Features
A concise and readable history of Sri Lanka from ancient times to 1948
Aathe Athitheye Sita 1948 Dakwa Sangshipthe Sri Lankeye Ithihasaye (A Concise History of Sri Lanka from Ancient Times to 1948)
Author – Indrakeerthi Siriweera
A Sarasavi publication
Reviewed by Lynn Ockersz
Concise, lucid and readable, Aathe Athitheye Sita 1948 Dakwa Sangshipthe Sri Lankeye Ithihaseye by Emeritus Professor of History Indrakeerthi Siriweera, which title translates into English as ‘A Concise History of Sri Lanka from Ancient Times to 1948’, is the ideal handbook and guide for a reader who seeks a wide ranging knowledge of the history of Sri Lanka in its important essentials from the island’s ancient past to the time of its political independence.
It could be said that the author has made a ‘long story short’ by giving the reader, in accessible Sinhala, all that she needs to know about Sri Lanka’s historical evolution without presenting her with a heavy and laboured narrative that would make time-consuming reading.
Presented in this slim, skilfully designed book is the story of Sri Lanka and its people from pre-historic times to the mid twentieth century when the country acquired for itself the responsibility of determining its political future. Accordingly, we are provided in broad but substantive outline and in correct sequential order principal developments relating to the country’s political, social and economic history.
Those familiar with Sri Lanka’s history would likely agree that Emeritus Professor Siriweera has left nothing out of importance from his concise chronicle. All that they need to know about Sri Lanka in its multi-faceted aspects is contained neatly within 150 pages in flowing Sinhala prose.The author who is one of Sri Lanka’s most eminent historians and academicians has in this timely book put the record straight on a number of contentious issues that have gone unclarified by educated opinion in this country over the years.
For example, there is the question of Tamil kingdoms in Sri Lanka. At page 17, for instance, we are told that from 103 to 89 BC, following the ousting from power of kings Elara and Wattegamini, there reigned the following Tamil rulers in the plains of Rajarata, corresponding roughly to today’s Anuradhapura District. They were: Pulahaththe, Baahiye, Panayemara, Piliyamare and Dhaike. The following Tamil monarchs ruled in the same region from 429 to 455 AD: Pandhu, Paarinda, Budda Paarinda, Thireethare, Dhaathike and Peethiye. These reigns should be only expected because Sri Lanka was never spared South Indian armed invasions in ancient and even historic times.
Another point of great interest that emerges in this chronicle is the non-unitary status of Sri Lanka in times prior to the Western colonization of the country in 1505. Our author absorbingly describes the internecine inter-kingdom warfare that occurred in the island under Sinhala kings, which exposes as a mere present day myth ‘the unitary status of Sri Lanka’, since such a status never existed in the past.
The author elaborates on the recurring power struggles among these monarchs who sought to exercise their suzerainty in the Rajarata and outside it from quite ancient times. At page 16 we are told, for instance, that besides the North Central region there existed formidable power centres in the Dakkhina, Malaya and Rohana kingdoms, which roughly correspond today to the Southern parts of the country and its hill country. Latterly in the 15th and 16th centuries there emerged the Kotte and Sithawake kingdoms with their own dynastic intrigues and bloody power play that rendered the political landscape of those times quite complex and worthy of a professional historian’s insightful scrutiny.
Sri Lanka’s history takes an epochal turn with the onset of European colonialism in 1505, with the arrival in the island of the Portuguese. In the chapters chronicling Portuguese, Dutch and British rule in Sri Lanka, the author gives us a comprehensive understanding of some of the key factors and forces that contributed majorly towards the evolution of contemporary Sri Lanka in its political, social and economic dimensions. The colonial presence in Sri Lanka was staunchly opposed by the majority of Sinhala monarchs and their subjects and Emeritus Prof. Siriweera provides us with a graphic account of these numerous, often bloody wars, that helped shape the basic contours of modern Sri Lanka. It merits mentioning that all the major battles waged by the natives against the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British are recounted vividly.
Of particular interest is the author’s detailing of the socio-economic conditions at the grass roots level in the country which led to the popular revolts of 1818 and 1848, for example. Among other factors, unbearable taxes drove the people to take to arms against British rule in those years. Most items that figured in the life of the people seemed to have been taxed by the British and we are given a detailed listing of these items at page 74. Some of these are: cattle-driven carts, boats, guns used by Chena farmers, small trading stalls and domestic dogs. Besides, every adult male was compelled to engage in the maintenance of public works, minus a wage, for six days of the year. The stamp duty on land transactions was exorbitant.
The above problems of the people were compounded by the often arbitrary rule of British Governors. Such rule by Governors led in the main to popular revolts in other British colonies, such as North America and Canada. These developments compelled the British to initiate governance and constitutional reforms in its colonies, including Sri Lanka. The first package of reforms came to Sri Lanka through the Colebrook Commission. Other Commissions were to follow culminating in the Soulbury Commission constitutional reforms of 1947, which coincided with the process of granting of political independence to the island.
Besides being thus enlightened on Sri Lanka’s political and constitutional evolution in the concluding decades of colonialism in the final chapters of the book, we are also adequately apprised by Emeritus Prof. Siriweera on subjects of the first importance, such as the island’s administrative systems in ancient and modern times as well as its chief social changes which were ushered with the advent and stabilization of colonial rule.
The principal strength of ‘Aathe Athitheye Sita….’ consists in its wide-ranging but clearly expressed content which will resonate in the minds of those studying developments in Sri Lanka over the centuries on account of its undying relevance and topicality. The book is a vital key to understanding Sri Lanka; whose importance in the inter-state relations of South Asia and outside has risen many fold in the present crisis-hit times in particular. Elaborate name-lists are provided in the final pages of the book of the following: the Sinhala kings of Sri Lanka, the kings of Jaffna, the upcountry kings of the island, its Portuguese military rulers and its Dutch and British Governors. These lists too contribute greatly towards making this chronicle a memorable read.
Features
The Division Bell Mystery
Tales of Mystery and Suspense 3
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
The Brahms and Simon detective novels, the first of which I wrote about last week, were amongst several books by the pair that Robert Scoble gave me when I was in Australia towards the end of last year. Amongst them was another thriller of a very different sort, though that too was written and set between the wars.
Called The Division Bell Mystery, it was set in the House of Commons, the first such book I believe, and was by Ellen Wilkinson, a Labour MP who became Minister of Education in Attlee’s government after the war, having served previously as Parliamentary Private Secretary to several ministers. Her hero Robert West is also a PPS, but a conservative, and his Minister, of Home Affairs, is an old style aristocrat, not much loved by the less orthodox Prime Minister, who nevertheless needs his support on many occasions.
The murder, in a private dining room in the house, is of a financier with whom the government was negotiating a loan. When this seemed difficult the Minister of Home Affairs agreed to lead discussions, since he had known Mr Oissel the financier when they were young. Hence the private dinner, but when the Minister stepped out for a vote, Oissel was shot just as the Division Bell rang.
West was just outside the door when the shot was heard, and when he opened it saw only the dead body with a revolver beside it. The assumption that this was suicide was however challenged by Oissel’s grand-daughter Annette, who was his heir, on the grounds that he would never have killed himself. But her view was given greater credence by the Inspector put in charge of the case who said there were no burn marks on the body which would have been the case had Oissel fired the pistol himself.
Matters are complicated by the fact that Oissel’s flat had been burgled while he was at dinner, and Jenks the policeman allocated to him, who had served the Home Secretary and seemed more acceptable to Oissel than someone from the Security Service, had been killed. Matters get even more complicated when Annette says her grand-father’s notebook in which he wrote his secrets in cipher was missing.
That was found in Jenks’ pocket, and then a photographer came to West to say he had been asked by Jenks to photograph this. More worryingly for West, he finds in the Home Secretary’s drawer a few pages from the notebook with what appears to be an interpretation of the cipher.
Overwhelmed by all this he confides in a recently created peer who knows all about the business world, who insists that they leave the house party at which they had met over dinner and discuss the matter with the Prime Minister who promptly summons the Home Secretary.
But the Home Secretary had gone to Scotland to launch a ship over the weekend, so the meeting could take place only on the morning of the Monday, when difficult questions were expected on the adjournment motion. He admits at the meeting that he had got Jenks to take the notebook, and also that he knew the code since it had been created by him and Oissel when they were young.
He thought he should resign, and even contemplated suicide, but the Prime Minister told him that that would be even worse for the government, and that he should go home to bed. The Prime Minister said that he himself would handle the question, which he did with aplomb, insisting that confidentiality was needed until the inquest. What had happened would be made clear then, he declared, leaving West and Inspector Blackit and Lord Dalbeattie what seemed the impossible task of solving the murder.
Dalbeattie had suggested that West ask a female Labour MP who was very fond of him to get what information she could from the staff. That there was some involvement there had become clear when West, going back late one night to collect a briefcase he had left in a dining room, found someone lurking in the dark in the corridor outside the private rooms. Room J, where the murder had happened, was meant to be guarded throughout by a policeman, but he had left the room having felt dizzy, and it seemed that his coffee had been drugged. West’s sudden appearance however had prevented anyone else getting into the room.
Dalbeattie decides to recreate the scene of the murder and has a dinner party in Room J on the Tuesday night, inviting West and Annette and the society hostess at whose house he had met, and also Patrick Kinnaird, an MP who was engaged to Annette, as well as the Permanent Secretary to the Home Ministry.
After coffee Inspector Blackit comes in with Grace, the Labour MP who had got the confidence of the staff, and a journalist who had also been helpful, and just as they say they think they are on the track the division bell rings. Grace jumps up and tells the Inspector that that provides the solution and they get a ladder, and sure enough find the revolver in the space where the bell is. Directed at the place where Oissel had sat, it had been primed to go off with the ringing of the bell. The waiter who had helped to set things up made clear who the murderer had been.
The reason for the murder and the confused motives of all those involved made for a fascinatingly intricate mix. But also impressive in the book were the descriptions of the isolation possible in the crowded premises of the house, the forceful characterization of the members – Grace based on the writer, the society hostess based on Nancy Astor, the first female MP – and the laid back nature of senior politicians which West realized had to change in the brave new world of high finance.
Features
The challenge of keeping value-based politics alive
The current outbreak of anti-immigrant protests in Durban, South Africa is bound to have taken many a subscriber to value-based politics or political idealism quite by surprise. After all, this is evidence that despite the historic accomplishments of nation-builders of the stature of the late President Nelson Mandela it cannot be taken for granted that identity politics, including racism in its worst forms, is no more in South Africa.
At the time of this writing details are scarce on the substantive root causes of the protests but it could very well be that economic grievances, particularly on the part of the majority community in South Africa, are contributing considerably to the disaffection. Shrinking employment and material prospects are likely to figure majorly among the factors igniting the unrest.
Fortunately, the local authorities in Durban are losing no time in calling for peaceful co-existence among the relevant communities and are pointing to the vital importance of stepping-up national integration processes. Apparently, immigrants in sizable numbers from neighbouring countries are present in Durban. However, international TV footage of the protests quoted some local authorities as saying that the majority of the immigrants in some centres that housed them were not illegal migrants and had the documents that entitle them to be in Durban.
In the Durban protests the world has fresh proof of the socially divisive consequences of the gathering globe-wide economic disaffection, touched off particularly by the continuing crisis in West Asia. Going ahead, the world would need to brace for increasing identity-based unrest of the kind it is just witnessing in South Africa.
Considering that the material lot of ordinary people everywhere could only aggravate progressively, with the US and Iran showing no signs of negotiating an end to their confrontation any time soon, it will be left to the more democratic and progressive sections of the world community to initiate positive measures collectively to bring a measure of relief to the discontented.
The swiftness with which such relief will be provided would depend crucially on the importance those sections taking up these undertakings attach to value-based politics as opposed to Realpolitik of power politics.
Going by these yardsticks, Italy could be considered to be moving in the right direction. Recently Italy came to the fore in initiating the collective named, ‘Rome Coalition for Food Security and Access to Fertilizer’, which has as one of its aims the swift provision of fertilizer to economically weak African countries.
In a recent statement Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Antonio Tajani, said that a principal aim of the project was to ensure that the farmers of Africa gained easy access to fertilizer, considering that food security is a growing concern among some of Africa’s economically vulnerable countries.
The statement went on to mention that some 30 countries hailing from the Mediterranean region, the Middle East, the Balkans as well as the FAO had been invited to join the coalition. The venture is far-seeing in that food security is main among the reasons for social discontent which in turn could degenerate into endemic political turmoil and bloodshed. Separatist violence and geographical fragmentation of countries wouldn’t be too far behind these developments, as Africa itself has often proved.
It is hoped that more G7 countries would take the cue from Italy and do what they could to ease the hardships of economically distressed countries, particularly of the global South. In these efforts they would need to break rank with the US, which is today brutally indifferent to the consequences of its policy of making ‘America First’, come what may.
Going by current developments, the Trump administration seems to be blithely oblivious to the wider, deleterious effects of its policy course in West Asia. Besides rendering Iran militarily and otherwise impotent nothing else seems to matter to Washington, as regards West Asia. This is policy short-sightedness of an extreme kind. After all, right now West Asia could be said to be sitting on the proverbial powder keg.
On the other hand, Iran is not giving the world the impression that it is doing anything constructive to get out of the policy straitjacket that it wove for itself decades ago. Rather than enter into a policy of ‘live and let live’ in relation to Israel in particular and initiate a process of reconciliation with the latter, it has chosen to operate within policy parameters that continue to damn Israel. This has put Israel always on the ‘defensive’ so to speak and prevented the opening up of space for meaningful dialogue.
That said, Israel is obliged to explore the possibilities of entering into a negotiatory process with the Arab-Islamic world that could lead to a de-escalation of tensions and bloodshed. It cannot continue to look at its neighbours through lenses that distort them as archetypal enemies who should be ‘wiped off completely from the face of the earth.’
In other words, the need is urgent for Realpolitik to give way to value-based politicks. Italy is beginning to prove that the latter approach could be pursued with some success. May be the EU and the UK could throw their weight behind these initiatives as well and establish that international politics could be refashioned on the basis of humane, civilized norms. The UN would need to be fully supportive of these moves and prove an organizational nucleus of the operations that follow.
In fact the time is ripe for people of conscience to collectively stand up on the side of peace and say ‘No’ to war and violence. Organizations such as the ICRC, the WHO and Medicines Sans Frontiers have already taken up this call. Referring to the widespread destruction of health facilities and their dehumanizing results these organizations have said, among other things, that ‘This is not a failure of the law. It is a failure of political will.’
True, ‘failure of political will’ among those powers that matter accounts for the runaway, uncontrollable nature of war and destruction in contemporary times, but more fundamentally it is a failure of the human conscience. It could very well be that the phenomenal levels to which violence and war have been unleashed today have had the effect of deadening consciences. This is a matter for urgent study and wide discussion.
Features
Vesak celebrations … with Cuteefly
I would describe Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka as innovative and creative, and she operates under the name of Cuteefly.
Indunil always comes up with something novel to celebrate special occasions, and she does it with candles … and that’s her profession.
She was in the spotlight when she created a happening scene, with candles, for Christmas, Sinhala and Tamil New Year, and Valentine’s Day.
As lanterns light up Sri Lanka for Vesak, the Colombo-based candle maker is quietly turning wax and wick into little pieces of the festival.

Candles reflecting Vesak themes
Her candles reflect Vesak themes – light, peace, remembrance, giving, etc., to enable you to fill your Vesak celebration with devotion and beauty.
Among her Vesak creations is a lotus-shaped soy candle, scented with sandalwood, lavender, etc., meant to burn during this Vesak Poya Day.

Indunil Kaushalya Dissanayaka: Customers
praise her for her creativity
These handcrafted Vesak candles are perfect for offering at the temple, she says.
What makes her creations so novel is that they come in different shapes, scents, themes, and all are handmade.
What’s more, her customers have heaped praise on her for her creativity.
According to Indunil, her creations are perfect as a thoughtful gift … to bring beauty, unity, and light into every moment.
Says Indunil: “Our beautifully handcrafted Unity candles are designed with premium detail and love, making them perfect for celebrations, gifts, and meaningful occasions.”
Cuteefly, says Indunil, is available online.
Readers could contact Indunil on 0778506066 for more details.
He Facebook Page is: Cuteefly.

Handmade with love
-
News6 days agoAll-New GRAVITE launches at LKR 6.99 Mn
-
Features6 days agoThe NPP’s pivot to the past
-
News5 days agoPolice probe underway to ascertain links between criminals deported from UAE and local politicians
-
News4 days agoEaster Sunday carnage: Court told Maulana’s statement cannot be accepted without cross-examination
-
Features6 days agoEnd of Peacekeeping
-
Opinion4 days agoUndermining the democratic political framework
-
News4 days agoUK passport holder hiding here wants to have deportation order rescinded to leave without blemish
-
News5 days agoDickoya double murder suspect arrested

