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Eastern Province Muslims and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress

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Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography

The writer has included te following article om Muslim politics he published under a pseudonym:

“Sometime, late at night last week in Northern Ireland, the telephone rang in the hotel room occupied by Rauff Hakeem, MP and Secretary General of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. Hakeem was in Ireland, together with a group of Sri Lankan MPs who had, on the invitation of Kumar Rupesinghe’s NGO named International Alert, gone there to study the Irish ethnic and political conflict, which was now on the way to a satisfactory resolution. The caller was Cabinet Minister and SLMC President, Ashroff, who urged both Hakeem and Deputy Minister Hisbullah to return post haste to Colombo as ‘a major crisis) was developing between their party and the PA.

“The two SLMC representatives quickly packed their bags and flew home to strengthen the hand of their charismatic leader. When they arrived in Colombo they found their leader angry and threatening retaliatory action against the President and the PA government. The `casus belli’ was the President’s reactions to the minister’s proposal to set up a marine training school in Oluvil, the harbor for Ampara district, which is close to Ashraff’s heart.

“The Cabinet, opposing the diversion of scarce funds to an area, which was referred to in parliament as a ‘village without even an access road’, accepted a proposal by Fisheries Minister Indika Gunawardena to locate this training centre in Trincomalee. President Chandrika Kumaratunga, had instructed Minister Ashraff ‘to develop the Eastern Province, not only Amparai’. The peremptory dismissal of the Oluvil site had hurt the minister’s ‘amour propre’.

“Trouble has been brewing for some time also because the Ports Minister has ben dragging his feet on the P & O proposal to take over the Queen Elizabeth quay in the harbour – a pet project of the President. She has put P & O at the head of the ‘Fortune 500’ companies she claims would invest in Sri Lanka under her dispensation.

“On the other hand, Minister Ashraff as the ‘man on the spot’ was actually aware of the depth of feeling among the Ports Authority engineers, senior staff and workers against the P & O proposal. He is something of a hero to the staff there as they perceive him as a leader who is stalling the project and safeguarding their interests. It is this depth of feeling that the minister drew on when he boasted that he has kept the port free from strikes for two years – no mean fact when one considers the trouble given to both Mr. and Mrs. Bandaranaike by the port during their regimes.

“The SLMC leader who has no qualms about political patronage, knows that the port is a top patronage provider and is loath to hand it over to a private company well known for its ruthless management techniques and unwillingness to heed political pressures. Ashraff’s trump card is the crucial votes he commands in Parliament. Both the PA, and the UNP, made a bid for his support but he decided unequivocally to back the PA. Now he is claiming his pound of flesh.

“The series of demands are justified by him with the statement that they were promised when he joined the PA and he would, in ascetic style, forego everything rather than his ‘honour’ as a sincere partner to an agreement struck at a time crucial for the PA. The SLMC leader has always been an emotional and larger-than-life figure. In the short span of 10 years he has built up a strong organization which commands the respect of the Muslim community. The beginnings of his party can be seen in the indignation of the Eastern Province Muslims, who resented being a pawn in the game played between the Sinhalese and Tamils over their territory.

“Initially, the Jaffna Tamils were looked upon as colonisers of the east coast. The Tamils came to the Eastern Province, made money and grabbed their lands. The Federal Party resolutions based on a ‘Tamil speaking community’ papered over the real differences between the Jaffna Tamils and the Eastern Province Muslims. The latter felt, however, that both national parties – the UNP and the SLFP – did not adequately heed their claims and were treating them as an appendage of the Muslim elite in Colombo.

“In fact, a complaint of ‘out of town’ Muslims like A C S Hameed, Mustapha, and M H Majeed about Dudley Senanayake as leader of the UNP was that he consorted with Colombo ‘high class’ Muslims like the Caffoors, Caders and Macan Markars and did not open the doors of the establishment to the ‘village’ Muslims, who were then upwardly mobile. It was this group of ‘village’ Muslims who flocked in desperation to J.R. Jayewardene, who having come to power, proceeded to ignore the Colombo elite of Caffoors and Macan Markars, who were looked upon as members of the ‘Dudley Gang’.

“Even the then SLFP Muslim leader, Dr. Badi-ud-din Mahmud, contested a seat from the Eastern Province though he was Colombo and Gampola based and had no contact with that part of the country. He was soundly beaten.

“The immediate reason for the rise of the SLMC was the Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, in which the Muslim ‘identity’ was not recognized in any way. They were left, at best, through a referendum and, at worst, by presidential fiat to either amalgamate with the Northern Province or join the Sinhalese in an agitation for a de-merger.

“When the UNP Muslims protested to JRJ, who was then assailed on all sides, they were asked to either accept the settlement or go elsewhere. Many went elsewhere – to form the SLMC, which had been a brainchild of Ashraff, who had forged strong links with the rich and powerful Islamic states of the Middle East and West Asia.

“The two national parties – the UNP and the SLFP – were compelled to take note of this communal party, now taking its place alongside the CWC of Thondaman and the TULF of the Tamil political leaders.

President Premadasa who knew his political arithmetic, pampered Ashraff and his fledging SLMC, and weaned them away from the SLFP, which at Anura Bandaranaike’s behest, had cosyed up to the opposition. President Wijetunga, who did not know his political arithmetic, brushed aside the overtures of the SLMC. As a result, the SLMC, which turned out to have the deciding votes in Parliament, came down heavily on the side of the PA.

“The Muslim leaders of the PA, like Fowzie and Alavi Moulana, were compelled to play a secondary role in Muslim affairs. Frantic efforts are now being made to repair the damage while the SLMC is drawing the maximum publicity by keeping away from PA group meetings and parliamentary sessions. The President has no choice but to accommodate dissident groups or dissolve parliament. The UNP, which claims it is ready to fight an election, is watching patiently whether Minister Ashraff will upset the PA apple cart and plunge the PA into a crisis on the eve of its third budget aimed at strengthening our economy, which is now wobbling for all to see.”

JRJ’s decision to develop the East coast for tourism gave an added fillip to the Muslims of the area who found that investors were now coming in large numbers to buy lands in Trinco, Kalkudah .and Pasikudah. Among the early investors in Pasikudah was Esmond Wickremesinghe who wickedly, and appropriately, named his hotel ‘Sun and Fun’. Following Esmond were several fun-loving Sinhala businessmen who also built hotels there.



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Cricket and the National Interest

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The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.

The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.

A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.

National Interest

There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.

More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.

The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.

New Recognition

There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.

When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.

Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..

by Jehan Perera

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From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies

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Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.

Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.

But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.

Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.

Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.

There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.

It is not polished. But it works.

And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.

Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.

In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.

Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.

There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.

Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.

In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.

In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.

What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.

Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.

That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.

The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.

Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.

The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.

And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)

 

by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh 

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Dubai scene … opening up

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Seven Notes: Operating in Dubai

According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!

After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.

The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.

On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.

These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.

With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist

What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.

With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.

Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.

Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.

Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes

According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.

“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.

He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.

“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”

No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.

However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.

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