party blame culture’ also contributed to the deterioration of society’s values. Because of these events, the international community lost confidence in supporting SL and even private sector FDIs have failed to come. One can also conclude that inward looking policies will not offer solutions to foreign exchange crisis, although there is nothing wrong in promoting domestic production, smart agriculture and industrial revolutions, which covers ICT development. We cannot find solutions by simply blaming the present government or previous governments, instead the key opinion leaders (KOLs) could get the government of the day to bring in much needed financial discipline through government budgetary process and instil new political culture and demand the government to bring in much needed structural reforms in order to reverse the declining trend.
Radical changes are needed to address structural weaknesses:
During the Presidential elections in November ‘19, a massive mandate was given by masses to the incumbent President, GR to undertake much needed ‘system change’. The economic situation would improve, if we are able to make some structural reforms in the economic front and undertake radical changes in the socio-political front which include changes to some areas of the foreign policy implementation. The solution lies with the Government taking some bold decisions – however they need to be mindful to the political realities and maintain policy consistency, until we are able to overcome difficulties and improve credit rating.
Key structural reforms and radical changes:
a.The present $$$ crisis needs to be resolved immediately.
i.Trade deficit for a long period of time has been around US 10 billion per year.
ii.Expected tourism earnings may not be sufficient to offset deficits in the short term.
iii.External foreign exchange reserves are low- US $1,6 Billion by end November.
iv.Banking system is faced with severe foreign currency shortage for essential items.
b.Under a revolutionary Land reforms and proper land use plan, we need to identify uncultivated land parcels, which includes Mahaweli land to fast track cultivation and development work which could be handled under PPP models by inviting private sector participation with proper monitoring of progress through an effective regulatory mechanism.
c.Use ‘National Sustainable Development Council of Sri Lanka’ as the institutional vehicle to drive green economic policy changes, whilst the Council continues to focus on 17 SDGs.
d.Existing guarantees given by Multilateral agencies for some credit lines may not be available for fuel, diesel, petrol, but only for renewable energy sources. Therefore, if we continue to have diesel plants, sourcing foreign exchange without such credit lines, that becomes a serious issue, that’s why it is necessary to focus more on renewable energy.
e.Structuring mega projects have to be in line with international trends i.e.; Sustainable development goals, COP 26 Glasgow- ‘Climate change’ to attract the right investors for our projects. Indirect costs in delaying our mega projects. Colombo East Terminal (ECT), 300MW convertible power plants, Northern/Central Highway, Port access road etc. are examples resulting from delays. However, there should be a mechanism to ascertain whether the investments made in infrastructure projects are yielding desired, expected returns.
f.Drive against drugs & underworld operations, action against corrupt practices and improve public sector service efficiency. Maintain government fiscal deficit around 7% by increasing direct taxes and restructuring SOEs, thus further reducing the burden of high expenditure.
g. Focus on FDI led ‘export oriented’ growth strategy coupled with increase in domestic production, light industries, SMEs, ICT applications.i.e.; Grama Niladhari tabs etc. and a mechanism to reduce cost of living rise, provide relief packages, and paddy/rice value chain.
h.Within the framework of non- aligned movement, Sri Lanka could slowly shift our foreign relations towards India Japan and the US. This would enable FDIs and bi lateral funds to flow in from these countries including UAE, South Korea, Vietnam to attract funds and resolve US sanctions imposed through western banks. Even the IMF will facilitate structural adjustments and rating will improve.
Therefore, it is suggested the government to appoint an ‘Expert Council’ to look into these areas mandating them to recommend a short- term solution within a set of ‘medium term’ strategic plans for the next three -five years.
Features
India shaping-up as model ‘Swing State’
The world of democracy is bound to be cheering India on as it conducts its 77th Republic Day celebrations. The main reasons ought to be plain to see; in the global South it remains one of the most vibrant of democracies while in South Asia it is easily the most successful of democracies.
Besides, this columnist would go so far as to describe India as a principal ‘Swing State.’ To clarify the latter concept in its essentials, it could be stated that the typical ‘Swing State’ wields considerable influence and power regionally and globally. Besides they are thriving democracies and occupy a strategic geographical location which enhances their appeal for other states of the region and enables them to relate to the latter with a degree of equableness. Their strategic location makes it possible for ‘Swing States’ to even mediate in resolving conflicts among states.
More recently, countries such as Indonesia, South Africa and South Korea have qualified, going by the above criteria, to enter the fold.
For us in South Asia, India’s special merit as a successful democracy resides, among other positives, in its constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights. Of principal appeal in this connection is India’s commitment to secularism. In accordance with these provisions the Indian federal government and all other governing entities, at whatever level, are obliged to adhere to the principle of secularism in governance.
That is, governing bodies are obliged to keep an ‘equidistance’ among the country’s religions and relate to them even-handedly. They are required to reject in full partiality towards any of the country’s religions. Needless to say, practitioners of minority religions are thus put at ease that the Indian judiciary would be treating them and the adherents of majority religions as absolute equals.
To be sure, some politicians may not turn out to be the most exemplary adherents of religious equality but in terms of India’s constitutional provisions any citizen could seek redress in the courts of law confidently for any wrongs inflicted on her on this score and obtain it. The rest of South Asia would do well to take a leaf from India’s Constitution on the question of religious equality and adopt secularism as an essential pillar of governance. It is difficult to see the rest of South Asia settling its religious conflicts peacefully without making secularism an inviolable principle of governance.
The fact is that the Indian Constitution strictly prohibits discriminatory treatment of citizens by the state on religious, racial, caste, sex or place of birth grounds, thus strengthening democratic development. The Sri Lankan governing authorities would do well to be as unambiguous and forthright as their Indian counterparts on these constitutional issues. Generally, in the rest of South Asia, there ought to be a clear separation wall, so to speak, between religion and politics.
As matters stand, not relating to India on pragmatic and cordial terms is impossible for almost the rest of the world. The country’s stature as a global economic heavyweight accounts in the main for this policy course. Although it may seem that the US is in a position to be dismissive of India’s economic clout and political influence at present, going forward economic realities are bound to dictate a different policy stance.
India has surged to be among the first four of global economic powers and the US would have no choice but to back down in its current tariff strife with India and ensure that both countries get down to more friction-free economic relations.
In this connection the EU has acted most judiciously. While it is true that the EU is in a diplomatic stand-off of sorts with the US over the latter’s threat to take over Greenland and on questions related to Ukraine, it has thought it best to sew-up what is described as an historic free trade agreement with India. This is a truly win-win pact that would benefit both parties considering that together they account for some 25 percent of global GDP and encompass within them 3 billion of the world’s population.
The agreement would reduce trade tariffs between the states and expand market access for both parties. The EU went on record as explaining that the agreement ‘would support investment flows, improve access to European markets and deepen supply chain integration’.
Besides, the parties are working on a draft security and defence partnership. The latter measure ought to put the US on notice that India and the EU would combine in balancing its perceived global military predominance. The budding security partnership could go some distance in curbing US efforts to expand its power and influence in particularly the European theatre.
Among other things, the EU-India trade agreement needs to be seen as a coming together of the world’s foremost democracies. In other words it is a notable endorsement of the democratic system of government and a rebuffing of authoritarianism.
However, the above landmark agreement is not preventing India from building on its ties with China. Both India and China are indicating in no uncertain terms that their present cordiality would be sustained and further enriched. As China’s President Xi observed, it will be a case of the ‘dragon and the elephant dancing together.’
Here too the pragmatic bent in Indian foreign policy could be seen. In economic terms both countries could lose badly if they permit the continuation of strained ties between them. Accordingly, they have a common interest in perpetuating shared economic betterment.
It is also difficult to see India rupturing ties with the US over Realpolitik considerations. Shared economic concerns would keep the US and India together and the Trump administration is yet to do anything drastic to subvert this equation, tariff battles notwithstanding.
Although one would have expected the US President to come down hard on India over the latter’s continuing oil links with Russia, for instance, the US has guarded against making any concrete and drastic moves to disrupt this relationship.
Accordingly, we are left to conclude from the foregoing that all powers that matter, whether they be from the North or South, perceive it to be in their interests to keep their economic and other links with India going doubly strong. There is too much to lose for them by foregoing India’s friendship and goodwill. Thus does India underscore its ‘Swing State’ status.
Features
Securing public trust in public office: A Christian perspective – Part III
Professor, Dept of Public & International Law, Faculty of Law, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka and independent member, Constitutional Council of Sri Lanka (January 2023 to January 2026)
This is an adapted version of the Bishop Cyril Abeynaike Memorial Lecture delivered on 14 June 2025 at the invitation of the Cathedral Institute for Education and Formation, Colombo, Sri Lanka.
(Continued from yesterday)
Conviction
I now turn to my third attribute, which is conviction. We all know that we can have different types of convictions. Depending on our moral commitments, we may think of convictions as good or bad. From the Bible, the convictions of Saul and the contrasting convictions of Paul (Saul was known as Paul after his conversion) provide us with an excellent illustration of the different convictions and value commitments we may have. As Christians we are required to be convinced about the values of the Kingdom of God, such as truthfulness and rationality, the first and second attributes that I spoke of. We are also called to act, based on our convictions in all that we do.
I used to associate conviction with fearlessness, courage or boldness. But in the last two to three years of my own life, I have had the opportunity to think more deeply about the idea of conviction and, increasingly, I am of the view that conviction helps us to stand by certain values, despite our fears, anxieties or lack of courage. Conviction forecloses possibilities of doing what we think is the wrong thing or from giving up. Recall here the third example I referred to, of Lord Wilberforce and his efforts at abolishing the slave trade and slavery. He had to persevere, despite numerous failures, which he clearly did. In my own experiences, whether at the university or at the Constitutional Council, failures, hopelessness, fear or anxiety are real emotions and states of mind that I have had to deal with. In Sri Lanka, if convictions about truth, rationality and justice compel a public official to speak truth to power and act rationally, chances are that such public official has gone against the status quo and given people with real human power, reason to harm them. Acting out of conviction, therefore, can easily give rise to a very human set of reactions – of fear for oneself and for one’s family’s safety, anxiety about grave consequences, including public embarrassment and, sometimes, even regret about taking on the responsibilities that one has taken on. In such situations, such public officials, from what I have noticed, do not ever regret acting out of conviction, but rather struggle with the implications and the consequences that may follow.
When we consider the work of Lord Wilberforce, Lalith Ambanwela and Thulsi Madonsela we can see the ways in which their convictions helped them to persist in seeking the truth, in remaining rational and in seeking justice. They demonstrate to us that conviction about truth and justice pushes and even compels us to stand by those ideals and discharge our responsibilities in a principled and ethical way. Convictions help us to do so, even when the odds are stacked against us and when the status quo seems entrenched and impossible to change. This is well illustrated in how Wilberforce persisted with his attempts at law reform, despite the successive failures.
Importantly, some public officials saw the results of acting out of conviction in their lifetime, but others did not. Wilberforce saw the results of his work in his lifetime. Dietrich Bonhoeffer, a German theologian who opposed Hitler’s rule, was executed, by hanging, by the Nazi German state, a couple of weeks before Hitler committed suicide. Paul spent the last stage of his life as a prisoner of the Romans and was crucified. These examples suggest that conviction compels us to action, regardless of our chances of success, and for some of us, even unto death. Yet, conviction gives us hope about the unknown future. Conviction, indeed, is a very powerful human attribute.
I will not go into this, but the Christian faith offers much in terms of how a public official may survive in such difficult situations, as has been my own experience thus far.
Critical Introspection
I chose critical introspection as the fourth attribute for two reasons. One, I think that the practice of critical introspection by public officials is a way of being mindful of our human limitations and second it is a way in which we can deepen and renew our commitment to public service. Critical introspection, therefore, in my view, is essential for securing public trust and it is an attribute that I consider to be less and less familiar among public officials.
In Jesus, and in the traditions of the Church, we find compelling examples of a commitment to critical introspection. During his Ministry, he was unapologetic about taking time off to engage in prayer and self-reflection. He intentionally went away from the crowds. His Ministry was only for three years and he was intentional about identifying and nurturing his disciples. These practices may have made Jesus less available, perhaps less ‘productive’ and perhaps even less popular. However, this is the approach that Jesus role-modelled and I would like to suggest to you today, that there is value in this approach and much to emulate. Similarly, the Biblical concept of the Sabbath has much to offer to public officials even from a secular perspective in terms of rest, stepping away from work, of refraining from ‘doing’ and engaging with the spiritual realm.
Importantly, critical introspection helps us to anticipate that we are bound to make mistakes. no matter how diligent we may be and of our blind spots. Critical introspection creates space for truth, rationality and conviction to continue to form us into public officials who can secure public trust and advance it.
In contrast, I have found, in my work, that many embrace, without questioning, a relentless commitment to working late hours and over the weekends. This is, of course, at the cost of their personal well-being, and, equally importantly, of the well-being of their families. Relentless hard work, at the cost of health and personal relationships, is commonly valorised, rather than questioned, from what I can see, ironically, even in the Church.
One of the greatest risks of public officials not engaging in critical introspection is that they may lose the ability to see how power corrupts them or they may end up taking themselves too seriously. I have seen these risks manifest in some public officials that I work with – power makes them blind to their own abuse of power and they consider themselves to be above others and beyond reproach.
Where a public official does not practice critical introspection, the trappings of public office can place them at risk of taking themselves too seriously and losing their ability to remain service-oriented. Recall the trappings of high constitutional office – the security detail, the protocol and sometimes the kowtowing of others. It is rare for us to see public officials who respond to these trappings of public office lightly and with grace. Unfortunately for us, we have seen many who thrive in it. In my own work, I have come across public officials who are extremely particular about their titles and do not hesitate to reprimand their subordinates if they miss addressing them by one of their titles. Thankfully, I also know and work with public officials who are most uncomfortable with the trappings of public office and suffer it while preserving their attitude of humility and service.
Permit me to add a personal note here. In April 2022 a group of Christians and Catholics decided to celebrate Maundy Thursday by washing the feet of some members of the public. I was invited to come along. On that hot afternoon, in one corner of public place where people were milling about, the few of us washed the feet of some members of the public, including those who maintain the streets of Colombo. I do not know what they thought of our actions but I can tell you how it made me feel. The simple act of kneeling before a stranger and one who was very obviously very different to me, and washing their feet, had a deep impact on me. Many months later, when I was called, most unexpectedly, to be part of Sri Lanka’s Constitutional Council and had to struggle through that role for the better part of my term, that experience of washing feet of member of the public became a powerful and personal reminder to me of the nature of my Christian calling in public service. I do think that the Christian model of servant leadership has much to offer the world in terms of what we require of our public officials.
Compassion
Due to limitations of time, I will speak to the fifth attribute only briefly. It is about compassion – an aspect of love. Love is a complex multi-dimensional concept in Christianity and for today’s purposes, I focus on compassion, an idea that is familiar to our society more generally in terms of Karuna or the ability to see suffering in oneself and in others. The Gospels, at one point, record that when Jesus saw the crowds that he was ministering to, that he had compassion on them.
Of course, we know that the people are not always mere innocent victims of the abuse of power but can be active participants of the culture of patronage and corruption in our society. Nevertheless, for public officials to secure public trust, I think compassion, is essential. Compassion, however, is not about bending the rules, arbitrarily, or about showing favouritism, based on sympathy. In Sri Lanka we are hard pressed to find examples of compassion by public officials, at high levels, despite the horrors we have experienced in this land. However, in the everyday and at lower layers of public service, I do think there are powerful acts of compassion. An example that has stayed with me is about an unnamed police officer who is mentioned in the case of Yogalingam Vijitha v Wijesekera SC(FR) 186/2001 (SC Minutes 28 August 2002). In 2001, Yogalingam Vijitha was subject to severe forms of sexual torture by the police. After one episode of horrific torture, including the insertion of the tip of a plaintain-flower dipped in chilli to her vagina, the torturers left her with orders that she should not be given any water. This unnamed police officer, however, provided her with the water that she kept crying out for. In a case which records many horrific details about how Yogalingam Vijitha was tortured, this observation by the Court, about the unnamed police office, stands out as a very powerful example of compassion in public office.
Compassion for those who seek our services whether at university, at courts or at the kachcheri, should be an essential attribute for public officials.
Aspects not explored
There is much more that can be said about what a Christian perspective has to offer in terms of securing public trust in public office but due to limitations of time, I have only spoken about truthfulness, rationality, conviction, critical introspection and compassion – and that, too, in a brief way. I have not explored today several other important attributes, such as the Christian calling to prioritise the vulnerable and the Christian perspectives on confession, forgiveness and mercy that offers us a way of dealing with any mistakes that we might make as public officials. I have also not spoken of the need for authenticity – public officials ought to maintain harmony in the values that they uphold in their public lives with the values that they uphold their personal lives, too. Finally, I have not spoken of how these attributes are to be cultivated, including about the responsibility of the Church in cultivating these attributes, practice them and about how the Church ought to support public officials to do the same.
Securing Public Trust
Permit me to sum up. I have tried to suggest to you that cultivating a commitment to truthfulness, rationality, conviction about the values of public service, critical introspection and compassion – are essential if public officials are to secure public trust.
The crisis of 2022 is a tragic illustration of the pressing need in our society to secure trust in public office. In contrast, the examples of Thulsi Madonsela, former Public Protector of South Africa, of late Lalith Ambanwela, former Audit Superintendent from Sri Lanka and Lord Wilberforce illustrate that individual public officials who approach public service can and have made a significant difference, but, of course, at significant personal cost. Given the mandate of this memorial lecture, I drew from the Christian faith to justify and describe these five attributes. However, I do think that a similar secular justification is possible. Ultimately, secular or faith-based, we urgently need to revive a public and dynamic discourse of our individual responsibilities towards our collective existence, including about the ways in which can secure public trust in public office. I most certainly think that the future of our democracy depends on generating such a discourse and securing the trust of the public in public office.
If any of you here have been wondering whether I am far too idealistic or, as some have tried to say, ‘extreme’ in the standard that I have laid out for myself and others like me who hold public office – I will only say this. Most redeeming or beautiful aspects of our human existence have been developed mostly because individuals and collectives dared to dream of a better future, for themselves and for others. Having gone through what has easily been the toughest two-three years of my life, I know that, here in Sri Lanka, too, we have among us, individuals and collectives who dare to dream of a better future for this land and its peoples – and they are making an impact. Three years ago, you could have dismissed what I have had to say as being the musings of an armchair academic – but today, given my own experiences in public office with such individuals who have dared to dream of a better future for us, I can confidently tell you – these are not mere musings of an armchair academic but rather insights drawn from what I have been witness to.
(Concluded)
by Dinesha Samararatne
Features
High-end tourists or budget-friendly visitors!
According to the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority (SLTDA), over 130,000 tourists have arrived in the country during the first 15 days of this year.
Impressive, indeed, but how many of them make up the big spending list, or were the majority backpackers?
Of course, we need both – the big spenders and the backpackers – but, as one knowledgeable source said, it’s better to have 10 tourists spending 1000 dollars (per day) than 1000 tourists spending 10 dollars (per day)!
When it comes to tourism, countries often prioritise big spenders over high numbers. Why? Because big spenders bring in more revenue.
A smaller number of high-spending tourists can generate more income for local businesses, infrastructure, and communities, compared to a large number of low-spending visitors.
For example, luxury travellers tend to spend more on accommodation, dining, and activities, boosting the local economy.
Yes, Sri Lanka’s got the potential to attract both – high-end tourists and a steady flow of budget-friendly visitors.
One would say that with our rich culture, stunning beaches, and wildlife, Sri Lanka is a gem for tourism – the high-end tourists, in particular – but, at the same time, the question crops up: how come lots of big spenders visit the Maldives, and the Maldives have no nightlife, wildlife, etc.?
The big spenders, I’m told, visit the Maldives for total relaxation…to check out the beaches and the beautiful resorts, and that’s because they seek exclusivity, luxury, and relaxation.
They’re drawn to stunning beaches, high-end resorts, privacy and exclusivity, world-class amenities (spas, fine dining), unique experiences (sunset cruises, snorkeling).
And, guess what! Anant Ambani, son of Indian businessman Mukesh Ambani, and his wife Radhika Merchant, have arrived in the Maldives for a holiday.
Ambani’s Boeing 737 private jet landed in the Maldives on Saturday (17) and they are currently staying at Waldorf Astoria Maldives Ithaafushi’s private island.
The Ambani family has previously spent holidays in the Maldives. Last year, other members of the family spent the Christmas and New Year period at Waldorf Astoria Maldives Ithaafushi.
In fact, even singer Madonna went to the Maldives, a few years ago, for a $32,000-a-week Maldives holiday, with her family – cycling, sunset picnics on private beaches, infinity pools, luxury spas, etc.

Madhuri Dixit’s cooking scene in Sri Lanka
In early 2020, Bollywood actress Madhuri Dixit visited Sri Lanka for a family vacation, during which she explored local culture, nature, and cuisine.
She took a local cooking class during her visit, which, she later mentioned, was helpful during the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown.
Dixit described a tour of a local tea factory as “intricate and interesting”.
Perhaps, we should introduce Tea Plantations Retreats – High-end bungalows in tea estates with tea-tasting sessions.
Dixit’s trip also included visits to scenic spots in the mountains.
No doubt, Sri Lanka’s got the natural beauty, rich culture, and warm hospitality but we need to package it into luxury experiences that big spenders crave; Think boutique hotels, private villas, and curated experiences.
We should tap more into this luxury relaxation vibe – maybe we could add some more sparkle by introducing Gourmet Food Trails: Exclusive culinary tours with private chefs, wine tastings, and farm visits; Festival Experiences: VIP access to Esala Perahera or Vesak festivals with cultural performances; Island Hopping: Luxury yacht cruises to untouched islands, like Pigeon Island or coral reefs; Adventure Sports: Private surfing lessons in Arugam Bay or hot air balloon rides over Ella.
I believe Sri Lanka could become the ultimate luxury destination if the SLTDA works diligently towards that goal.
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