Features
Appointing ‘political’ Governors
by Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne,
President’s Counsel
There has been talk, for a few months, of new Governors being appointed to some Provinces. According to media reports, there is an agreement between the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna, the main party in Parliament, and the President’s United National Party, that four nominees of the latter should be appointed as Governors. A spokesperson for the Presidential Secretariat has stated that four incumbent Governors have been requested to resign, adding that it is the tradition that Governors would resign when a new President is appointed. The names of prominent active members of the United National Party are mentioned as possible appointees.
Constitutional provisions
The main constitutional provisions, relating to the Governor, are found in Article 154B. The Governor is appointed by the President and holds office, in accordance with Article 4(b), ‘during the pleasure of the President’. The Governor’s term of office is five years, and there is no bar to re-appointment. Article 156(1) of the Indian Constitution provides similarly: The Governor shall hold office during the pleasure of the President.
A former Chief Justice has opined that the only process by which a Governor could be removed is the one set out in Article 154B(4). According to that constitutional provision, a Provincial Council may present an address to the President advising the removal of the Governor on the ground that the Governor has intentionally violated the provisions of the Constitution, is guilty of misconduct or corruption involving the abuse of the powers of his office, or is guilty of bribery of an offence involving moral turpitude. A resolution for such purpose must be signed by not less than one-half of the whole number of members and be passed by not less than two-thirds of the whole number of members, including those not present. A question that can be raised is whether such an address binds a President to remove a Governor.
The former Chief Justice has also questioned the propriety of a President who has succeeded to the office of President, removing a Governor who has been appointed by a President elected directly by the People.
Qualifications to be appointed as a Governor are not laid down in the Constitution, except that upon assumption of office, a Governor shall cease to hold any other office created or recognized by the Constitution and, if he is a Member of Parliament, shall vacate his seat in Parliament. A Governor shall not hold any other office or place of profit. In India, the only qualifications are that the person be a citizen and be not less than 35 years.
In Sri Lanka, former judges, retired public servants and retired military officers have been appointed. On the other extreme, serving Ministers have given up their seats in Parliament to accept appointments as Governors. Successive governments have appointed active politicians. Many continued to be active, even while holding the position. One Governor continued to be the chief organizer of the ruling party in an electorate coming within the same Province! There have been reports of politically active Governors using their positions for political ends.
One might argue that as the Governor holds office at the pleasure of the President, he could be removed by the President at any time. On the other hand, does the President have the power to dismiss a Governor, without a valid reason? The Governor of the Western Province, former Chief Justice S. Sharvananda, was removed by President D.B. Wijetunge after he removed a Minister as advised by the Chief Minister in the Opposition-controlled Provincial Council, despite pressure brought on him by the Government.
Indian experience
In Rameshwar Prasad v Union of India, the Indian Supreme Court critically examined the role of the Governor and referred extensively to the 1988 Report of the Justice Sarkaria Commission on Centre-State Relations.
The Sarkaria Commission had stated that the key to restoring the prestige of the Governor’s office lay in picking the right person for the sensitive constitutional post. Apart from the constitutionally prescribed qualifications, the report listed a few more -that the person should be eminent in some walk of life, be from outside the State, be a detached figure having little connection with local politics and that he must not have taken too great a part in politics generally and particularly in the recent past.
The Supreme Court observed as follows: ‘Unfortunately, the criteria have been observed in almost total breach by all political parties. It is seen that one day a person is in active politics in as much as he holds the office of the chief minister or minister or a party post and almost on the following day or, in any case, soon thereafter, the same person is appointed as Governor in another state with hardly any cooling off period. Ordinarily, it is difficult to expect detachment from party politics from such a person while performing the constitutional functions as governors.’
The Punchhi Commission on Centre-State Relations, headed by a former Chief Justice of India, recommended in its 2010 report that a nominee should not have participated in active politics, even at the local level, for at least a couple of years before his appointment. It also agreed with the Sarkaria Commission’s recommendation that a Governor should be an eminent person and not belong to the State where he is to be posted.
B. P. Singhal v Union of India concerned the removal of the Governors of Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Haryana and Orissa by the new UPA Government in 2004. The Indian Supreme Court held that although the President can remove the Governor from office at any time without assigning any reason and without giving any opportunity to show cause, that power cannot be exercised in an arbitrary, capricious or unreasonable manner. The power should be exercised in rare and exceptional circumstances for valid and compelling reasons. A Governor cannot be removed on the ground that he is ‘out of sync’ with the policies and ideologies of the party in power at the Centre. Nor can he be removed on the ground that the Union Government has lost confidence in him. It follows, therefore, that change in the government at the Centre is not a ground for the removal of Governors holding office to make way for others favoured by the new government.
As to who should be appointed as Governors, the Court stated: ‘Reputed elder statesmen, able administrators and eminent personalities, with maturity and experience are expected to be appointed as Governors. While some of them may come from a political background, once they are appointed as Governors, they owe their allegiance and loyalty to the Constitution and not to any political party and are required to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution.’
Just last week, India witnessed the consequences of ‘political’ Governors using their positions to undermine the elected administrations in Opposition-controlled States. Bhagat Singh Koshyari, a BJP, and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh veteran from Uttarakhand, had been appointed Governor of Maharashtra immediately after finishing his legislative career. His tenure was full of controversy, culminating in his resignation after his role in the dissolution of the anti-BJP coalition. Last Thursday, a five-member Bench of the Supreme Court, in Subhash Desai v. Principal Secretary, Governor of Maharashtra, rapped him for entering the ‘political arena’ and declared his action illegal.
Another case decided on the same day, also by a five-member Bench, Government of NCT of Delhi v. Union of India, was a consequence of a year-long and yet-ongoing tug-of-war between Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and Lt. Governor Vinai Kumar Saxena. Saxena has held no political office but is a strong supporter of the BJP. He is from Uttar Pradesh but considers Gujarat, Premier Modi’s home state, to be his ‘emotional home’. Saxena has not spared any opportunity to obstruct Kejriwal in favour of the Centre. The Court stressed the importance of ensuring that the governance of States is not taken over by the Central Government and confirmed Delhi’s control over administrative services in respect of subjects coming under the National Capital Territory. Both Benches were headed by Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud.
Active politicians should not be appointed
The Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly of the previous Parliament, chaired by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, was of the view that constitutional provisions should be made to prohibit the Governor from engaging in party politics, while holding office.
Although our Constitution allows even a sitting Member of Parliament to be appointed as a Governor, it is best that active politicians are not appointed. As the Indian Supreme Court and the Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions have pointed out, there must be a ‘cooling off’ period of at least two years before a former politician is appointed.
Features
Challenges faced by the media in South Asia in fostering regionalism
SAARC or the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation has been declared ‘dead’ by some sections in South Asia and the idea seems to be catching on. Over the years the evidence seems to have been building that this is so, but a matter that requires thorough probing is whether the media in South Asia, given the vital part it could play in fostering regional amity, has had a role too in bringing about SAARC’s apparent demise.
That South Asian governments have had a hand in the ‘SAARC debacle’ is plain to see. For example, it is beyond doubt that the India-Pakistan rivalry has invariably got in the way, particularly over the past 15 years or thereabouts, of the Indian and Pakistani governments sitting at the negotiating table and in a spirit of reconciliation resolving the vexatious issues growing out of the SAARC exercise. The inaction had a paralyzing effect on the organization.
Unfortunately the rest of South Asian governments too have not seen it to be in the collective interest of the region to explore ways of jump-starting the SAARC process and sustaining it. That is, a lack of statesmanship on the part of the SAARC Eight is clearly in evidence. Narrow national interests have been allowed to hijack and derail the cooperative process that ought to be at the heart of the SAARC initiative.
However, a dimension that has hitherto gone comparatively unaddressed is the largely negative role sections of the media in the SAARC region could play in debilitating regional cooperation and amity. We had some thought-provoking ‘takes’ on this question recently from Roman Gautam, the editor of ‘Himal Southasian’.
Gautam was delivering the third of talks on February 2nd in the RCSS Strategic Dialogue Series under the aegis of the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies, Colombo, at the latter’s conference hall. The forum was ably presided over by RCSS Executive Director and Ambassador (Retd.) Ravinatha Aryasinha who, among other things, ensured lively participation on the part of the attendees at the Q&A which followed the main presentation. The talk was titled, ‘Where does the media stand in connecting (or dividing) Southasia?’.
Gautam singled out those sections of the Indian media that are tamely subservient to Indian governments, including those that are professedly independent, for the glaring lack of, among other things, regionalism or collective amity within South Asia. These sections of the media, it was pointed out, pander easily to the narratives framed by the Indian centre on developments in the region and fall easy prey, as it were, to the nationalist forces that are supportive of the latter. Consequently, divisive forces within the region receive a boost which is hugely detrimental to regional cooperation.
Two cases in point, Gautam pointed out, were the recent political upheavals in Nepal and Bangladesh. In each of these cases stray opinions favorable to India voiced by a few participants in the relevant protests were clung on to by sections of the Indian media covering these trouble spots. In the case of Nepal, to consider one example, a young protester’s single comment to the effect that Nepal too needed a firm leader like Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seized upon by the Indian media and fed to audiences at home in a sensational, exaggerated fashion. No effort was made by the Indian media to canvass more opinions on this matter or to extensively research the issue.
In the case of Bangladesh, widely held rumours that the Hindus in the country were being hunted and killed, pogrom fashion, and that the crisis was all about this was propagated by the relevant sections of the Indian media. This was a clear pandering to religious extremist sentiment in India. Once again, essentially hearsay stories were given prominence with hardly any effort at understanding what the crisis was really all about. There is no doubt that anti-Muslim sentiment in India would have been further fueled.
Gautam was of the view that, in the main, it is fear of victimization of the relevant sections of the media by the Indian centre and anxiety over financial reprisals and like punitive measures by the latter that prompted the media to frame their narratives in these terms. It is important to keep in mind these ‘structures’ within which the Indian media works, we were told. The issue in other words, is a question of the media completely subjugating themselves to the ruling powers.
Basically, the need for financial survival on the part of the Indian media, it was pointed out, prompted it to subscribe to the prejudices and partialities of the Indian centre. A failure to abide by the official line could spell financial ruin for the media.
A principal question that occurred to this columnist was whether the ‘Indian media’ referred to by Gautam referred to the totality of the Indian media or whether he had in mind some divisive, chauvinistic and narrow-based elements within it. If the latter is the case it would not be fair to generalize one’s comments to cover the entirety of the Indian media. Nevertheless, it is a matter for further research.
However, an overall point made by the speaker that as a result of the above referred to negative media practices South Asian regionalism has suffered badly needs to be taken. Certainly, as matters stand currently, there is a very real information gap about South Asian realities among South Asian publics and harmful media practices account considerably for such ignorance which gets in the way of South Asian cooperation and amity.
Moreover, divisive, chauvinistic media are widespread and active in South Asia. Sri Lanka has a fair share of this species of media and the latter are not doing the country any good, leave alone the region. All in all, the democratic spirit has gone well into decline all over the region.
The above is a huge problem that needs to be managed reflectively by democratic rulers and their allied publics in South Asia and the region’s more enlightened media could play a constructive role in taking up this challenge. The latter need to take the initiative to come together and deliberate on the questions at hand. To succeed in such efforts they do not need the backing of governments. What is of paramount importance is the vision and grit to go the extra mile.
Features
When the Wetland spoke after dusk
By Ifham Nizam
As the sun softened over Colombo and the city’s familiar noise began to loosen its grip, the Beddagana Wetland Park prepared for its quieter hour — the hour when wetlands speak in their own language.
World Wetlands Day was marked a little early this year, but time felt irrelevant at Beddagana. Nature lovers, students, scientists and seekers gathered not for a ceremony, but for listening. Partnering with Park authorities, Dilmah Conservation opened the wetland as a living classroom, inviting more than a 100 participants to step gently into an ecosystem that survives — and protects — a capital city.
Wetlands, it became clear, are not places of stillness. They are places of conversation.
Beyond the surface
In daylight, Beddagana appears serene — open water stitched with reeds, dragonflies hovering above green mirrors.
Yet beneath the surface lies an intricate architecture of life. Wetlands are not defined by water alone, but by relationships: fungi breaking down matter, insects pollinating and feeding, amphibians calling across seasons, birds nesting and mammals moving quietly between shadows.
Participants learned this not through lectures alone, but through touch, sound and careful observation. Simple water testing kits revealed the chemistry of urban survival. Camera traps hinted at lives lived mostly unseen.
Demonstrations of mist netting and cage trapping unfolded with care, revealing how science approaches nature not as an intruder, but as a listener.
Again and again, the lesson returned: nothing here exists in isolation.
Learning to listen
Perhaps the most profound discovery of the day was sound.
Wetlands speak constantly, but human ears are rarely tuned to their frequency. Researchers guided participants through the wetland’s soundscape — teaching them to recognise the rhythms of frogs, the punctuation of insects, the layered calls of birds settling for night.
Then came the inaudible made audible. Bat detectors translated ultrasonic echolocation into sound, turning invisible flight into pulses and clicks. Faces lit up with surprise. The air, once assumed empty, was suddenly full.
It was a moment of humility — proof that much of nature’s story unfolds beyond human perception.

Sethil on camera trapping
The city’s quiet protectors
Environmental researcher Narmadha Dangampola offered an image that lingered long after her words ended. Wetlands, she said, are like kidneys.
“They filter, cleanse and regulate,” she explained. “They protect the body of the city.”
Her analogy felt especially fitting at Beddagana, where concrete edges meet wild water.
She shared a rare confirmation: the Collared Scops Owl, unseen here for eight years, has returned — a fragile signal that when habitats are protected, life remembers the way back.
Small lives, large meanings
Professor Shaminda Fernando turned attention to creatures rarely celebrated. Small mammals — shy, fast, easily overlooked — are among the wetland’s most honest messengers.
Using Sherman traps, he demonstrated how scientists read these animals for clues: changes in numbers, movements, health.
In fragmented urban landscapes, small mammals speak early, he said. They warn before silence arrives.
Their presence, he reminded participants, is not incidental. It is evidence of balance.

Narmadha on water testing pH level
Wings in the dark
As twilight thickened, Dr. Tharaka Kusuminda introduced mist netting — fine, almost invisible nets used in bat research.
He spoke firmly about ethics and care, reminding all present that knowledge must never come at the cost of harm.
Bats, he said, are guardians of the night: pollinators, seed dispersers, controllers of insects. Misunderstood, often feared, yet indispensable.
“Handle them wrongly,” he cautioned, “and we lose more than data. We lose trust — between science and life.”
The missing voice
One of the evening’s quiet revelations came from Sanoj Wijayasekara, who spoke not of what is known, but of what is absent.
In other parts of the region — in India and beyond — researchers have recorded female frogs calling during reproduction. In Sri Lanka, no such call has yet been documented.
The silence, he suggested, may not be biological. It may be human.
“Perhaps we have not listened long enough,” he reflected.
The wetland, suddenly, felt like an unfinished manuscript — its pages alive with sound, waiting for patience rather than haste.
The overlooked brilliance of moths
Night drew moths into the light, and with them, a lesson from Nuwan Chathuranga. Moths, he said, are underestimated archivists of environmental change. Their diversity reveals air quality, plant health, climate shifts.
As wings brushed the darkness, it became clear that beauty often arrives quietly, without invitation.

Sanoj on female frogs
Coexisting with the wild
Ashan Thudugala spoke of coexistence — a word often used, rarely practiced. Living alongside wildlife, he said, begins with understanding, not fear.
From there, Sethil Muhandiram widened the lens, speaking of Sri Lanka’s apex predator. Leopards, identified by their unique rosette patterns, are studied not to dominate, but to understand.
Science, he showed, is an act of respect.
Even in a wetland without leopards, the message held: knowledge is how coexistence survives.
When night takes over
Then came the walk: As the city dimmed, Beddagana brightened. Fireflies stitched light into darkness. Frogs called across water. Fish moved beneath reflections. Insects swarmed gently, insistently. Camera traps blinked. Acoustic monitors listened patiently.
Those walking felt it — the sense that the wetland was no longer being observed, but revealed.
For many, it was the first time nature did not feel distant.

Faunal diversity at the Beddagana Wetland Park
A global distinction, a local duty
Beddagana stands at the heart of a larger truth. Because of this wetland and the wider network around it, Colombo is the first capital city in the world recognised as a Ramsar Wetland City.
It is an honour that carries obligation. Urban wetlands are fragile. They disappear quietly. Their loss is often noticed only when floods arrive, water turns toxic, or silence settles where sound once lived.
Commitment in action
For Dilmah Conservation, this night was not symbolic.
Speaking on behalf of the organisation, Rishan Sampath said conservation must move beyond intention into experience.
“People protect what they understand,” he said. “And they understand what they experience.”
The Beddagana initiative, he noted, is part of a larger effort to place science, education and community at the centre of conservation.
Listening forward
As participants left — students from Colombo, Moratuwa and Sabaragamuwa universities, school environmental groups, citizens newly attentive — the wetland remained.
It filtered water. It cooled air. It held life.
World Wetlands Day passed quietly. But at Beddagana, something remained louder than celebration — a reminder that in the heart of the city, nature is still speaking.
The question is no longer whether wetlands matter.
It is whether we are finally listening.
Features
Cuteefly … for your Valentine
Valentine’s Day is all about spreading love and appreciation, and it is a mega scene on 14th February.
People usually shower their loved ones with gifts, flowers (especially roses), and sweet treats.
Couples often plan romantic dinners or getaways, while singles might treat themselves to self-care or hang out with friends.
It’s a day to express feelings, share love, and make memories, and that’s exactly what Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka, of Cuteefly fame, is working on.
She has come up with a novel way of making that special someone extra special on Valentine’s Day.

Indunil is known for her scented and beautifully turned out candles, under the brand name Cuteefly, and we highlighted her creativeness in The Island of 27th November, 2025.
She is now working enthusiastically on her Valentine’s Day candles and has already come up with various designs.
“What I’ve turned out I’m certain will give lots of happiness to the receiver,” said Indunil, with confidence.
In addition to her own designs, she says she can make beautiful candles, the way the customer wants it done and according to their budget, as well.
Customers can also add anything they want to the existing candles, created by Indunil, and make them into gift packs.
Another special feature of Cuteefly is that you can get them to deliver the gifts … and surprise that special someone on Valentine’s Day.
Indunil was originally doing the usual 9 to 5 job but found it kind of boring, and then decided to venture into a scene that caught her interest, and brought out her hidden talent … candle making
And her scented candles, under the brand ‘Cuteefly,’ are already scorching hot, not only locally, but abroad, as well, in countries like Canada, Dubai, Sweden and Japan.
“I give top priority to customer satisfaction and so I do my creative work with great care, without any shortcomings, to ensure that my customers have nothing to complain about.”
Indunil creates candles for any occasion – weddings, get-togethers, for mental concentration, to calm the mind, home decorations, as gifts, for various religious ceremonies, etc.
In addition to her candle business, Indunil is also a singer, teacher, fashion designer, and councellor but due to the heavy workload, connected with her candle business, she says she can hardly find any time to devote to her other talents.
Indunil could be contacted on 077 8506066, Facebook page – Cuteefly, Tiktok– Cuteefly_tik, and Instagram – Cuteeflyofficial.
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