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Lanka awaiting assurances from India, China, says Central Bank Governor

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By Meera Sirinivasan

Sri Lanka is waiting for financing assurances from its bilateral creditors, including India and China, to tap support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), according to Central Bank Governor P. Nandalal Weerasinghe.

In September, the IMF reached a staff level agreement with Sri Lanka for a $2.9 billion package to help the island nation facing its worst economic crisis in decades. The development came months after Sri Lanka floated the rupee, opted for a preemptive default on its external debt, and increased interest rates sharply to tighten monetary policy.

However, Sri Lanka must now obtain adequate financing assurances from its creditors, for the IMF Board to approve the promised Extended Fund Facility (EFF). Colombo is desperate for the $2.9 billion not because it is a big amount — it can barely meet two months’ worth of imports — but mainly to use the IMF package to qualify for more credit internationally, as the country struggles to recover from the dreadful economic crash that pushed citizens to the streets. Spanning months, the mass protests ousted the former Rajapaksa administration. President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was elected through a parliamentary vote, has vowed to rebuild the island’s devastated economy, while repeatedly acknowledging the enormous challenge the task entails.

Over the past few months, Sri Lanka has been in talks with China, Japan, and India — its three major bilateral creditors — to restructure the billions of dollars owed to them.  “We have shared all the information possible with our bilateral creditors, on an open, comparable, and transparent basis. Now they will have to look at it, make their decisions internally and come back to us…we hope they will do that soon,” the Governor of the apex Bank told The Hindu in an interview at his office on Tuesday. From the time the Sri Lankan government entered the provisional agreement with the IMF, India has underscored the need for “creditor equitability and transparency”, implying Colombo must not give any creditor preferential treatment while restructuring their loans.

Although Sri Lanka aimed to secure IMF relief before the end of this year it failed to, as bilateral negotiations dragged. Talks with China got a “little delayed”, Governor Weerasinghe observed, citing “internal issues” such as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s national congress held in October, and “COVID-19 restrictions” in China.

But the delay in discussions with China “is not the only reason” for Sri Lanka’s inability to secure the IMF package this year, in his view. Japan, and the Paris Club of which it is a member, “know this business” [of debt restructure] as they have “been doing it for many years”, he said. “Because of that, they are more advanced in their engagement. They have done the analysis and shared it with non-Paris Club members like India and China,” Weerasinghe said, adding: “Now, it is up to them.” After the creditors provide financing assurances, it would likely take the IMF Board four to six weeks to approve the package, he said.

In addition to bilateral loans, the island nation has over the years borrowed heavily from private creditors, the country’s largest external credit source, holding nearly $13 billion of its outstanding debt, apart from multilateral agencies. The focus, however, is on bilateral creditors whose role is key for Sri Lanka to obtain crucial IMF support. Multilateral loans, taken on low-interest and over a long term, will not be restructured, and the actual negotiation with commercial creditors will commence only after the IMF programme kicks in, according to the Governor.

With Colombo’s decision to default on its $51-billion foreign debt — the Governor maintained it was a “debt standstill” as against a hard default — its subsequent move limiting imports to essentials, the nearly $4 billion Indian assistance and some repurposed funds, Sri Lanka waded through the last few months, despite unsuccessful attempts to obtain bridge financing. “We can manage without bridge financing now, that is how we have been managing since July,” Weerasinghe said. “With our export proceeds, worker remittances, and some support from the Asian Development Bank and World Bank we can manage,” he said.

The Central Bank recently said there was a “notable contraction” in merchandise trade deficit in October 2022, compared to the previous year, even as Sri Lanka’s imports continue to exceed exports by millions of dollars. “Exports will probably be coming down because global demand is also going down…and obviously that will impact imports as well.”

While Sri Lankan economists contend that the economy is still on a precarious path, the senior official sought to project a more hopeful picture, pitching earnings from tourism and remittances as “additional benefits”.  Official data showed earnings from tourism crossed over $1 billion from January to October 2022, while workers’ remittances went up to $3 billion during the period.

On how Sri Lanka planned to exit the cycle of debt going forward, Weerasinghe said Sri Lanka was looking at more “concessional, long-term loans” only from multilateral agencies. “And the relief we are expecting from other creditors is a grace period and maturity extensions so that our debt service burden in the next few years will be much lower than if we did not opt for debt restructure,” he said.  Sri Lanka has debt service commitments to the tune of $6 billion a year for the next several years. “So, what we are seeking from our creditors is some relief, so we repay this over the next 20 years rather than in the next four, five years.”

Reflecting on Sri Lanka’s past tendency in borrowings, Weerasinghe observed that it was a mistake that the country borrowed externally and spent locally, rather than use the funds to boost the country’s capacity, including in exports that would have equipped Sri Lanka to repay the loans from its own earnings. “That was the problem”, he said. (The Hindu)



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IMF turning a blind eye to NPP corruption: Opp.

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Patali / G. L. Peiris

The People’s United Opposition yesterday (01) alleged that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had turned a blind eye to serious corruption allegations against the NPP government and was going ahead with the USD 2.9 bn loan in terms of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme, finalised in 2023.

Addressing the regular weekly media briefing at the Flower Road Office of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, former Ministers Prof. G. L. Peiris and Patali Champika Ranawaka questioned the failure on the part of the IMF to act in spite of the NPP government engaging in open corrupt practices, contrary to the terms and conditions of the agreement/understanding with the lending agency.

The media was told that the IMF couldn’t absolve itself of the responsibility for the actions of the government, especially because Sri Lanka, experiencing severe economic difficulties, was receiving loans from IMF at over 8%. Ex-parliamentarian Ranawaka pointed out that what Sri Lanka received from the IMF was not JAICA-type soft loans and the country was further burdened.

Prof. Peiris and Ranawaka alleged that the IMF appeared to have chosen not to take up the serious and growing accusations, particularly over coal and fuel scams that caused massive losses. They claimed the government had taken decisions at the expense of the country but for the benefit of certain businessmen close to them.

Both Prof. Peiris and Ranawaka explained the circumstances under which certain persons and companies received privileged status to import very costly vehicles and even helicopters and aircraft as the government

wasted precious foreign reserves for the benefit of friends. Ranawaka named two companies that benefited from government actions while alleging that those engaged in lucrative coal and fuel business made a killing.

They pointed out that the IMF released the latest USD 695 mn amidst stepped up serious allegations against the government. (SF)

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Shavendra tells Beijing meet Sri Lanka should not become an arena for geopolitical rivalry among major powers

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Shavendra Silva

Retired battlefield commander with possibly the best battlefield record, having recovered the most amount of enemy occupied territory by troops he led from the front, General Shavendra Silva recently discussed growing challenges faced by smaller countries, like Sri Lanka, in what he called the evolving global environment.

Stressing that responsibilities must be shared across all states, the former Commander of the Sri Lanka Army told the 5th edition of the Wanshou Dialogue on Global Security in Beijing: “Major powers bear a special responsibility to exercise strategic restraint, avoid coercive practices, uphold international law, and contribute toward global stability rather than fragmentation.

Emerging and middle powers have an increasingly important role as bridge builders promoting dialogue, cooperation, and institutional reform.

For countries such as Sri Lanka, the path forward lies in principled and balanced diplomacy.

This requires maintaining constructive relations with all nations while safeguarding sovereignty, strategic independence, and national interests.

Sri Lanka has consistently maintained that its territory should not become an arena for geopolitical rivalry or military confrontation among larger powers.

Instead, our focus remains on strengthening national resilience through economic development, institutional stability, maritime awareness, modern defence capabilities, and agile diplomacy.

Credible domestic institutions, accountable governance, and national cohesion ultimately strengthen sovereignty while reducing opportunities for external interference.”

Referring to his service as Ambassador and Deputy Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the UN in New York, General Silva said that his engagements at the UN and other international forums reinforced the importance of defending national interests while remaining committed to reconciliation, development, and peaceful coexistence.

The celebrated battlefield commander discussed the transformation of global security, the future direction of the international order and the responsibilities of states in this transitional era. Silva said: “Today, security threats extend far beyond conventional warfare.

Cyber threats, terrorism, disinformation, economic coercion, artificial intelligence, and the weaponisation of technology increasingly influence global stability. At the same time, climate change, pandemics, food insecurity, and economic disruptions have demonstrated how closely national security and human security are now interconnected.

For Sri Lanka, located at the centre of the Indian Ocean along one of the world’s most important maritime trade routes, these developments carry direct strategic significance. Sri Lanka’s own experience offers valuable lessons.

The defeat of the LTTE, in 2009 demonstrated the importance of decisive state action against terrorism, while also revealing how modern conflicts become internationalised through financing networks, propaganda, illicit arms flows, and external geopolitical pressures.

The post-conflict period further reinforced the importance of reconciliation, economic recovery, institutional rebuilding, and long-term national resilience.

Smaller states increasingly face pressures arising from great-power rivalry, economic dependency, and strategic competition.

Sri Lanka has, therefore, consistently sought to maintain strategic balance while safeguarding sovereignty and constructive engagement with all partners.

China has remained an important development and economic partner for Sri Lanka over many decades. The relationship, strengthened through the 1952 Rubber-Rice Pact, expanded significantly in the post-war period through cooperation in infrastructure, connectivity, logistics, energy, and economic recovery. Projects associated with the Belt and Road Initiative have contributed to Sri Lanka’s development, regional connectivity, and post-crisis resilience. China also extended support during the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s recent economic stabilisation efforts.

The future international order must be shaped not by confrontation or exclusive blocs, but through pragmatic cooperation, institutional reform, and balanced multilateral engagement.

International institutions, particularly the United Nations system, must evolve to better reflect contemporary geopolitical realities and the growing voice of the Global South.

Without greater inclusivity and legitimacy, multilateral institutions risk losing effectiveness in addressing increasingly complex global challenges.

Equally important is preserving a rules based maritime order grounded in international law, particularly the principles of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The international community must also establish clearer norms governing emerging technologies, cyber operations, artificial intelligence, autonomous weapons systems, and outer space security.

Sri Lanka’s recent economic stabilisation efforts further demonstrated that internal resilience is essential for maintaining strategic autonomy and an independent foreign policy.

It is also an opportunity to build a more inclusive, balanced, and resilient international order capable of responding to the realities of the 21st century.

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Govt. leaders speak to Basil more than I do – Namal

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Namal

SLPP MP Namal Rajapaksa has defended former Finance Minister Basil Rajapaksa following questions over his continued stay in the United States, despite facing scrutiny over several legal and corruption-related matters in Sri Lanka.

Speaking to the media, Namal Rajapaksa rejected claims that Basil Rajapaksa was absconding, stating that he did not believe any member of the Rajapaksa family is evading legal proceedings.

“People in the government speak to my uncle more often than I do. Whether he is remaining abroad, based on their advice, I do not know. You will have to ask them and my uncle. However, he continues to be represented within the judicial process,” Namal Rajapaksa said.

He noted that Basil Rajapaksa was represented before Sri Lankan courts through his lawyers and that the relevant legal processes were continuing.

Responding to criticism that members of the Rajapaksa family were avoiding court proceedings by remaining overseas, Namal Rajapaksa said legal representation was taking place through the proper channels and that the judicial process was being followed.

He also questioned the Government’s priorities, claiming that greater attention was being placed on investigations involving Rajapaksa family members, while several issues, affecting the public, remained unresolved.

Namal Rajapaksa pointed to challenges faced by farmers, including rising fertiliser costs and difficulties in selling produce, as well as concerns in the tea sector, factory closures, job losses and the resignation of public officials.

He alleged that the Government was attempting to gain political advantage by focusing on some investigations rather than addressing economic and governance issues facing the country.

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