Features
An attractive sabbatical offer and two weeks in Yugoslavia
Whilst I was at the SLBC Mr. Nihal Kappagoda, who was a former Director-General of External Resources and was at the time working for the Canadian International Development Association (CIDA.) dropped-in to see me. We had not met for sometime since he was mostly abroad. It was nice to meet a former colleague in service. During the course of the conversation, Nihal made me an offer. He said that CIDA. had a program where younger administrators of promise could take a sabbatical for one year at a first rate university anywhere in the world.
CIDA. would fund both the candidate and his spouse. The program did not direct you to do anything particular. You were merely let loose in a top university and it was up to you to do what you wanted. For instance, you could read extensively; participate in or conduct seminars, or sit down and start writing a book. If you did nothing, that too was up to you, but Nihal said, that they were sure that the type of people selected for the program were such that it would be impossible for them to do nothing.
The program was meant for top level administrators who were around middle age, to enable them to get away, do something different, rejuvenate themselves intellectually and get back. Nihal was kind enough to say that he would try to place me in Oxford, Cambridge or Harvard. This was something totally unexpected and immensely attractive. But I had two major problems, one of them personal. The official aspect was, that after a change of government, I could not ask for a year’s leave, so early in the new administration.
The personal problem was the illness of my father. I could not leave him and go away for a year. I was certain that he would not last that long. I told this to Nihal. He was so keen that he said that he would be prepared to fund me in Peradeniya University. But getting away for one year was not possible, and it was with regret that I declined this generous offer. I am sincerely grateful to Nihal for his eagerness and enthusiasm to obtain this attractive placement for me.
Non-Aligned Broadcasting Conference in Yugoslavia
During the late first half of October 1977, the Minister informed me that I would have to attend the Non-Aligned Broadcasting Conference in Sarajevo, Yugoslavia, later during the month. I straightaway told him that he should send someone else. The Minister was rather surprised and inquired why? I replied that, it was with great difficulty that I had restored some order and stability to the SLBC; that the work was proceeding smoothly at the moment; that I was determined to keep up the pressure; and that I had imposed several deadlines on implementation which needed to be pursued without slackening.
For all these reasons, I said, that I was not in a position to go anywhere right at the moment. In fact, I added, that I felt that I should be there for at least six months more. It was only thereafter that the position could be reviewed. The Minister said he would think about it. A few days later he informed me that I would personally have to go since the Yugoslav Ambassador had met him and stressed that the Director-General himself should attend in view of the importance of the conference.
The conference itself was a ministerial meeting. Mr. Wijetunge was not going, and the Deputy Minister, Mr. Chandra Karunaratne, was to lead the delegation. The Ambassador had stressed that since the Minister was also not attending, it was most important that the Director-General participated.
Running Radio Stations
Running radio stations and broadcasting facilities is different to running a normal office. The quality of the programs; their relevance; issues of selection from a wide array of material; decisions on sensitive news items; coping with constant pressures from artistes, politicians, civic and religious groups for more radio time; technical breakdowns that affect services or threaten some important program; all these and more are constant companions of the Director-General and his colleagues. Therefore, it is not possible to observe any kind of normal office hours, or a normal work week.
On many a day I was at the station till about 11 p.m. and consistently dropped in for at least a few hours on Saturdays, Sundays and public holidays. In between, there were the telephone calls home to discuss or obtain a ruling on some matter or other. Especially, in the absence of T.V. at the time, broadcasting was a powerful medium with a comprehensive national reach, which exceeded the print media, and one had to be alert all the time because of the sensitivities involved. All these were added reasons why I did not wish to leave the country at this particular juncture.
At the same time, I was getting genuinely interested in this totally new area of work for me. Someone with great experience in the media told me, very early in my assignment, that the job would grow on me, and that I would begin to enjoy it. At that time, with all the pressures and problems, I did not believe this would happen. All I thought possible was a disciplined discharge of duty. But he was right. After sometime, with greater understanding, with greater exposure to experienced and talented media personnel, and listening to what they had to say, as well as reading up on the subject and doing some writing for “Tharanganie” the journal of the SLBC, I gradually began to enjoy this new field.
I was particularly pleased therefore, as a newcomer to receive several complimentary references from experienced media personalities at a senior seminar on broadcasting as a medium. One of them went on to describe me as a person possessing “The three A’s – Amiability, Accessibility and Ability.” But more than all these, I was very pleased when several participants at the seminar pointed out that I had brought about good human relations in the organization, and that there was a welcome environment of stability and calm in the place.
I wanted very much therefore, to institutionalize good practices and establish a culture of co-operation, collaboration and collegiality. It was under all these circumstances, that I believed that my being out of the country for about two weeks at this juncture would not be helpful. The Yugoslav Ambassador’s appeal to the Minister however, clinched the issue.
Departure for Yugoslavia
The Deputy Minister, Mr. Chandra Karunaratne and I left on October 23. On the early afternoon two days later we had reached Sarajevo and lodged in the Hotel Bristol. Within Yugoslavia, flights were delayed by thick fog and we lost over 12 hours, waiting at airports. At 6.30 p.m. we had to attend the official reception hosted by the Government of Bosnia/Herzegovina. Afterwards, in the late evening, we managed to walk round the beautiful and distinctive old quarter of the town. We visited the spot, marked with a circle, where the Serb Nationalist Gavrilo Princip stood that fateful day in 1914 and shot and killed the Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria, thus precipitating World War I. Sarajevo looked beautiful in autumn, with its hills, trees a riot of colour, and stands of firs.
October 26 morning we spent meeting various delegates at the hotel and getting to know them. We had an elderly lady attached to our delegation, as a protocol officer. She had been a school teacher, and treated us as her pupils. She was smart, possessed a welcome sense of humour and instincts of military discipline. Her favourite words were “We shall go,” or “We shall” do whatever. She may have been somewhat wasted on our delegation. Both the Deputy Minister and I were always punctual and quite peaceful. She would have been an ideal attache to an easy going, laid back delegation with a problem of time management. The steely eye and the “We shall” could not brook any resistance. She told me in the morning, “You shall go” to a working group meeting beginning at 4 p.m. in the conference center downtown, adding “I shall come to accompany you at 3.45 p.m.” I meekly surrendered.
After this meeting the delegates visited an exhibition on President Tito’s life, and an exhibition of radio and TV equipment, both arranged in the conference complex, which was quite nice and spacious. The day did not end with this. I had to attend a dinner hosted by the Vice President of Yugoslav Radio/TV to a select group of invitees including senior officials from the United Nations and UNESCO at the unusual hour of 11 p.m. The dinner ended around 1.30 a.m. and it was well past 2 a.m. when I finally got to bed.
There was no time for much sleep, for later at 10 a.m. this day, the 27th, was the ceremonial opening of the conference and our lady companion had directed that we “Shall” leave at 9.15 a.m. The formalities were concluded by 12.15 p.m. In the afternoon, from 3.30 p.m. to 8 p.m. we sat in plenary. Many of the references, not only dealt with the quality and reach of broadcasting and the necessity for continuous technical improvements, but also emphasized the all important question of the radio spectrum, and the rights of the developing countries, over such a vital issue. We got back to our hotel, just in time to attend a reception hosted by the Vice President of Yugoslavia at our hotel.
I had developed a bad cold and a mild cough and was feeling somewhat feverish. But, we were a small delegation and Sri Lanka was too well known in Non-Aligned circles, to be able to safely dodge important receptions. This was all the more so, because many persons looked forward to your attendance, in order to discuss various matters, which they were unable to do during the sessions. So, availability and accessibility were important.
The morning of the following day the 28th, was taken up with plenary. The committees commenced work at 5 p.m. I was elected Vice Chairman of the second committee entrusted with the draft action program, with Algeria as Chairman. We worked till 8 p.m. In between, I dropped in at the conference medical center. A doctor examined me and gave me medicines, for my cold, cough and fever. From 9 p.m. to 10.30 p.m. was a display of folk dancing from the various regions of Yugoslavia. I was feeling slightly better by evening, and I stayed on to watch some most colourful and skilled performances.
On the 29th morning, the commi^ttee resumed work, and we continued till early afternoon. Before getting back to the hotel, I had to give two interviews, one to the Zagreb press and the other to Radio Bosnia Herzegovina. They were very interested in Sri Lanka as a leading Non-Aligned country, having close relations with Yugoslavia. They were interested in aspects of news coverage, particularly coverage of the third world, varieties of musical programs including folk music; the use of radio dramas not only as an artistic and aesthetic experience, but also as an educational and developmental tool; strengthening of ties in the area of radio and television between our two countries etc.
I informed them that television was imminent in Sri Lanka and that right at the moment, the Cabinet was considering various proposals. We had no work in the evening, but had to attend another of those official events, a dinner hosted by Radio/TV Belgrade.
Adventures on a free afternoon
The final plenary session to discuss and adopt the reports from the committees commenced at 10.30 a.m. next day. The conference was over by noon, in time for delegates to attend a 12.30 p.m. reception hosted by the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bosnia/Herzegovina. At last, we had a free afternoon and we wanted to see something of the countryside. Our efficient lady attache had made suitable arrangements. She had however erred somewhat in selecting the driver of the car.
He turned out to be an extremely pleasant and personable young man, apparently with a large content of motor racing in his blood. There were occasions when we involuntarily shut our eyes at the speed at which he took some tortuous bends on the mountain roads we traveled. One mistake and we would have been over some precipice gazing at eternity. We of course continued to caution him, and our attache literally screamed at him. But he was an affable young man and took all this with good humour.
Our fears merely confirmed in him that he was making an impression, and in any case genetically he seemed to be made of a mix of blood and high octane fuel. In fact on one occasion, the car distinctly skidded and he gained control only at the last moment. This time we all threatened to get out of the car and look for some alternate transportation back. This chastened him, and the skid had made him more sober. Thereafter we proceeded uneventfully, directing a chorus of shouts at him, wherever instincts threatened to take over once again. The countryside was beautiful and picturesque.
We visited a farm. The family was most hospitable and regaled us with food and drink, especially some excellent homemade wine. We got back in time for dinner, on this last day of our stay in Sarajevo. I felt very sad at later events there, with all the killing and the suffering. Sarajevo was a beautiful and historic city with nice people. What happened later could only be explained in terms of the infinite human capacity for greed, hatred and ignorance, a capacity which we Sri Lankans are now demonstrating.
To Belgrade by car
Next day we made an early morning start at 7 a.m. We had previously taken leave of our conscientious lady attache. “We shall leave Sarajevo tomorrow” we had told her the previous evening. We all laughed, because by now we had let her in on our joke. We were driving through from Sarajevo to Belgrade, a day’s journey. We first went to the well-known town of Mostar and saw it’s famous old bridge. We also passed Yabalinitza and saw the bridge destroyed by Tito and his partisans during World War II.
This bridge is kept in the destroyed condition as a memorial to the battle against, and the resistance to the German invaders. Mostar itself was a beautiful town, displaying Turkish influence. From here, we proceeded to Visegrod and saw another famous bridge on the river Drina, and then on to Belgrade along mountain roads, with thick fog as a companion for the last three or four hours. Visibility was very poor. But this time we had an experienced and careful driver.
From what we saw of the countryside, Bosnia appeared to be mountainous but rich in vegetation, whilst Herzegovina, was mountainous, stony and with barren and harsh soil. We got to Belgrade at midnight, the fog slowing us down, and lodged at the Hotel Yugoslavia. It was a tiring but fascinating journey, and we were glad we did not fly. We had dinner and turned in to get some sleep at about 2.00 in the morning.
In Belgrade
On November 1, we set out at 9.30 a.m. with an attache from Radio/T.V. Belgrade, and visited the war museum and the spot where the river Sava meets the Danube. Thereafter, between 11 a.m. and 1 p.m. we were engaged in discussions with the Deputy Director General Radio/T.V. Belgrade and some of his senior officials. The discussions centered amongst other matters on program collaboration, the sharing of news, etc., between the SLBC and them. We had a late lunch with our Ambassador Mr. Wijegunawardena at his residence.
In the evening, the Deputy Director General Radio/T.V. Belgrade hosted a dinner in our honour. I was aware through the newspapers that Mrs. Bandaranaike had come to Yugoslavia for her regular treatment for a bad knee. I thought I should not leave, which we were shortly to do without speaking to her. But I had a moral problem. Perhaps, a needless one. I did not want to speak to her in some clandestine fashion. I wanted the Deputy Minister to know that I was going to try to contact her and speak to her.
I therefore told him so just before the dinner. I said that having worked with her for so long, now that I knew she was here, I did not wish to leave without inquiring after her health, but I wanted to tell him that I was going to do so. Chandra Karunaratne’s response showed what a fine person he was “Of course,” he said “You must talk to her. Where is she? Why don’t you go and see her? I will also come. After all she was Prime Minister of our country.”
Then he added something very significant. He said “Dharmasiri, if I later found out that you left Yugoslavia without speaking to her, I would have developed a very low opinion of you. After all you would do the same thing to us some day.” That was Chandra Karunaratne. Many people, I know misunderstood him, because he had a direct and sometimes even an aggressive style of speaking. He hated prevarication and humbug and attacked any politician or bureaucrat whom he thought inefficient or insincere.
He was an honourable man. There was also a distant personal tie with me. He was married to Ilika the daughter of Professor C.C. de Silva, a distinguished Professor of Paediatrics who as a young doctor was present at my birth, and who was well known to my parents and my mother’s family in particular. I knew Mrs. Bandaranaike was in a place called lgalo on the Adriatic coast, and our dinner hosts succeeded in navigating the difficult Yugoslav telecommunication system and establishing a connection with the clinic at which she was staying on for treatment. She was completely surprised and very pleased when I spoke to her. We had a long conversation. She was quite interested in the broadcasting conference. I rang off with further confirmation of how resilient she was.
On our last day, the second of November, we were taken on a two and a half hour drive to Kragnjevoc where we visited a car assembly plant and the war memorial park called “Sumarice.” The park and the museum there commemorated the massacre of over 7,000 citizens, including school children by the Nazis during World War II. Visiting the place was a sad and moving experience. As accustomed, I prepared the reports of our visit later that evening and got it cleared by the Deputy Minister. This was a report meant for the Minister. It also contained a useful checklist of items to be followed up.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris)
Features
Concept of living wage and cost of living
The International Labour Organisation (ILO) now defines a living wage as the wage level necessary for workers and their families to afford a decent standard of living, given national circumstances, for normal hours of work. This standard of living is operationalised through the cost of essential goods and services, typically including food, housing, healthcare, education, transport, and a modest allowance for contingencies and social participation.
In contrast, “cost of living” in economics is a broader price index concept that tracks the overall prices of a representative consumption basket but is not inherently normative about what constitutes decency or dignity.
Living wage methodologies effectively translate a cost-of-living basket, specified for a given family size and living standard, into a monthly income requirement for workers, thereby linking real wages to human development objectives rather than only to market productivity.
Methodologies for computing a living wage
Most contemporary living wage estimates follow a structured “cost of a basic but decent life” approach built around three steps: defining a reference family, costing a normative consumption basket, and converting that cost into a wage per worker.
The Anker methodology, widely used in global supply chains and in Sri Lanka, is a leading example: it defines a model family (e.g., 2 adults and approximately 2–3 children), estimates the cost of a low-cost nutritious diet, adequate housing, and non-food essentials, and then allocates that cost over expected number of full-time workers per family.
Within the Anker framework, the food component is based on locally appropriate diets meeting caloric and nutritional norms, priced using local market surveys and adjusted for waste and home preparation.
Housing costs are derived from standards for minimally acceptable housing (e.g., durable materials, sufficient space, basic services), using rents or imputed rental values from empirical fieldwork. Other essential expenditures, health, education, transport, clothing, and a small margin for unexpected events, are typically estimated as a percentage mark-up over food and housing costs, derived from national household survey data.
Finally, the methodology sets a reference number of workers per family, divides total family living costs by this number to get a net living wage, and then adjusts to a gross living wage by adding payroll taxes and mandatory deductions. Periodic updates are made using consumer price indices (CPIs) to reflect inflation or deflation and, where necessary, new field surveys to capture structural shifts in prices and consumption patterns.
Sri Lanka’s living wage estimates and their link to cost of living (Anker Methodology)
Sri Lanka has been the subject of several living wage studies, notably for the tea estate sector and for urban and rural areas, using the Anker methodology.
In the tea estate sector, an updated 2024 Anker report estimates the cost of a “basic but decent” standard of living for a typical family at about LKR 78,067 per month (approximately USD 260), implying a gross living wage of LKR 48,584 per month (USD 160) and a net, take-home living wage of LKR 44,357.
For urban Sri Lanka, the Anker Living Wage Reference Value was originally set at LKR 84,231 per month in April 2022, corresponding to a net living wage of LKR 77,492 plus social security contributions. After cumulative inflation of about 36.9 percent between April 2022 and June 2025, the updated gross urban living wage is estimated at approximately LKR 115,291 per month (around USD 385), consisting of a net living wage of LKR 106,068 and social security contributions of LKR 9,223
These Sri Lankan figures are explicitly derived from cost-of-living calculations: they incorporate the cost of food, housing, utilities, health, education, and other essentials at local prices and then convert these into wages per adult worker, assuming roughly 1.7–1.8 full-time earners per family. Because living wage estimates are indexed to actual price dynamics, periods of high inflation, as Sri Lanka experienced in 2022–2023, translate almost mechanically into sharp upward revisions in living wages, underlining the tight coupling between living wage levels and the evolving cost of living.
Comparative living wages: Sri Lanka and other countries
Cross-country comparisons require careful normalisation because living wages reflect local prices, family structures, and social norms, but several datasets provide a structured basis for comparison. [asia.floorwage](https://asia.floorwage.org/living-wage/calculating-a-living-wage/)
The Asia Floor Wage Alliance, for example, publishes a regional living wage benchmark expressed in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms, with a 2024 benchmark of 1,750.54 PPP dollars per month converted into local currencies using country-specific PPP exchange rates.
Using this PPP-based approach, the 2024 living wage equivalent for Sri Lanka is estimated at around LKR 158,353 per month, assuming a PPP exchange rate of about 90.5 Sri Lankan rupees per PPP dollar.
This PPP-normalised figure is substantially higher than the Anker 2024–2025 estate-sector and urban living wage estimates in nominal rupees, partly because the Asia Floor Wage benchmark is set to ensure a more harmonised standard across Asian garment-producing economies and uses a single PPP wage target.
These figures indicate that, within this PPP-based framework, Sri Lanka’s living wage in local currency is relatively high compared to countries such as India and Bangladesh, but the comparison reflects both different PPP exchange rates and domestic price structures.
From a cost-of-living perspective, this pattern is consistent with Sri Lanka being a lower-middle-income country with relatively higher prices for some essentials compared with low-income South Asian economies, especially after recent macroeconomic and inflationary shocks.
Global patterns and high-income economies
Global datasets covering more than 200 countries show that typical-family living wage levels, whether calculated in PPP or nominal terms, tend to correlate positively with national income levels, with North America, Western Europe, and Australia displaying the highest living wage values.
In this global distribution, living wages in middle- and low-income regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are lower in absolute terms, though the ratio of living wage to median wages or statutory minimum wages can be high, underscoring the gap between decent-work standards and prevailing labour market outcomes.
Interestingly, some studies note that rural living wage estimates can be relatively high in poorer countries because limited infrastructure and service availability raise the cost of accessing a given standard of living, such as safe water, transport, and education.
For Sri Lanka, rural Anker living wage benchmarks similarly reveal the importance of non-food costs, such as transportation to schools, health facilities, and workplaces, in shaping the total family budget, despite lower nominal rents in many rural areas.
Living wage, social policy, and Sri Lanka’s development trajectory
The emerging international consensus around a living wage is rooted in the human rights-based notion of a “decent life” rather than a subsistence minimum or an arbitrarily set statutory floor.
From a social science perspective, incorporating living wage benchmarks into wage-setting institutions, collective bargaining, and social dialogue reorients labour markets toward social reproduction, intergenerational mobility, and social cohesion, rather than merely cost competitiveness.
For Sri Lanka, where recent crises have eroded real wages and increased household vulnerability, living wage estimates such as the Anker urban and estate-sector benchmarks provide an analytically rigorous yardstick for evaluating whether current wage policies and social transfers are adequate relative to the actual cost of a basic but decent life.
Comparisons with regional PPP-based benchmarks like the Asia Floor Wage suggest that, while Sri Lanka’s living wage requirement in local currency is relatively high, the country also faces significant affordability challenges, especially for low-paid workers in export sectors and informal employment, whose earnings often fall short of these normative thresholds.
In policy terms, the living wage framework highlights the need for coordinated approaches that combine wage-setting reforms, inflation-sensitive social protection, and productivity-enhancing investments, so that rising living-cost-consistent wages do not simply translate into inflationary spirals or employment losses.
For empirical research in Sri Lanka, these benchmarks open avenues for micro-level analysis of wage gaps, household coping strategies, gendered labour outcomes, and the distributional effects of macroeconomic adjustment, all anchored to a transparent and internationally recognised living wage methodology.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. The views and opinions expressed in this article are personal.)
Features
Buddhist philosophy and the path to lasting peace
Echoes of ‘The Walk for Peace’
The international Walk for Peace’ reaching Colombo, joined by a large number of monks and devotees, led by spiritual leader Ven Bhikku Pannakara, with the peace dog ‘Aloka,’ completing the 161 km journey.The walk commenced in Dambulla on April 22 following the main ceremony at the Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi in Anuradhapura.Pic by Nishan S.Priyantha
by Ven. Dr. Kirinde Assaji Nayaka Thero
Chief Incumbent, Gangaramaya Temple, Hunupitiya, Colombo
Throughout human history, one of the greatest and most complex challenges has been the establishment of lasting peace and the maintenance of harmonious coexistence. While peace is often understood simply as the absence of war or armed conflict, a deeper, spiritual perspective reveals it as a profound state of social and mental harmony. It is an ideal that must be cultivated within individuals as well as across societies.
Buddhism offers one of the most practical and timeless philosophies of peace. The teachings of the Buddha are rooted in non-violence and the four sublime virtues—loving-kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy, and equanimity. Central to this philosophy is the idea that true peace in the world begins with inner peace within the individual. Conflict, the Buddha taught, arises not on battlefields but within the human mind, driven by greed, hatred, and delusion. Without overcoming these negative forces, lasting peace in the external world remains unattainable.
In today’s world, marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, and social unrest—this inward approach to peace is more relevant than ever. Despite technological advancement, humanity continues to grapple with violence and division. The Buddha’s teaching points instead to an internal struggle: a battle against anger, jealousy, and ignorance. Rather than weapons of destruction, Buddhism promotes wisdom, compassion, patience, and discipline as the tools to overcome conflict.
The path to peace begins with understanding its causes. Just as muddy water becomes clear when left undisturbed, the human mind achieves clarity and calm when negative emotions are subdued. This principle is reflected in the Buddha’s intervention during a historic dispute between the Sakya and Koliya clans over water, where he reminded them of the greater value of human life, thereby preventing bloodshed.
In a world increasingly threatened by conflict over limited resources and political power, such lessons remain highly relevant. The Buddha also emphasised the principle of moral causation—actions have consequences.
Yadisaṃ vapate bijaṃ tadisaṃ harate phalaṃ
Kalyaāṇakariī kalyaṃ papakariī ca papakaṃ
Pavutthaṃ tata te bijaṃ phalaṃ paccanubhossasiti
“As one sows the seed, so does one reap the fruit.
The doer of good receives good results, and the doer of evil receives evil results.
Dear one, whatever seed you have planted, you will experience the corresponding fruit of it.”
At the heart of Buddhist ethics is respect for life. All beings fear harm and seek happiness, and therefore, violence against others cannot lead to true well-being. This message is particularly significant in an era where the race for power and advanced weaponry continues to overshadow compassion and humanity.
The fundamental moral discipline in Buddhism is respect for life and opposition to harming living beings. The Buddha taught that all beings desire happiness, and fear suffering, and that harming others will not lead to happiness.
Sabbe tasanti dandassa
sabbe bhayanti maccuno
attanam upamam katva
na haneyya na ghataye.
“All tremble at violence; all fear death. Comparing others with oneself, one should neither kill nor cause others to kill.”
Despite technological advancement, the world appears to be moving backwards in terms of compassion and peace. Power-driven politics and the race for advanced weaponry cannot provide lasting solutions. Global leaders, diplomats, and policymakers must urgently recognise the importance of the tolerant, balanced, and non-violent approach taught in Buddhism. Protecting the right to life of all beings, and acting with compassion beyond divisions of race, religion, or politics, is the only true foundation for world peace.
Sri Lanka, as a nation nourished by the essence of Buddhism, has long upheld this principle. The Sri Lankan tradition, rooted in boundless loving-kindness and compassion, strives to uphold human values even amidst the harsh realities of global politics. From the respect shown by King Dutugemunu towards King Elara, to Sri Lanka’s stance at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference invoking the words “Hatred is never appeased by hatred,” to recent humanitarian acts in rescuing sailors in distress—these all reflect a single philosophy: valuing human life above all divisions.
The presentation of a “Joint Declaration for Peace” by the Mahanayake Theros at Gangaramaya Temple recently reaffirmed Sri Lanka’s commitment to global peace. Despite global power struggles, Sri Lanka continues to stand as a symbol of compassion and peace, reminding the world that human kindness is more powerful than weapons.
Institutions such as the Gangaramaya Temple have played a vital role in fostering social harmony. Through charitable, educational, and cultural programmes, the temple has encouraged unity across religious and ethnic lines, while also promoting interfaith dialogue and cooperation.
The annual Navam Maha Perahera, organised by the temple, stands as a powerful symbol of national unity, bringing together people from diverse backgrounds in a shared celebration. Similarly, vocational training and educational initiatives have helped empower young people from all communities, strengthening social cohesion.
A recent “Walk for Peace,” led by Venerable Pannakara Thero and supported by the monastic community, further underscored this commitment. More than a physical journey, it represented a spiritual effort to cultivate peace within the human heart and spread a message of compassion to the wider world.
One of the most touching aspects of the event was the participation of a dog named “Aloka,” which accompanied the monks throughout the journey. This simple yet powerful image reflected the Buddhist teaching that all living beings value life and deserve compassion, highlighting the universal nature of peace.
Ultimately, the Buddha’s message remains clear: peace cannot be achieved through hatred or violence. True peace arises from self-discipline, moral conduct, and the cultivation of a pure mind. As the teaching states, avoiding evil, doing good, and purifying one’s mind is the path laid down by the Buddha.
Let us plant the seeds of peace within our hearts and nurture them with loving-kindness. (“Sabba papassa akarananṃ – kusalassa upasampadā – sacitta pariyodapanaṃ – etaṃ Buddhana sasanaṃ”)
In a time when global tensions continue to rise, this timeless message serves as a powerful reminder that lasting peace begins within each individual—and that compassion remains humanity’s greatest strength.
“Devo vassatu kalena – sassa sampatti hetu ca
Pito bhavatu loko ca – rajaā bhavatu dhammiko”
(“May the rains fall at the right time, bringing about abundant harvests.
May the world be joyful and prosperous.
May the ruler be righteous and just.”)
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
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